Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]) 1789-1793, May 13, 1789, Page 34, Image 2

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    ful prop ? Can he (Lire to cancel the mrift sacred
ties of society, and audaciously trample on the
Laws of God, and his Country ? Can any man im
piously presume to ruih unbidden into the presence
of an offended God, by a voluntary acft, in con
fcious violation of Laws, human and divine ? It
must be so It is the epidemic madness of the
age, which no Laws, wisdom, or power, but that
of a Pruftau Monarch, have yet been able radically
to cure. £• C.
FROM THE SAME.
THE LONDON CIT.
LONDON is the world in miniature ! thrice
happy Cockneigh ! who can'lt fafely fee those hor
rid monsters, which erst prowled the dreary de
serts of remotest regions, led captive to thy Tow
er ; there, thou may'ft approach, fearlefs of their
dire fangs, and dreadful rage, and equally ft
cure from the more baneful influence of thole
barbarous climes,which them engendered: There,
dry-lhod, thou may'ft fee trophies of bloody fields,
and all the glittering implements of war, in bril
liant order ranged : There, thou can'lt view a
Crown, decked with the richest spoils of diltant
Ihores :—Thou too once more can'lt boalt a na
tive King ; but here defcrjption fails : Crimes
lose their color when applied to Kings : A King
can do no wrong: MURDER IS ROYAL SPORT :
Great GEORGE the Third !( ajlet theghofts of mur
dered (b) Millions, whose putrid carcases have
Itained pure Ganges' sacred ft ream ; or fed the
Vultures, on the desert plains of the once fertile
Sip a, (peak to thy feeling mind, paternal fraife :
Let RAVAGED AMERICA preserve her monu
mental bones, sacred to Thee, and Kings : Let the
loss of an immense Empire, and the price of King
doms lavished in vain, to obtain a Pepper-Corn,
proclaim thy wisdom : Let the brave and virtuous
surviving foils of victorious, independent Ameri
ca, declare thy Power.
Stupendous London ! where brutes are taught to
act like men, and men like brutes ; where the
learned Pig (c) gives wholesome leflons to the un
lettered Lord; and upbraids the
balhfulSoldier ; andlhewsthe ltall-fed, paniper'd
Git, how hardly earned, and dearly bought, the
bread and laurels of the brave.
Thou too, blelt Cockneigh ! haft a magazine of
wonders ycleped Museum ! There thou may'ft fee
the harmless native coats of beasts, and birds, anil
quondam, noxious, frightful, creeping things, of
multifarious kinds ! rare infedts too ! foffils, and
other strange, and curious things ! and thou ex
ulting, can'lt behold, towering o'er thy lofty
spires, the " cloud-capt" Dome of thy St. Paul's,
as Rome her great St. Peter's: Thy pretty mo
dern Obelifts peep forth—humble epitomes of
the aspiring pyramids of Egypt ! And thou can'lt
boast, at thy Vauxhall, of thy little, curious, gen
tly-murmuring, glittering, tin Cascade ; sweet,
rnodelt emblem, of the roaring, thundering, deaf
ning, cataracts of Niagara, in the savage wilds of
America ; these allay thy temperate thirst, and
thus, without toil, or peril, dost thou poilefs all
that the world affords of rich and rare—pleased
with the flattering, fond idea, that thy Mother's
lap contains them all.
NOTES. '
(a) This piece was written some time before His Britannic Ma
jesty's Phylicur.s declared him in fine ; but years alter the Ameri
cans thought him so.
si) Three millions of poor innocent people were said to be
starved to death in the kingdom of Bengal, by the monopoly o;
Rice, contrived by the servants of the Eait-India company, for th.
purpose of gain : Their bodies flopped the great river i.anges
and others were strewed over the fields and roads of their nativf
country : And yet, at such a time of hoiror and diilrcfs, it tht
farmers failed to bring in their taxes to the Company, they i*:rc
taken without any form of trial, tied fact round the middle, and
suspended from a hook in a post—the circulation being thereby
totally flopped from all communication with the lower parts o!
the body, in the course of a few days they rotted off in that cli
mate, while the remainder of the body dill retained lite !
(c) At some of the Theatres in London, a Hog, called the learn
ed Pig, is introduced on the llage, and required to spell any po
lysyllable propofedby any one of the companj—the letters ol th
alphabet are written in capitals on feperate pieces of paper, anc
thrown promiscuously on the ftage—from these the Hog picks ou
the letters that compose the word, in regular order, and carrit:
ihem in his mouth, one by one, to his mailer.
fti) Dogs are introduced to storm a fort—they are dreflcd in i
military uniform, and scale the walls through a very hot fiie.
FROM THE SAME.
