. f m nf>rlin"; and '' iat ■' been found neceftary to fcttr'ft B»"' h n<l ' aD m ' pS t0 thC POrt ° f London ' to P revem frauds U P®? were m3de—when the question onthe jmcndment propofcd by Mr. Fitisimons being tafeen, it palled '"rIKWt" being then taken on the whole, it patted also in the a8 The Mr'ts to be eftablithed by this claufc are not yet named. Further progress was made 111 the bill, and fcveral amcnd ° ThVcommittee then rose, and the House adjourned, Friday, June 12- The House formed into a committee of the whole, on the bill ulatethe coJleftion of the import oil goods, wares, and mer chandize imported into the United States. u Mr. Trumau l l in the chair. Considerable progress was made in the bill this day, by pafling of the claufcs, chief of them with amendments—The com was proceeding in the difcuflion, when a meflage from the Senate was announced —The Secretary then appeared on the floor f the House, and informed, that he had it in command from the S ,ate to inform the honorable House, that they had concurred «ith amendments, in the bill for laying an import on goods, wares and merchandize, impojted into the United States—and hoped'for the concurrence of the honorable House in those amend, meots—He then delivered in the bill, with a draft of the amend ments, and withdrew. —These amendments were read to the House-—and then the Chairman of the Committee having resumed his place, further progress was made in difcufling the bill. At three o'clock the committee rose, and the House adjourned till to-morrow. fie following are the Amendments to the New Con ftitutiou, prvpefed by the Hon. Mr. Maddifon— as mentioned in our laji—viz. Rf.solvid, That the following amendments ought to be pro filed by Congress, to the legislatures of the States, to become, if ratified by three fourths thereof, part of the Conflitution of the United States. First. That there be prefixed to the Conflitution a declaration— That all pewer is originally veiled in, and consequently derived from the people. That government is inflituted, and ought to be exercised for the benefit of the people ; which consists in the enjoyment of life and liberty, with the right of acquiring and using property, and generally of pursuing and obtaining happiness and fafety. That the people have an indubitable, unalienable, and indefea fible right to reform or change their government, whenever it be found adverse or inadequate to the purposes of its institution. Secondly. That in article 1 ft, feaion 2, clause 3, these words beftruckout, to wit, " The number of representatives shall not 41 exceed one for every thirty thousand, but each State (hall have at 44 lcaft one representative, and until such enumeration (hall be 44 made," And that in place thereof be inserted these words, to wit, " After the firft attual enumeration, there (hall be one re -44 prefentative for every thirty thousand, until the number shall 44 amount to after which the proportion shall be so regula -44 ted by Congress, that thenumber shall never be less than 4< nor more than but each State shall after the firft enumera -11 fion, have at least two representatives ; and prior thereto" Thirdly. That in article lft, fe&ion 6, clause 1, there be added to the end of the firit sentence, these words, to wit:— 44 But no 44 law varying the compensation last ascertained shall operate be -4' fore the next ensuing ele&ion of representatives." Fourthly. That in article lft, fettion 9, between clauses 3 and 4, be itofertcd these clauses, to wit: The civil rights of none shall be abridged on account of religious belief or worship, nor shall any national religion Le eftablilhed, nor shall the full and equal rights of conscience be in any manner, or on any pretext infringe^. The people (hall not be deprived or abridged of the right to speak, to write, or to publish theii sentiments ; and the freedom of theprefi, as one of the great bulwarks of liberty, ihall be in violable. The people shall not bd restrained from peaceably assembling and consulting for their common good ; nor from applying to the legislature by petitions, or remonflranccs for redress of their grievances. The right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be in fringed ; a well armed, and well regulated militia being the best fecunty of a free country : but no person religiously scrupulous of bearing arms, shall be obliged to render military fervicei n person. No soldier shall in time of peace be quartered in any