. f m nf>rlin"; and '' iat ■' been found neceftary to fcttr'ft B»"' h n> n general infurreflion may prevail, the trial may nJ, 3VV C 2ul horifed in fomc other county of the fame State, as l„ as ? a y l . &t he feat of the offc nee. mav KCS r c " mes committed not within any c ounty, the trial corn" nU i count y as * aws have prescribed. In suits n on law between man and man, the trial by jury as one of the best fecuritics to the rights of the people, ought to remain inviolate. ° Eighthly. That immediately after article 6th, be inserted, as ar ticle 7th. the clauses following to wit : The powers delegated by this Constitution, and appropriate d to the departments to which they are refpe&ively dillributed : So that the legislative department (hall never exercise the powers veiled in the executive or judicial; nor the executive exercise the powers vetted in the legislative or judicial ; nor the judicial exer cise the powers veiled in the legislative or executive departments. The powers not delegated by this Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States, refpe&ively. Ninthly That article 7th, be numbered as article Bth. NEW-YORK, JUNE 13, 178^ Extract of a letter from Virginia, dated 'June i, 1789. This Day is published, (Price of 6) And to be fold by Berry by Robert Hodge, Corner of King and Queen-Street, and by the Editor hereof; twentY-sijc < LETTERS, U.pon INTERESTING SUBJECTS, respecting the REVOLUTION OK AMERICA. Written in Holland in the Year M, DCC, LXXX. By his excellency JOHN ADAMS, WHILE HE WAS SOLE MINISTER HKKIIOTEN TIAR Y FROM THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, FOR NECOCIATING A PEACE, AND A TREATY OF COMMERCE* WITH GREAT-BRITAIN. Never before published. ADVERTISEMENT. Prefixed to the Letters. DR. CALKOEN, an eminent Civilian at Amflerdam, to whom these letters were written, composed, by the means of them, a comparison between the revolt of the Low Countries from Spain, and the revolution of the United States of America', in which he concluded, upon the whole, that " as it was a kind of miracle that theformerfuceceded, it wouldbe a greater "miracle JIM if the latter should not."—This ctrmpoftion was read by him to afociety of gentlemen of Utters, about forty in number, who met sometimes at Amjlerdam ; and by its means juJI fentim nts of American affairs began tofprtad in that country, and to frei'ail over the continual mfreprefentations of certain gazettes and emiJJaries—Th'e publications of General Howe and Burgoyne, in vindication of themfe'.ves, were procured to be translated intp French,andpropogated, together with many other pamphlets, which affied in the fame design, and contributed to ex cite the citizens Ho those applications, by petition to the regencies oj the ftveral cities, which finally procured the acknowledgement of American Indi tendency, the Treaty of Commerce, and a loan of Money. y 1 . JOHN ADAMS. The firft of these Letters contains a couciie atcount of American Affairs before, during, and after the commencement of the la;e war. Dr. CAi-Kotx'spropoJitions and enquiries are as follow. 1. " To prove, by striking fails, that an implacable hatred and aversion reigns throughout America." 2. " To Ihew that this is general, at least so general, that the tories arc in so small a number, and of such little force, that they arc eountcd as nothing." 3* tl To (hew that America, notwit'nftanding the war* daily incrcafes inftrength and force." 4. " Whether America, in and of itfelfj by means of pur chasing or exchanging the productions of the several provinces* would be able to continue the war for fix, eight, or teh years, if they were ent inly deprived of thetradewith Europe; ortheir allies, exhausted V.y the war, and forced to make a separate peace* were to leave them ?" 5. " Whether a voluntary revolt of any orle or more of the States in the American confederation is to be apprehended : And it one or mote were to revolt, whether the others would not be able to defend thetnfelves ?" 6. " That no person, in America* i$ of so tnuch influence* power, or credit, that his death, or corruption by English money, could be of any hameablc consequence." 7. " Whether the commoh picople in America are not inclined, nor would be able, to find fufficient means to frUftrate, by force, the good intentions of the (kilful politicians ?" 8. " What England properly ought to do, to force America to fubmiflion, and preserve her in it ? How much time, mo.nevs and how many velTels, would be wanted for that pur{>ofe ?" 9. " How strong the fcnglifb land force is in America? How strong it was ai the beginning? And whether it increases or di minifnes ?" 10. " How great is the force of America? The number of men ? llieir dicipline, &c. from the commencement of the trouble* ? Is there a good supply of warlike (lores ? Are these to be found,partly or entirely in America ? Ormuftthey be imported?" 11. " How great is the present debt of America ? What has (he occasion for yearly to a£l defenfively ? Are those wants sup plied by the inhabitants themselves, or by other nations ? If in the latter cafe, what does America lose of her strength by it ? Are they not, in one manner or other, recompenfcd again by sOme equivalent advantage ? If so* in what manner ? What would be required to aftoffenfively, and by that means (hortenthe war?" 12. " What countenance have the finances ? How much does the expense exceed the yearly income ? Does the annual revenue, derived from the taxes, increase or diminish, in the whole, or in any particulars ? And what arc the icafons to be given for it ?" 