THE FEDERAL SHIP
Is now ready for sea, let us therefore proceed
011 our voyage without further delay, and with
the help of able navigators we may expedt ere
long, to establish a due confidence at home and
abroad, and to reap the rich fruits of an extenfrve
commerce and credit : If we should want to bor
row, there will not be wanting those who will
lend, when there is a fair profpett of being re
paid.
And it is impofiible toafcertain, before out
Clip is afloat, whether lhe will fail exactly upon
an even keel, it is palpably absurd to keep hei
longer in dock, through fear that she may poflibly
have a lift to port, or itar board. We have, alas
loft many of our belt and ablest hands, who for
w ant of employ at home, are gone into foreign
service : The French and Engli/h exult in the
acquisition, and as it strengthens them, and wea
kens us, the policy of nations cannot point out
two stronger motives to jifive them all pollible en
couragement : There are many more who will
loon be obliged to follow them, urged by the fame
diftrefles, unless we can speedily find employment
for them : This may be conlidered not only a
great, but an irreparable loss, as they are iucli
men, as cannot be replaced. Let us therefore
seriously refledt, before it be too lute, that though
our Ship may not be quite so perfect as ihe might
pofliblyhave been conftructecl, yet there appears
no def eats,but what may be mended on the voyage;
but by keeping her too long out of employ, we
may become foexhaufted, and iinpoverifhecl, that
we may at last findourfelves unable to fit her out,
and shall then be driven to the iiard necelfity
either to CHARTER her, or let lierperifli by the
walls.
Tacitus fays : Nihil in difcordiis civilibus fef
" tinatione tutius, übifaflo mag'ts quam confulto op:n
" effet." And again : Nullus cunClutioui tocut ejt in
" eo confilio, quod non poteji laudari nift pera&um."
" Nec cunt att one opus, übi per?iiciofor ft quiet, quarn
" temeritas." E. C.
[The following cannot require an apology for its re-publication.~\
To THE PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES.
OFT times, when rapture fwellsthe heart,
Expreflive fiJence can impart
More full the joy sublime :
Thus WASHINGTON, my wond'ring mind,
In every grateful ardor jo in'd,
Tho' words were out ot time.
The muse of peaceful lhade,
Gave way to all the gay parade
For transports of her own ;
She felt the tear of pleasure flow,
And gratitude's delightful glow
Was to her bosom known.
Triumphal arches—gratulating song,
And shouts of welcome from the mixed throng,
Thy laurels cannot raise.
We pi aife ourselves ; exalt our name,
And in the scroll of time, we claim
An int'reft in thy bays.
But 'erst on Hudson's whit'ned plain,
Where the blue mists enlhroud the slain,
And Hero's spirits came ;
Anxious to seal thy future fate,
Each on his cloud, in awful state,
Pronounc'd thee good as well as great,
And fill'd thy cup of fame.
While we the favorites of Heaven,
To whom these western climes are given,
And halcyon days await,
May bless oui (elves, and bless our race,
That God by his peculiar grace
Chose thee to rule the state.
Fame as she flies, her trump shall found,
To all the admiring nations round,
And millions yet unborn,
Will read the history of this day,
And as they read will pause—and fay
, Here nature took a turn.
For in the annals of mankind,
Who ever saw a compact bind
An empire's utmost bound ;
Who ever saw ambition stand,
Whuhout the power to raise her hand,
Wnile ONE th* people crown'd.
NtW'Jfcrfey, May 1789.
PROCEEDINGS of CONGRESS.
In the HOUSE of REPRESENTATIVES of the
UNITED STATES.
Saturday, May g, 1789.
The bill regulating the collettion of the impost,
was read a second time.
The House then went into a Committee on the
bill, for laying certain duties on goods, wares,
and merchandise.
Mr. Tucker proposed a reduction upon distil
led spirits Jamaica proof, introductory to a ge
neral deduction from the funis annexed to the
fpecified articles in the bill—This was support
ed with great spirit by several Speakers-
High duties, it was contended would operate
unequally and oppreflively—would produce smug
gling and defeat the views of Government by
leflening the revenue—they would contravene
the ideas and expectations formed by the peo
ple, under the administration of the new consti
tution—upon the danger and disagreeable con
sequences of smuggling much was urged—that it
wouldbe extremely,difficult if not impossible topre
vent it to a very great degree,as muftbe obvious to
.hose who contemplated our local conveniences
or it—that to calculate upon the virtue, and pa
diotifm of individuals, when powerful tempta
tions were presented to disregard both, would
be found fallacious.—Moderate duties leflened
he inducements to fraud, would make fmuo-.
gling infamous, and make the collection less ex
ljeniive, and lupercede the neceflity of an unpo
pular, and rigorous system.
In support of the duties as they now stand, it
was equally well observed, that the system hav
ing had three different discussions, it should seem
as if nothing eilentially new or important could
be offered upon the subject.