house, without consent of the owner ; nor at any time, but in a manner warranted by law. No person shall be fubjeft, except in cases of impeachment, to more than one pun'fhment, or one trial for the fame offence ; not Ihall be compelled to be a witness againfl himfclt; nor be depri ved of life, liberty, or property without due prucefs of law ; nor be obliged to relinquish his property, where it may be neces sary for use, without a jufl compensation. ExcefTive bail shall not be required, nor eXcessive fines impoied, nor cruel and unusual punishments infli£led. The rights of the people to be secured in their persons, their honfrs, their papers, and their other property from all unreason able searches and seizures, shall not be violated by warrants issued without probable caule, supported by oath or affirmation or not particularly describing the places to be fearch«d, or the persons or things to be lei zed. In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a fpecdy and public trial, to be informed of the caafe and na ture of the accusation, to be confronted with his acculers, and the witnefTfs against him ; to have a compulfary process for ob taining witnefTes in his favor ; and to have the afliftance of coun sel for his defence. The exceptions here or elsewhere in the Conflitution, made in favor of particular rights, shall not be so construed as to diminish thejuft importance of other rights retained by the people ;or as enlarge the powers delegated by the Conflitution ; but either as limitations offoch powers, or as infertedmerely for greater caution. fifthly. That in article ift, fettion 10, between clauses 1 and 2, be inserted this clause, to wit: No State shall violate the equal rights of conscience, or the free dom of the press, or the trial by jury in criminal cases. Sixthly. That in article 3d, feflion 2, be annexed to the end 0 clauie 2d, these words, to wit : but no appeal to such court will be allowed where the value in controversy lhall not amount ® dollars: nor shall any fatt triable by jury, according to e courfe of common law, be otherwise re-examinable than may c °n ift with thr principles of common law. tventhly. That in article 3d, feftion 2. the third clause be ° Ut ' 3nC * ln be inlerted the clauses following. ne trial of all crimes (except in cases of impeachment, and CS . a^ ln .S 'n 'he land or naval forces, or the militia when on ua service in time of war or public danger,) shall be by an im partial jury of freeholders of the vicinage, with the requisite of ammity forconviftion, of the right of challenge, and other cu omed requisites ; and in all crimes punishable with loss ol h° r p em ! )Cl ' P re sentment or indi&ment by a grand jury, shall v!' P relin »nary, provided that in cases of crimes com c wuhin any county which may be in poffeflion of anene bv 1 ° r >> n general infurreflion may prevail, the trial may nJ, 3VV C 2ul horifed in fomc other county of the fame State, as l„ as ? a y l . &t he feat of the offc nee. mav KCS r c " mes committed not within any c ounty, the trial corn" nU i count y as * aws have prescribed. In suits n on law between man and man, the trial by jury as one of the best fecuritics to the rights of the people, ought to remain inviolate. ° Eighthly. That immediately after article 6th, be inserted, as ar ticle 7th. the clauses following to wit : The powers delegated by this Constitution, and appropriate d to the departments to which they are refpe&ively dillributed : So that the legislative department (hall never exercise the powers veiled in the executive or judicial; nor the executive exercise the powers vetted in the legislative or judicial ; nor the judicial exer cise the powers veiled in the legislative or executive departments. The powers not delegated by this Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States, refpe&ively. Ninthly That article 7th, be numbered as article Bth. NEW-YORK, JUNE 13, 178^ Extract of a letter from Virginia, dated 'June i, 1789. <c I never supposed Congress would hurry over the obje&s com mitted to their deliberations. They are too important to beadled upon without being di feu fled; aud they arc too numerous and intricate to be difcufled in a moment. But when I make theft remarks, I do not mean to insinuate that it is not poiliblc Con gress may not in some instances attend too minutely to the detai of business. I know that the habit of difcuflion, like al other ha bits, has an imperceptible effe£l, and that men fall into thefnare before they think of it. Those who discuss a great deal upon im portant fubje&s forget to drop a temper of difcuflion when they are upon points less interesting. You ask me if the patience ol people this way is notexhaufted, that so much time has elapsed, and so little business accompliflied ?