EXTRACT FROM « AMERICAN ESSAYS »
A LETTER, addrejjed to the jujl!y celebrated and humane Dr. JOHN
HOWARD, aj Great-Britain, with the
STORY o/'HONEST US and CONSTANTIA,
Worthy SJ R ,
THE pure, liberal, and philanthropic motives, that excited you
to quit your tranquil retreat, and to travel through foreign coun
tries, have jullly diftftiguifiied you, as the Friend, or rather guar
dian-angel of mankind : With a well-grounded confidence you
have bid defiance to every species ot contagion, and calmly con
fronted Death, m every horrid form, to explore the dreary recep
tacles of miserable man, to pour the healing balm of consolation
into his ulcered wounds: You Lave with more than Herculean
labor, patience, and fortitude, devoted your time, and
intercit, to the glorious eaufe ot Humanity : You have traced and
ueploied the infernal paths, that mark the wanton power of ty
rants ; and you have wept over the helpless vitlims of superstition
and oppreflion : You have seen virtue in chains—and vice trium
phant It is your peculiar glory to have paired by gaudy Palaces
with negletfc; and to have fought out the dwellings of diflrefs, with
the g: d-hke purpoles ot coofolaiton and relief : You have soared
above human, and gloriously illustrated iome ot the bright: ft ema
nations of the divine nature ; and, happily tor mankind, you are
still preserved, and once more returned to your native country,
with the greatest, and best rewards,SELF-APPROBATION, and
tliefincereplaudits of a grateful world. And now, mod worthy
Sir! permit an American, to congratulate y*u on your fafe return,
and toprefentyouwith a family picture, taken from real
life in London ; however monllrous, and Ihocking to human
ity, the features may appear, be afiured they belong to your own
country ; where, I have reason to think, from my own observa
tion, and the mod authentic information, you may find an am
ple field for the excrcife of all those virtues, which led you at the
risk of liberty and life, into foreign dungeons : Victims of op
oreflion, and other objects ot Companion, abound in England : In
iome of the abodes of misery in London, you will pollibly find
new Ipecies of oppreflion and torture, unknown in any other coun
try, however abiolute, and such as might almost make AN HAST
INGS blush, for the depravity of mankind.
Bribery, corruption and oppreflion, have been fuffered to take
large flridts in the British dominions; they have contaminated the
ltreams, and it not speedily chccked,will poison the source of that
national Justice, Geucrofity, Humanity, and Liberty, which have
so long been the boast of Britons.
Should your fympathetie he art prompt you to analyze thofc mo
dern engines of cruelty, THE PRIVATE MAD-HOUSES in
London, and its vicinity, let no pretences of the callous keepers,
howevei induce you to pass by those gloomy chambers,
"where the wretched inhabitants are buried from the fight oi
friends, and light of day :«Thol*e INFERNAL CELLS are laid to
be new-invented fubffitutes for the grave; where the wealthy pa
rent, or other relation, is intombed alive, to gratify a ravenous,
hungry heir, who could no longer brook the tardiness of Death.
You, Sir ! who have m. de it the business of your life to leek the
means of doing good, will, I hope, pardon my freedom, iu pre
fumingto dittate, or direst your enquiries, when I allure you,
that I ama&uated solely by thofc humane motives, that influence
and dire& all your actions.
With the highest eftecm, and admiration, of your many figna]
virtues, and exalted character,
I am, with great refpeft,
Worthy Sir,
Your mofl humble, and mod obedient Servant,
.Av AM E R I C A N.
(Story of Honeftus and Cunftantia in our next.J
PROCEEDINGS of CONGRESS.
In the HOUSE of REPRESENTATIVES of tht
UNITED STATES.
[Substance of Friday's Debate, on the motion for an
nexing to the Impojl Bill a clause, limiting its du
ration.]
Friday, May ij, 1789.
Mr. Madison observed, that it was incompati
ble with the spirit of the Constitution and tht
principles of republicanism, to pass a revenue law
unlimitted in its duration ; especially when tht
objects for which the income was intended were
not defined, and from the circumltances of tht
Union, appropriations could not be conveniently
made—that it would juit 1 y alarm the apprehen
sions of the people, ihoald Congress pass a law
which might exist perpetually for railing taxes,
fubjeclto the adventitious controul anddirectioi
of future adminiftrations,without
and which might be continued after the ostensi
ble motives for their afieflinent Ihould ceale
That the Houf6 of Representatives was veiled witl
the sole povv er of originally applying to the pock
ets of the people—that on the retaining this
power, inviolate, depended their molt eflentia]
rights—that 011 this account principally, the de
mocratic bi anch of the Legislature confided of
the greater number, chosen for a shorter period
than the otlier, and consequently reverted more
frequently to the mass of the citizens—that if
the:e was 110 limitation fpecified, however op
pressive and unequal the operation of the law,
it might become perpetual, for it would not be
in the power of the representatives to effed; an
alteration, as The Prelident, with one third
of the Senate, at any time might prevent a repeal
or alteration of the acst—this would render the
funds so far independent of the people—and
they might become a convenience in the hands of
some future administration, for the purposes of
oppreflion. That the ad: in its pre fen t form, had
been complained of as imperfecft—that experi
ence alone could afcerrain its intrinsic qualities,
and that experience might forcibly suggest the
liecefiity and importance of alterations, and
amendments—but without this clause it may ne
ver be.in the power of the House to remedy any
defeats—rand the people would be diverted of one
of tiwir deal eft and 1110 ft eilential rights, of
which the House of Representatives were the
only fafe and adequate guardians.