That the duties proposed had been the result
of much inveftigationof the subject—that it was
hardly probable that a change of sentiments
could take place.— 1 lie duties it was allowed were
high in some instances, compared to what had
been paid by some of the States, but not so high
as had been collected in others, and were in
proportion to those collected in other countries—
L hat it was merely matter of opinion whether
duties Avei'e high or low—that high duties o:i
some articles weie easier collected, than low up
on others —-that it was conformant to the ideas y:d |
wishes of the people—that luxuries Ihould be
taxed high—that notwithllanding it was so eai.
ueftly contended to reduce the impost in gene
al, it would be found that the amount to be
produced upon the fyfteni now under considera
tion, it was 10 be appi ehended would prove in- (
fuflicieMt for the public exigencies.
The question being put 011 the proposition of
Mr. Tucker, it was negatived. 261019.
Monday, May 11, 1789.
A meflage from the Senate, purporting that
they had appointed a committee 10 join with liicif
committee as the Houl'e may appoint, to confer
upon the fubjeift of a title which it may be pro
per to give to the President of the United States
was read—
Upon which Mr. Parker moved, that arefo
lntion Ihould be adopted to tins eftedt—That the
House, could not concur-with the Senate, having
already decided upon the subject unanimously.
Mr. Page supported the motion—he was fully
of opinion, that by the Constitution the Houle
had neither a right to suggest or propose anything
upon the subject: He considered it as anti-repub
lican, and apprehended great evils would refnlt
si 0111 the measure, Ihould Congreft take any steps
in it : He conceived that the real honor and dig
nity of the government, did not consist in, or de
pend upon titles, and that he had had his ieel
ings hurt, when he heard gentlemen addr el's the
members of that House by the stile of "The Hon.
Member He thought that the House had already
fully and explicitly declared its fentinients, inthe (
report of a former committee, and was sorry to,
have the fubjedt again introduced.
Mr. Tucker was in fentimentwith Mr.Page,
but observed further, That he had always been
opposed to the appointment of any committee in
the firft of the business—and was equally averse
from taking it up now: The Constitution was
expressly against giving any titles whatever: The
introduction of them would bring us back to mo
narchy, and would juftify what had been faidup
-011 the Constitution by its enemies.—What coulJ
be the delign of the Senate ? Did General Waft
ington wiJh for a title Did he fight for this !by
no means. —Real dignity coivGfts not in tbefe dis
tinctions : Titles bring equipage, etiquette, pa
rade, &.C. to fuppo t these, liberty mult be l'acr;-
ficed : And from fullainig the character of inde
pendent freemen, wefhall degenerate intolervi
lity—we shall no longer be men—we ltiall depre
ciate into apes—a baseness of imitation. Mr.
Tucker concluded, bywilhing the subject might
be difmifled,
Mr. Trumbull moved for a committee,to er.-
quire into the difference which appeared in the
votes of the two Houfes,upon the report of the join'
committee upon this f übject, as now held out ffl
the meflage from the Senate.
Mr. Bukke was opposed to any further pro
ceedings in the bufiHels, except it was to expref
their entire disapprobation—and to that purpose
he proposed a refolutionagainft the introductioi
of any tide, more especially all imitations of Euro
peanlliles, or titles, whether given to Emperor
Kings, Princes other dignitaries whatever
Mr. Madison was in opinion with gentle®'
opposed to a title—he was not however, for ft®
mary proceedings with the 111 efiage of the Senate
he urged the propriety of a decent and reipeci
ful attention to it upon a variety of principle 1
and then observed—that he could not fee the u 1
or advantage of adopting titles, that it was
dent that they did dot confer power or influence*
many of the poorest and most infignificant Stat'
hadaffumed the most pompous and high fouiW
titles—what greater or more lofty title could
afliuned, than that of " High Mighdnefles
a stile almost bordering upon impiety —what "*
advantages had been deriv ed from it ? Had eveif
functioned the idea ? Titles he considered as«|
constitutional and contrary to the general fen
ment of the people Should it be determine 1 '
adopt them, we must either borrow or enti
tle! ones we should find inapplicable, and 11
would be considered as servile imitations, ®
nev> ones, he feared, would beabfurd and ri®
lous.—The true dignity of a republican
ment, he considered as independent oft l *''
he hoped that gentlemen woi.ldnot difco' ver l
warmth upon the occasion—had no doubt butT
fame unanimity would now be fliown as
upon this question, and he was therefore in *'7
of a committee of conference.
Mr. White was opposed to the appoint®
of a committee of conference, and fuppo' e
best to put a period to any further difcuifion,
informing the Senate, that the House had al rl
dy determined the question; by unaninw
adopting the repoVt of the joint committee «?
this fubjeCt.