13. " Of what resources might America hereafter still make use of ?" i - " What is the quantity of paper money in circula tion ? What credit the inhab'itanns have for it, in their business P What designs the inhabitants have by maintaining its credit What by preventing its increase ? And in what manner do they realize it ?" 15. " Does not the English army lay out its pay in America ? At how much can the yearly benefit be calculated ? Are not thg prifoneri provided for in America ? Who has the care of their maintenance ? How was Burgoyne's army supplied ?" 16. " Who loses most by delertion ? Do the English and Ger man deserters fcrve voluntarily and well in the American army ? How can those who do not enter into the army subsist ?" 17. " Whether We have any information that we can rely on, concerning the population ? Has it increased or diminished, since the war ?" 18. u Does fufficient tranquility, contentment, and profperi tv, reign in those places where the war does not rage ? Can one fufficiently subsist there without feeling the oppreflion of the tax- PS ? Does plenty abound there? Is there more than is nceffirr For consumption ? Are the people well afFetted and encouraged the war, and endure its calamities ? Or is there pover :y and deje&ion 19. 44 Is not peace Very much longed for irl America ? Might not this desire of peace induce the people to hearken to proposals ippearingvery fair, but which really are not so ; which the people might be too quick in listening to, and the government forced to iccept ?" 20. 4{ Have there not been different opinions in Congress, with regard to this (i. e. to proposals appearing fair, which were not so) From whence animosities havearifen?" 2t. " Are there no mal-contents in America, against the go vernment, who are otherwise much inclined for the American cause, who may force the nation, or congress* against their resolu tions and intercfts, to conclude a peace ?" 22 —23 " General Monk repaired the King's government in England : Might not one American General or another be able, by discontent or corruptiori, to do the fame ? Would the army follow his orders on such an occasion ? Coiild one or more politi cians, through intrigues, undertake the fame with any hopes of success, (hould even the army aflift him in such a cafe ?"—244 li The revolution must have made a great change in affairs, so that many people, though at present Iree of the enemy's incursi ons, have loft their daily subsistence. Have the accupations, which come instead of their old ones, been fufficient to supply wants ? 25, — 44 Dothey who have loft theit pcflcflions and fortunes by the war, endure it patiently, as compatriots, so that nothing can be feared from them?"— 26. I( How has it gone with the cultiva tion of the lai\d, before the troubles, at the commencement, and at present? Whit change has taken place ?" 27.— 41 How Vrus the situation of manufactures, manual arts and trade in general, at the beginning of this war? What change have they fuffered ? 28; " Has America gained, or loft, by the mutual capture of (hips ? How much is the benefit, or prejudice, of >t,by calculation ?" 29. 44 What are the real darfiages sustained, or still to be fuffer ed, by the loss of Charleston? And what influence it has had upon the minds of the people ?*' ■ ■■■*'■ ■*» ■ in ■ ; - To PACIFICUS. IF I have appeared at any time to favour any particular feft, or religious tenets, it is, probably, for the lame reason that you ap pear an advocate for some other; betaufc each thinks himfclf right—which may be true, if it be admitted that " as a manlhinks, "so is he." But as in a publication, in the "Gazette of the 44 United States," No. V. " on religious toleration," I hive ad mitted the poffibilrty of doubt, in all cases not mathematically demonstrable, it cannot be rationally fupjpofed, that I (hould I<> soon after conclude, that every man was in an error who should differ from me in opinions notoriously problematical;—l will, therefore, prefutfne, that the inferences wT.ich you have drawn from the publication to which you refer, do by no means neccf farily follow : —But no consideration should induce rfie to engage in religious difput s ; betaufe they have been rarely found, as ap pears from history, and the experience of ages, to tend to the con viction of either paity; but on the Contrary) have only ferveu, in general, to irritate, to inflame, and to fivet prejudices, which never fail to warp the judgement, mi (lead the unwary, and fre quently to produce those evils, which maugre your suspicions— no man can hold in greater abhorrence than I do.—Persecution o£ every species, difqualification, ot even discrimination for differ ence of opinion in religions matters, appear to me in every view totally repugnant to the great purposes of religion, as well as to justice, reason, and good policy; and would probably soon evince to America, that*fhe had spent her blood and treafurc to no good purpose :—But while yoii appear to be jealous, and tenacious of your particular tenets, permit me to urge a doe and decent re gard to th»fc which I may poflibly thirtkof equal importance, and deserving equal reverence and respeCt from those who profefs the fame opinion ; but, at the fame time, I hope never to fee those* or any other rtligious opinions, supported, defended, or incul cated, but with a spirit of meekness, and by a conduCt perfectly consistent with the genuine principles of toleration; wfttt the most liberal candor, unbounded charity, univcrfal philanthropy, and every moral virtue. E. O. In the (ketch of Mr. Madison's Speech ia our last, in 26tia line from top of middle column 3d page, for 44 out of the power of the Legislature to infringe" readout of the power of the State kegiflaturcs to infringe, &c.