Mr, Am £s in reply, faid —to judge rightly we
mult consider the reasons for the proposed amend
ment with attention.
It is said, the money which the impost will
produce is not appropriated. Are gentlemen a
lraid, that no appropriation will be made, or
that it will be improperly made ? If they are,
it will be a reafonfor delaying the paflage of the
bill ; but will not furniih any for limiting its
duratioji—lf they are not afraid of this, as he
trusted was the cafe, why urge the objection ?
It is said, the act is imperfect : Then let us
revise and amend it : A bill which lhall pass
with acknowledged errors, will be agreat evil in
the period to which it is proposed to xontine it.
A perpetual law is said to be needless, because the
occasion will not last so long. He thought the
public would always have occasion for a revenue,
and thinking of the high duties as he did, he
believed the revenue would fall short ; and if
the act was to last until the money raised by it
should pay the public debt, it might as well be
made perpetual.
But let us attend to substance more than found ;
.Vliat is meant by temporary and perpetual ?
No law is really perpetual : A temporary act is
made pro hac vice, or by way of experiment : If
the act is bad, several years is too long to fufFer
it to last.
Three different periods have been proposed
for its duration : One year—several years, and
until the public debts lhall be paid.
One year may be proper for an experiment ;
but is it no evil to go over this ground again ? Is
itdefirable or l'afe to revive the topics of distinct
interelts, and partial politics once a year ? M ill
it /lot p:otract our felfion and augment our ex
pences ? If it is limited to several years, will it
be pollible to re-loan the foreign debt on the cre
dit of fncli precarious funds ? Other nations have
mortgaged their taxes for their debts. A part
of our foreigndebt muftW provided for ; With
a permanent revenue, it is probable it might be
re-loaned at a reduced interest. The sams ad
vantage might be expected in providing for the
other debts ; could this government secure the
creditor on good ground with a fund which a
tew years might annihilate ? He conlidered the
advantage of credit : It had made Britain povv
ertul ai.drich : A dTpotifm could not have it,
nor could a pure democracy—but awik republican
government ought to have and might have it—
and how ? .An act not limited should be in force
until repealed : The revenues, if pledged,
could not be taken away, but by a positive aCt of
injustice and fraud, to which the two Houses mult
ailent, and the President would have his voice :
It was three to one, therefore, that it would not
happen, and the creditor might trust this govern
ment as fafely as any in the world ; But an ad
which would expire of itfelf afforded less ground
of confidence ; for it was a mere negleifc or omil
fion of an art, for which the tenth part of the ob
jections made against this bill would furnifh a
pretext : The mere disagreement of the houses
would prevent it ; and those who had seen how
difficult it was to procure the afient of this Houle
to the bill, would hot be sanguine that another
should pass at a future period : Had we not fuf
fered from this cause severely already ? It is
alked, shall we part with the power ? If the act
is limited, in fact the power is limited—and it is
the power tofave the public honor and publiek
money that is limited :* We are advised to hold
the purse ftrinjrs carefully, andfo we ought: But
whole money do we hold ? We are told that fo
reigners will seize our Ihips for their debts ; and
if the money is due to them, why should we hold
it ? \V hat honest rcafon can we have for with
holding it > Limiting the aCt will carry distrust
in the face of * —and we (hall be obliged to pay
for that dfltrult, as the act may be repealed or
amended, as experience may direct, there leems
to be no good reason for limiting its existence
He was against all temporary expedients, and
wifbed to make the act commensurate with the
public neceifity, which called for it.
Mr. Page observed, that he thought it incon
sistent, that gentlemen, who had opposed the
bill in every stage of its progress through the
Houle, should now be strenuous for its being per
petual—for his part he had his doubts, as to the
eligibility of some articles, and for that reason,
there ought to be a limitted period to its exist
ence—he was for a fair experiment of the bill
however, as it did not appear that greater har
mony of sentiment was attainable at present—
but if in the operation it should be so unci pernici
ous, he could not conceive the propriety of put
ting it out of the power of the House to correct
the evils it may produce.
Mr. Ames replied, that the amendment mov
ed tor was he believed totally unexpected to al
most every gentlemen in the Houfe—for his part
he had always supposed that the system was to
have been permanent, and commensurate to the
object—upon this principle he had combated
those parts of the bill with some degree of ener
gy which he conceived unfavorable—becaufe he
wilhed to make the bill as faultlefs as possible,
considering its indefinite existence as the natural
result of a desire to make adequate provision for
the public exigencies, and support for the o-o
vcniiiient. a
Adjourned.
Saturday, May j6.
Mr. Seney prel'ented an a<fr of rhe legiflatuit
of rlie State of Maryland, offering to Coiigref
the exclulive jurii'diction of ten miles square, in
any part of that State, for the permanent feat of
the Federal Government.