—I am happy to a flu re you, that people do not yet complain, as they are disposed to make allowances for the difficulties that attend the firft organization ol the government. Rut how long this patience will continue is un certain. Impatience is a weakness to which the mind of man i extremely liable; and it may, 110 doubt, be discovered in this as in many other instances where it ought not to be." " Were mankind but as innocent y as blind, they would in their fondnels lor fafhionable follies, luxuries, and extravagancies, compleatly re semble the lamb described by the poet: The lamb thy riot dooms to bleed to day, Had he thyreafon, would he skip and play ? Pleas'd to the last, he crops the flowery food j And licks the hand that's rais'd to flied his blood. The cure of evils that have taken deep root in a community requires time, patience, and reso lution.—Complaints are unavailing—and perhaps in no country is it more difficult to fele<3: proper fubjetfls, on which a general odium can be fixed with propriety, than in America: Every man woidd therefore do well to lay his hand on his heart, and fay, " is it I"—for a general refor mation, and universal liappinefi, mull begin with INDIVIDUALS. While we are obliged to delve and toil to make remittances to the merchants of Britain for ma nufactures, many of which we pay for, at jo per cent, more than we could furnilh them from among ourselves, we are but a little removed from a state of tributary slavery. The young Gentlemen under the care of Mr. Hardie, will be examined on the Greek and Latin languages, on Tuesday next, in hisfchool-ioom, near the Baptist Church, in Gold-Street. The examination will begin at 10 o'clock, forenoon,and at 4, afternoon, when their parents and guardians, and the friends of literature are eafnellly requested io attend. THEATRICALS. 7ohn-Street. Last night the School for Soldiers, an elegant, tender, sentimental, ind well conduced Dramatic Entertainment, written by a citizen of the United States, was performed, amidst repeated buifts of ap plause, to a crowded house. The principal characters were ex tremely well supported by Meflri Henry, Hallam, and Harper— while Mrs. Henry and Mrs. Harper, added greatly to the inter cft of the a£tion, and often difTolved the audience in tears. A more profound attention was never known to be given to any piece through the whole performance; A circumstance, which indica ted the real interest which the galtery took in the fate of the De fer ter< ought not to be omitted : as soon as the soldiers on the ftaae demonstrated their joy, by huzzaing, for the pardon which was announced to have beert obtained from the late Commander in Chief for the Defcrter, the audience in the gallery spontaneously gave the fame proof of sensibility and *atisfa£Uon. In the Farce of Who's the Dupe, Mr, Morris distinguished him felf—and the whole performance wasunufuallycorre£l and spirited. LITERARY ARTICLE> This Day is published, (Price of 6) And to be fold by Berry by Robert Hodge, Corner of King and Queen-Street, and by the Editor hereof; twentY-sijc < LETTERS, U.pon INTERESTING SUBJECTS, respecting the REVOLUTION OK AMERICA. Written in Holland in the Year M, DCC, LXXX. By his excellency JOHN ADAMS, WHILE HE WAS SOLE MINISTER HKKIIOTEN TIAR Y FROM THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, FOR NECOCIATING A PEACE, AND A TREATY OF COMMERCE* WITH GREAT-BRITAIN. Never before published. ADVERTISEMENT. Prefixed to the Letters. DR. CALKOEN, an eminent Civilian at Amflerdam, to whom these letters were written, composed, by the means of them, a comparison between the revolt of the Low Countries from Spain, and the revolution of the United States of America', in which he concluded, upon the whole, that " as it was a kind of miracle that theformerfuceceded, it wouldbe a greater "miracle JIM if the latter should not."