The RIGHT GOVERNMENT of a COMMON
WEALTH EXAMINED.
[Continuedfrota our
But we mult not rely upon these general obier
vations alone : let us descend to a particular con -
federation of our author's exanlples, in every one
of which he is very unfortunate. The retirement
ofCincinnatus to the country was not his choice,
but his ncceflity : Csff'o, his son, had offended the
. people by an outrageous opposition to tlfeir holieit
Struggles for liberty, and had been fined for a
crime ; the father, rather than let his bondfincn
luster, paid the forfeiture of his recognizance, re
duced himfelf to poverty, and the neceflity of re
tiring to hisfpadeor plough. Didthe people in
treat and force hiin back to Roipe ? No; it was the
senate in opposition to the people, who dreaded
his high ariflocratical principles, his powerful
connections, and personal refentnients. Nor did
he difcovcr the least reluctance to the service or
dained luni by the fenatc, but accepted it without
> hesitation. All this appears in Livy, clearly con
tradictory to every sentiment of our author.* At
another time, when disputes ran so high between
the tribunes and the senate, that seditions were
apprehended, the senators exerted themselves in
the centuries for the election of Cincinnatus, to
the great alarm and terror of the people, f Cincin
nati, in short, although his moral character and
private life were irreproachable among the ple
beians, appears to have owed his appointments to
office, not to them, but the Senate ; and not for
popular qualities, but for ariftocratical ones, and
thedetermined opposition of himfelf and his whole
family to the people. He appears to have been
forced into service by no party ; but to have.been
as willing, as he was an able, instrument of the
senate. In order to fee the inaptitude of this ex
ample in another point of view, let the question
be alked, What would have been the fortune of
Cincinnatus, if Nedham's " right constitution"
had then been the government of Rome ? The
answer muftbe, that he would have loft his elec
tion, most probably even in the representative as
sembly : most certainly he would never have been
consul, dictator, or commander of armies, because
he was unpopular. This example, then, is no
argument in favor of our author, but a strong one
against him.
ff we recollect the character and actions of
Curius, we lhall find them equally conclusive in
favor of balanced government, and against our
author's plan. M. Curius Dentatus, in the year
of Rome 462, obtained as consul a double triumph,
for forcing the Samnites to sue for peace. This
nation, having their country laid waste, fenttheir
prinripal men as anibaflaclors, to offer presents to
Curius for his credit with the senate, in order to
their obtaining favorable terms of peace. They
found him fitting on a ltool before the fire, in his
little house in the country, and eating his dinner
out of a wooden dish. They opened their deputa
tion, and offered him the gold and silver. He
answered them politely,but refufedthe prefents.f
He then added somewhat which at this day doca
not appear so very poliilied : " I think it glorious
to command the owners of gold, not to poflefs it
myfelf." And which paflion do you think is the
worfl, the love of gold, or this pride and ambition ?
His whole estate was seven acres of land, and he
laid once in alleinbly, " that a man who was not
" contented with seven acres of land, was a per
" nicious citizen." As we pass, it may be proper
to remark the difference of times and circumstan
ces. I low few in America could escape the cen
sure of pernicious citizens, if Curius's rule were
eftabliihed. Is there one of our yeoman content
ed with seven acres ? How many are discontent
ed with seventy times feveh ! Examples, then,
drawn from times of extreme poverty, and a state
of a vcrry narrow territory, should be applied to
our circumstances with greatdifcretion. As long
as the aristocracy lasted, a few of those rigid cha
racters appeared from time to time in the Roman
senate. Cato was one to the last, and went ex
pretsly to visit the lioufe of Curius, in the coun
try of the Sabines ; was never weary of viewing
it, contemplating the virtues of its ancient owner
and defil ing warmly to imitate them. But, though
declamatory writers might call the conduct "of
Curius " exciUliJJima Rojtiaiiee frugalittitis tiorvia
it was not the general character, even of the sen
ators, at tliat time : avarice raged like a fiery fur
nace in the minds of creditors, most of whom were
patricians ; and equal avarice and injustice in the
minds of plebeians, who, infteadof aiming at mo
derating the laws against debtors, would be con
tent with nothing short of a total abolition of
debts. Only two years after tins, viz. in 465, so
tenacious were the patricians and senators of all
NOTES.
* Plefria concur fus in gens suit: fed ea, nequaquatn, tam lotta
Quinlium vidit; ci imperii nimirtim, et virum, in ipfo imperto
vehementiorem rata. Liv. lib. iii e. 26.
H- Summo patrum studio, L. Quintius Cincinnatus, pater Cefo
nis, consul creator, qui ftiagiftratunt ftatim accipcret, perculfa erat
< pr®bs cdnfulcm habitura, iratum, potentem favore patrum, virtute
iua, tribus liberis, Sec.