Mr. Sylvester prel'ented a petition of Do
nald Campbell, praying a reimbursement of
monies expended by him on account of the Uni
ted States, during the late war.
Mr. Ames prefenttd a petition from John
Fen no, soliciting the printing in the Gazette of
the United States, the atfts, relolutions, &c.oftfle
House.
The consideration of Mr. Madison's amend,
mcntto the iinpoftLiil, vas then relumed—it lie.
ing intimated that the yeas and nays would
be called for—an animated debate ensued—m
which the lubftance of yelterday's observations
was recapitulated, and many new sentiments were
kdded. In fnpport of the amendment it was fak;
that the eftabliihment of the public credit de
pended upon a reg alar and permanent fvftemof
lionelt policy, and the virtue of the govern
ment—that we ought not to fnppofe that a future
legislature would be iefs virtuous than the pre
sent—that it was but just to suppose that diere
will always exilt a disposition in the Federal Le
gillature, to do justice ; and if this jhould be the
cafe, public credit will always be titabliflied in
whatever manner funds might be provided, and
that no afligned period or any act without limi
tation, would effect this object without this dis
position.—That it would not be wile to put too
much power in the hands of the Senate, as the
time for which they were eledted, rendered them
almost independent of the people.
It was further observed, that the national debt
was already placed on as (olid principles, as a le
gislative act could ellablifh it—that it was in fait
better founded than that of any other country;
for it had been made part of the national compaJt;
that the general character of a people, and not its
particular legiilative a<fts were the objects of at
tention to foreign creditors—That nothing could
jul'dfy an immutable law, but extraordinary cir
cumltances.—Circumftances which would render
such a law always equally neceflary—that every
act of a perpetual nature, narrowed the power
of the House, and transferred jt to the execu
tive and a minority of the Senate.
On the other hand it was contended, that mere
ly not alligning a limited period to ?.n a«, did
not neceflarily make it perpetual—that in order
to tins an express declaration to that effect, was
requisite—that every a eft must be deficient in pro
portion as it fell fliort of being commensurate to
its object—that the public credit could be efta
blilhed only by providing funds which in all
events, should be fully futneient to answer the
demands of the public creditors—that temporary
fyltems, dependant upon the breath of an Af
fenibly, could not be considered in this point of
light—that this clause would defeat all the salu
tary effetfis designed by the fyftein.—Thatnot
withftanding allusions had been frequently made
to the Briti/li parliamentary proceedings, yet
it was conceived that no precedents of a limited
revenue law could be produced—that it would
be transferring the imbecility of the old confe
deration to the new fyllcm—that if wewilhto
have the evidences of our public debt of any va
lue, it is our duty to eltablifli a permanent ade
quate provifion—thatitwas necedary in this way,
to give evidence of jour disposition and ability to
pay our debts— that foreigners would be fcrnpu
lonfly attentive to our public arts, and draw their
conclusions accordingly—that natives and fo
reigners had Suffered Sufficiently by their confi
dence, and we ought to liippofe that they would
be more cautious for the future—that it could
not rationally be expected that a temporary fyf*
tem would inspire a reSpeift and confidence in the
government, or give it ;he neceflary energy and
coriSequence among the people.
1, he motion was then varied by Mr. Madison,
but after some further observation, the original
amendment was put, and carried in the affirm
ative ; and the yeas and nays entered on the
journals as follow. For the motion,
Mr.Baldwin, Mr. Ben/en. MBland, Mr. Burke, Mr .Carroll,
Mi. lolcii, Mr. Contee, Mr. htzfimons, Mr. Floyd, Mr .Gale, Mr.
Gerry, Mr. Gilmun, Mr. Goodhue, Mr. Griffin, Mr. Grout, Mr.
Hathorn, Mr. HeiJler, Mr. Huntington, Mr. Jarkfon, Mr. Lei,
Mr. Leonard, Mr. Lwcrmcre, Mr. Madison, Mr. Moore, Mr. Muk
ttnburth, Mr. Mr. Parker, Mr. Patridge, Mr. Reriljtllttr,
Mr. Seney, Mr. Scott, Mr. Smith, Maryland, Mr. Smith, South Ca
rolina, Mr. Stufges, Mr. Sykejler, Mr. Tnmbull, Mr. Ttichtr,
Mr. fining, Mr. Wad/worth, Mr. White, Mr. fVyvktop.
. Against the motion,
Mr .Ames, Mr. Boudinot, Mr. Cadwalader, Mr. Clymer, Mr. Law
rence, Mr. Sherman, Mr. Sinnickfon, Mr. Thatcher.
Ayes 41
Noes 8
Majority 33
v . c^au^e f° r liniitation being annexed to the
1 , it was agreed that it should continue and be
in force from the i jth of June next, till the firft
ot June 1 796. The bill then pafled the House,
and was sent to the Senate for their concurrence.
The House agreed to take up the report of the
committee on the memorial of Dr. Ramsay, on
1 iiuriday next.
~ * 1 • Hit horn had leave of abfencc for a few days.