—This ctrmpoftion was read by him to afociety of gentlemen of Utters, about forty in number, who met sometimes at Amjlerdam ; and by its means juJI fentim nts of American affairs began tofprtad in that country, and to frei'ail over the continual mfreprefentations of certain gazettes and emiJJaries—Th'e publications of General Howe and Burgoyne, in vindication of themfe'.ves, were procured to be translated intp French,andpropogated, together with many other pamphlets, which affied in the fame design, and contributed to ex cite the citizens Ho those applications, by petition to the regencies oj the ftveral cities, which finally procured the acknowledgement of American Indi tendency, the Treaty of Commerce, and a loan of Money. y 1 . JOHN ADAMS. The firft of these Letters contains a couciie atcount of American Affairs before, during, and after the commencement of the la;e war. Dr. CAi-Kotx'spropoJitions and enquiries are as follow. 1. " To prove, by striking fails, that an implacable hatred and aversion reigns throughout America." 2. " To Ihew that this is general, at least so general, that the tories arc in so small a number, and of such little force, that they arc eountcd as nothing." 3* tl To (hew that America, notwit'nftanding the war* daily incrcafes inftrength and force." 4. " Whether America, in and of itfelfj by means of pur chasing or exchanging the productions of the several provinces* would be able to continue the war for fix, eight, or teh years, if they were ent inly deprived of thetradewith Europe; ortheir allies, exhausted V.y the war, and forced to make a separate peace* were to leave them ?" 5. " Whether a voluntary revolt of any orle or more of the States in the American confederation is to be apprehended : And it one or mote were to revolt, whether the others would not be able to defend thetnfelves ?" 6. " That no person, in America* i$ of so tnuch influence* power, or credit, that his death, or corruption by English money, could be of any hameablc consequence." 7. " Whether the commoh picople in America are not inclined, nor would be able, to find fufficient means to frUftrate, by force, the good intentions of the (kilful politicians ?" 8. " What England properly ought to do, to force America to fubmiflion, and preserve her in it ? How much time, mo.nevs and how many velTels, would be wanted for that pur{>ofe ?" 9. " How strong the fcnglifb land force is in America? How strong it was ai the beginning? And whether it increases or di minifnes ?" 10. " How great is the force of America? The number of men ? llieir dicipline, &c. from the commencement of the trouble* ? Is there a good supply of warlike (lores ? Are these to be found,partly or entirely in America ? Ormuftthey be imported?" 11. " How great is the present debt of America ? What has (he occasion for yearly to a£l defenfively ? Are those wants sup plied by the inhabitants themselves, or by other nations ? If in the latter cafe, what does America lose of her strength by it ? Are they not, in one manner or other, recompenfcd again by sOme equivalent advantage ? If so* in what manner ? What would be required to aftoffenfively, and by that means (hortenthe war?" 12. " What countenance have the finances ? How much does the expense exceed the yearly income ? Does the annual revenue, derived from the taxes, increase or diminish, in the whole, or in any particulars ? And what arc the icafons to be given for it ?" 13. " Of what resources might America hereafter still make use of ?" i - " What is the quantity of paper money in circula tion ? What credit the inhab'itanns have for it, in their business P What designs the inhabitants have by maintaining its credit What by preventing its increase ? And in what manner do they realize it ?" 15. " Does not the English army lay out its pay in America ? At how much can the yearly benefit be calculated ? Are not thg prifoneri provided for in America ? Who has the care of their maintenance ? How was Burgoyne's army supplied ?" 16. " Who loses most by delertion ? Do the English and Ger man deserters fcrve voluntarily and well in the American army ? How can those who do not enter into the army subsist ?" 17. " Whether We have any information that we can rely on, concerning the population ? Has it increased or diminished, since the war ?" 18. u Does fufficient tranquility, contentment, and profperi tv, reign in those places where the war does not rage ? Can one fufficiently subsist there without feeling the oppreflion of the tax- PS ? Does plenty abound there? Is there more than is nceffirr For consumption ? Are the people well afFetted and encouraged the war, and endure its calamities ? Or is there pover :y and deje&ion 19. 