J Val. Max. iv. 1. Cic. deScncc. $5. Senec. Epift. v. Cic.
pro Flacco, 28. Plin. Nat. xviii. e. '
lIi«. rigor of their power over debtors, chat V eu
rius, the foil of a consul, who had been reduced by
poverty to borrow money at an exorbitant inter eh,
was delivered up to his creditor; and that infamous
uiiirer, C. Plotius, exacted from him all the servi
ces of a Have, and the senate would grant 110 re
lief : and when he attempted tofubjeCfc his slave
to a brutal passion, which the laws did not toler
ate, and scourged him with rods becauie he would
not submit, all the punifliment which the consuls
and senate would impose onPlotius vrasimprilbn
inent. Tliis anecdote proves, that the indiffer
ence to wealth was far from being general, either
among patricians or plebeians ; and that ic was
confined to a few patrician families, whole tena
cioulhefs of the maxims and manners oftlieir an
ceftorsproudly transmitted it from age to age. In
477 Curius was consul a l'ecoud time, when the
plague, and a war with Pyrrlius, had lalted lb
long as to threaten the final ruin of the nation, and
obliged the centuries to clioofe a severe character,
not bccaufe he was beloved, but becauie his vir
tues and abilities alone could save the ltate. The
austere character of the consul was accompanied
by corresponding austerities, in this time of ca
lamity, in the cenlors, who degraded several
knights and senators, and among tlie relt Ruhnus,
who had been twice consul and once dictator, for
extravagance and luxury. Pyrrlius was defeated,
and Curius again triumphed: and because a con
tinuance of the war with Pyrrhus was expected,
again ele&ed consul, in 478. In 480 he was cen
sor. After all, he was lb little beloved, that an
accusation was brought againlt him for having
converted the public spoils to his own ui'e ; and he
was not acquitted till he had sworn that 110 part
of them had enteredhis house but a wooden bowl,
which he used in facrifice. All thel'e sublime vir
tues, and magnanimous aiflions of Curius, make
nothing in tavor of Nedham. He was a patrician,
a senator, and a consul; he had been taugnt by
ariftocratical ancestors, formed in an ariftocrati
cal school, and was full of ariftocratical pride.
He does not appear to have been a popular man,
either among the senators in general, or the ple
beians. Ilufinus, Ids rival, with his plate and
luxury, appears to have been more beloved, by his
being appointed dictator. Notwithstanding that,
the cenlors, 011 the prevalence of Curius's party,
in atiineofdiftrefs, were able to disgrace him.
It was in 479thatthe senate received an embaf
fy from Ptolemy Pliiladelplius, king of Lgypt,
and sent four of the principal men in Rome, »•.
Fabius Gurges, C. Fabius Piftor, Numer. Fabius
Piftor, and Q. Ogulnius, ambaliadors to J£gypt,
to return the compliment. Fabius, who was
at the head ol the embafly, was prince of the senate,
and 011 his return reported their commiflion to
the senate : laid that the king had received tlieiu
in the 111 oil obliging and honorable manner: that
he had sent them magnificent presents 011 their
arrival, which they had defil ed him to excufethem
from accepting : that at a fealt, before they took
leave, the king had ordered crowns of gold to be
given theixi, which they placed upon liisftatues the
next day : that on the day of their
king had given them presents far more magnifi
cent than the former, reproaching them, in a molt
obliging manner, for not having accepted them :
thele they had accepted, withmoft profound ref
pee r t, not to offend the king, but that, 011 their ar
rival in Rome, they had depolited them in the
public treasury: that Ptolemy had received the
alliance of the Roman people with joy. The se
nate were much pleased, and gave thanks to the
ambalfadors for having rendered the manners of
thePiomans venerable to foreigners by their sin
cere disinterestedness : but decreed, that the rich
presents depojited in the treasury Jhould be rejlored ttj
and the people exprelied their fatisfadtioji
in this decree, fhefe presents were undoubted
ly imnienfely rich ; but where was the people's
care to make the service a burthen ? Thanks of tilt
senate are 110 burthens ; immense presents in gold
and silver, voted out of the treasury into the hands
of the ambaliadors, were no " slender advantages
" °fprofit or pleasure," at a time when the na
tion was extremely poor, and no individual in it
very rich. But, moreover, three of these am
bafladors were Fabii, of one of those few simple,
frugal, ariftocratical families, who neither made
advantage ot the law in favor of creditors, to make
great profits out of the people by exorbitant usury
on one hand, nor gave largefles to the people to
bribe their alfeCtion on the other: so that, although
they were respeCted and esteemed by all, they
were not hated nor much beloved by any ; and
fuili ij the fate of men of such simple manners at
this day in all countries. Our author's great mis
take lies in his quoting examples from a balanced
government, as proofs in favor of a government
without a balance. The senate and people were
at this time checks on each others avarice : the
people were the electors into office, but none, till
vei y 1 .ttly, could be chosen but patricians ; none
oi die senators, who enriched themfelvesby plun
dering the public of lands or goods, or by extra
vagant usury from the people, could expect their
v otes to be consuls or other magistrates ; and there
was no commerce or other means of enriching
themfelyes : all, therefore, who were ambitious
of serving in magistracies, were obliged to be
poor. To this constant check andbalar.eelc'.-vieen
the lenate and people, the production r.ixi the
continuance of tiiele frugal av.d fiwple i:. iciarl
characters and families appear to be owiV<,.
(To be continued.)