44 Is not peace Very much longed for irl America ? Might not this desire of peace induce the people to hearken to proposals ippearingvery fair, but which really are not so ; which the people might be too quick in listening to, and the government forced to iccept ?" 20. 4{ Have there not been different opinions in Congress, with regard to this (i. e. to proposals appearing fair, which were not so) From whence animosities havearifen?" 2t. " Are there no mal-contents in America, against the go vernment, who are otherwise much inclined for the American cause, who may force the nation, or congress* against their resolu tions and intercfts, to conclude a peace ?" 22 —23 " General Monk repaired the King's government in England : Might not one American General or another be able, by discontent or corruptiori, to do the fame ? Would the army follow his orders on such an occasion ? Coiild one or more politi cians, through intrigues, undertake the fame with any hopes of success, (hould even the army aflift him in such a cafe ?"—244 li The revolution must have made a great change in affairs, so that many people, though at present Iree of the enemy's incursi ons, have loft their daily subsistence. Have the accupations, which come instead of their old ones, been fufficient to supply wants ? 25, — 44 Dothey who have loft theit pcflcflions and fortunes by the war, endure it patiently, as compatriots, so that nothing can be feared from them?"— 26. I( How has it gone with the cultiva tion of the lai\d, before the troubles, at the commencement, and at present? Whit change has taken place ?" 27.— 41 How Vrus the situation of manufactures, manual arts and trade in general, at the beginning of this war? What change have they fuffered ? 28; " Has America gained, or loft, by the mutual capture of (hips ? How much is the benefit, or prejudice, of >t,by calculation ?" 29. 44 What are the real darfiages sustained, or still to be fuffer ed, by the loss of Charleston? And what influence it has had upon the minds of the people ?*' ■ ■■■*'■ ■*» ■ in ■ ; - To PACIFICUS. IF I have appeared at any time to favour any particular feft, or religious tenets, it is, probably, for the lame reason that you ap pear an advocate for some other; betaufc each thinks himfclf right—which may be true, if it be admitted that " as a manlhinks, "so is he." But as in a publication, in the "Gazette of the 44 United States," No. V. " on religious toleration," I hive ad mitted the poffibilrty of doubt, in all cases not mathematically demonstrable, it cannot be rationally fupjpofed, that I (hould I<> soon after conclude, that every man was in an error who should differ from me in opinions notoriously problematical;—l will, therefore, prefutfne, that the inferences wT.ich you have drawn from the publication to which you refer, do by no means neccf farily follow : —But no consideration should induce rfie to engage in religious difput s ; betaufe they have been rarely found, as ap pears from history, and the experience of ages, to tend to the con viction of either paity; but on the Contrary) have only ferveu, in general, to irritate, to inflame, and to fivet prejudices, which never fail to warp the judgement, mi (lead the unwary, and fre quently to produce those evils, which maugre your suspicions— no man can hold in greater abhorrence than I do.—Persecution o£ every species, difqualification, ot even discrimination for differ ence of opinion in religions matters, appear to me in every view totally repugnant to the great purposes of religion, as well as to justice, reason, and good policy; and would probably soon evince to America, that*fhe had spent her blood and treafurc to no good purpose :—But while yoii appear to be jealous, and tenacious of your particular tenets, permit me to urge a doe and decent re gard to th»fc which I may poflibly thirtkof equal importance, and deserving equal reverence and respeCt from those who profefs the fame opinion ; but, at the fame time, I hope never to fee those* or any other rtligious opinions, supported, defended, or incul cated, but with a spirit of meekness, and by a conduCt perfectly consistent with the genuine principles of toleration; wfttt the most liberal candor, unbounded charity, univcrfal philanthropy, and every moral virtue. E. O. In the (ketch of Mr. Madison's Speech ia our last, in 26tia line from top of middle column 3d page, for 44 out of the power of the Legislature to infringe" readout of the power of the State kegiflaturcs to infringe, &c.
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