An ESSAY on FREE TRADE and FINANCES •
particularly fbcwiug what fupplisr of public Rev:.
nue may be drawn J rom Mercliandile, "attic::: in
juring our Trade or burdening our people.
[By a Citizen of Philadelphia is 1785.]
Having lately publilhed a dilTertation on ths*
political union nnd conftituticn, which is nectf
lary for the preservation and happlnti's in'the
Thirteen United States of North-America, i
go ontocoiilideriome of the great departments ot'
business, which mult fall under the niancremc;.:-
of the great council of the union, and ihcii clKce; s.
The firlt thing which naturally offers it;, n' . l 0
confideration,is the expence of government ; Uiii;
is a Jme qua uon of the whole, and ail its pz::z.
No kind of admininiftratiou can be carried on
without expence, and thefcale or degree oi'pLu
and execution mult ever be limited by it. iwo
grand considerations offer themselves here. (~)
The ejiit/tate oj tin exp4nc.es which government
and (2.) Such ways and means of -
tuoney to defray will Ire „iofl e.ify,
hurtful anil opprtjftvs to the ftbjefl.
The fir ft is not my prefenr principal object : I
lhall therefore only observe upon it, that tiie
wants of government, like the wants of nature,
are few, and ealily supplied; 'tis luxury wkicli
incurs the most expence, and drinks up the
fountains of l'upply, and what is most to be lament
ed, the fame luxury which drinks up the greatest
lupplies, does at the fame time corrupt thabocy,
enervate its strength, and waste thole pqweis
which are designed for use, ornament or delight.
The ways and means of l'upply are the object of
my principal attention at prefenr. 1 will pi eniiie
a few proportions which appear to me to defcTve
great conlideration here.
I. When a sum of money i> wanted, one way rf
rafng it may be much eajier than another. This :r.
equally true in states as in individuals. A Man
mult always depend for l'upply 011 those articles
which he can belt spare, or which he can dimuiiih
with least inconvenience : He fhov'd ii.lt fell
such articles as he has purpofeJy j rovided for
market; if thefeare not enough, then such articles
of his estate as he can belt spare, ahvavs fact in -
cing luxuriesfirft, and necella; les lalt of all.
11. Any intereji or thing whatever, on which !'.;
burden of tax is laid, is divis.iijbed either in yucu:i::y
or neat value, e.g. if money is taxed, part of tic-
Cam goes to pay the rax ; if lands, part of thepo
duce or price goes to pay it; if'goodsj part of the
price which the goods will fell for, goes to pay
it, &c. 0
111. Theconfumption oj any thing, on wricb '''
burthen oj tax is laid, will always be thereby teamed,
because l'uch tax will raise the price of the articles
taxed, and lewer people will be able or willing
to pay such advance of price, then would purchase,
if the price was not railed.: And confirquently
• The burden of tax ought to lie heavicji on such
articles, the hfe and consumption of which drs Iteji
necefary to the community, and iighteft on those ar
ticles, the use and coufumption cf which are tuofl >te
cejfary to the community. I think this so plain, that
it cannot need any thing said on it either by way
of illustration? or proof.
V. The jlaples of any country are both ths forrrcr
nnd measure of its wealth, and therefore ought to
be encouraged and increased as far as poliible.
No country can enjoy or confunie more than they
can raise, make or purchase. No country cart
purchase more than they can pay for; and no
country can make payment beyond the amount
of the surplus .which remains of their ftaplcs, af
ter their cons umption is fubftradted. If they go be
yond this, they mult run in debt, i. e. eat the
calf in the cow's belly, or consume this year the
proceeds of the next, whichisadire<ftfteptoruni,
and mult if (continued,) end in dell ruction.
VI. The great fiap/es of the United States, are
our HUSBANDRY, FISHERIES, AND MANUFAC
TURES. Trade comes in as the hand-maid of
them all-—the servant that tends upon them—the
liurfe that takes away their redundancies aud
supplies all their wants. Tliefe we may coiilldei'
as the great fburces of our wealth; and our trade,
as the great conduit through which it flows. All
thefewe ought i 1 found policy to guard, encou
rage and increase as far as poliible, aruvto load
them with burdens and embarraflments as little
as poliible.
THE PRESIDENT'; HOUSEHOLD.
W HERE AS. all Servants and o.hcrs. employed to pro
provifaons, or supplies, for the Houfebold, of The Presides"
ot lite Un t t feft St at esj w, 11 be fornilhed with monies for those
puipoies. Notice is therefore given, That no accounts. f'''.. tne
p iymcntoi which the Public might be confidei ed ivUXH .V'-i
ire to be opened with any of thein.
Samuel Fraunces, Steward of the Houfciiold.
May 4th, 1789.
rr!iirTu C n' n & U J' e " s f rom the '"g'"'-'"g. of the GAZFJ tt. 01 THt
rir 7 r * m *V at an\ time be obtainedh those tdho chujt U
jubjvribc Jor that publication, at the Editor s Office, Ne. O.
Published by JOHIO'Ef) NO~No7 97" Maj'- • ■
Lane, near the Oswsco-Markit, Ne v-Yosk.