jjnity " wrulfl be v. r IT. •y to make u i Vippy nat'.on.
>r it tlx general government, lately adopted, Jhall be arranged
d adminiltered m a manner <>s to acquire the full confidence
the. people, 1 fur rrely believe they will have greater
1 vantages from their natural, moral and political circumstances,
or public felicity, than any other people ever poiT iT( d.
In the contemplation ot those advantages, row soon to be rea
\ /. d, I have rec hciled myfelt tothe facrificeof my wiib
c•, lo far as to enter again upon the ltage of public bt-,—l know
thedrlicate nature of the duties incic ent to the part wmch I am
< illcd to perform, and 1 feel my ncompetence, without the Angu
lar afiiftance of Providence, to them in a fatisia&ory
manner.—But having undertaken the talk, from a sense of duty,
no star of encountcring difficulties, and no dread of losing popu
larity, shall ever deter me from pursuing what I conceive to be
the true intercfts of my country.
Mr. Ken no,
As the fubjecft of the following Observations is
undoubtedly of great importance, you will oblige
your readeis by a re-publication of them : Ihe
performance is taken from that very valuable Mil'
i cllany, the American Mufcuin, publilhed by Mr.
Caxey, at Philadelphia. C. Z.
An ESSAY, on the APPOINTMENT of PUBLIC
OFFICERS.
Hurrbl fufrm'ttcd to allperfons concerned in elefling or appointing them.
THE perfection of government requires that
every public office, iii all the legillative, judicial,
and executive departments, ffiould be filled with
the most suitable and fit persons.
Good government manifeltly depends much
more on the goodness of the men who fill the pub
lic offices, than on the goodness of the form of
government, constitution, or even laws of the ltate;
for the errors of ail thefe,under the administration
of good men,will be mended or made tolerable,ei
ther by the authority of the legislature, or favour
ble conflruction ; but weak and wicked men will
pervert the belt of laws to the purposes of favour
or opprefiion—And one principal thing which
makes one form of government better than ano
ther, is, that there is a greater and a more natu
ral chance of the appointment of suitable men to
public offices in the one than in the other, and
this makes the power of appointment, or right
of election, a right of the highest importance to
the community ; it therefore requires the greatest
wifdoni in human policy, to veil this great autho
rity in fucli persons, as will molt probably exer
cise it with the most discretion and Icaft corrup
tion.
As the appointment of suitable men to public
offices is of the utmost importance to the well be
ing of the state, and consequently implies a most
sacred trust and duty in the eletftors ; it may not
be ajnifs to designate such outlines of character,
as are most eflentially neceflary in a public officer,
and especially when his office is of high rank, and
very weighty concern to the community.
1. Integrity ought to hold the firft place. The
integer vitas fceierifque_ furus of the poet, is of
mighty consequence in every society. A man of
ftriefc honesty and uprightness in his private life
and dealings, is easily known and distinguished
among men. Let this be an eflential part of the
character of the man, for whom you give your
vote, to serve in any public office of trust and im
portance.
2. A good reputation, fee from scandal. A 1
man attainted of scandalous crimes, either by con
vicfHon on record, or by general opinion of his
neighbours,appears with great difadvantage,inthe
sacred feats of public councils of law, justice, or
equity. 1 have heard of ajudge, who was gene
rally supposed to have corrupted his neighbour's
•>vife, and having once a very impudent offender
before him,was severe in his censures of the offence,
and opening the lawbook, read there the descrip
tion of the offence and punishment: the delinquent
laid, wiih a most malignant sneer, he could wifh
liis honor would turn over a few pages more, and
lee what the law said to whoremalters.
3. Religion and sincere piety. I don't think it
of much consequence of \v hatpatricularprofeffion
of religion he may be, whether Episcopalian,
l'refbyterian, Quaker, Lutheran, Calvinilt, Mo
ravian, &c. if he is reputed to be devout, fin
rere, and faithfid to the religion he does prof els.
13ut a loose liver, or an apoltate in religion, I
cannot think fit to be trusted in the state',, because
p. man who is not tr\je to his God, will not proba
bly be fa to his country; for when the highest
possible obligation cannot bind a man, it is not to
be expecfted that he will be governed by lefler and
more subordinate ones : when the grand firft prin
ciple of all true morals is wanting, the practice
r.iuft become too uncertain to be trusted in mat
ters of weight and high moment.
4. Sufficient abilities, adequate to the office
that ii to 1 »efilled. Tlieremuft be acongruity be
tween the business to be done, and the abilities of
the man appointed to do it.
5. Gravity, wisdom, and found judgment. A
grave and wife man gives weight and dignity to
uny department in which lie is employed, inspires
confidence that the business under his direction
will be well managed, and what is more than this,
will really do it well.
6. Decision, cfofe attention, and perfeverence.
Some men are undecided in their judgment, vari
able ill their attention, adt by fits and starts, and
often leave their business half done. It is very
dangerous :o admit men of this disposition into
public offices, where a coincidence of sundry de
partments is often ncceflary, and a failure of one
will foir etiines put a fullftop to all the reft.
7. A great conunand of his pallions. A man
who is known to be a Have to any favourite paflion,
or who is too ltrongly devoted to gaming, the
bottle, or his mistress, is not thought a I'afe person
to trust private buiinefs with, especially buiinefs
of consequence, which requires a watchful dili
gence, discretion, and caution ; much less can luch
a man be fit for a public trust.
8. Public offices ihoyld be filled with men of
steady attendance. There is great complaint of
tardy or totally deficient attendance, especially in
the members of aggregate bodies, such as Con
gress, councils, aflemblies, &c. by which means
the public buiinefs is much and often very injuri
ously retarded.
I hope *ve do not live in an age so degenerate,
as to render the above characters difficult to be
found. The importance of them must be obvi
ous to every person concerned in electing or ap
pointing public officers, and 1 hope will induce
them to make such a choice as shall fatisfy the
high trust reposed in them, and such as shall ef
fqrtually secure the honor and fafety of the state.
Philuddphia. Sift. 1, 1788.
Mr. FtNNO,
THE observations of TiMOLEON, upon the
fubje<st of appointments to office, inferred in your
last, coincide in general, with the fentiinents of
the wife and independent part of the community ;
but his last article is rather too strait-laced : I con
ceive that a man of worth and real abilities, may,
with propriety, let his pret^nfionsbe known, with
out letting down his own character, or wounding
the feelings, or delicacy of those, whose patronage
he solicits.
I go further, and suppose that duty and juflice to
the public, may unite to impel a person of the
greatell modesty, to come forward with a statement
of services, from which a competency of knowledge
has been acquired, to difcliarge the particular trust
applied for.
But if the idea of Tivioleon ffiould be adopted,
the 1110 ft meritorious characters might reft in per
petual obfeurity, while their country fufFered the
loss of their abilities.
Merit,Modefty,and Diffidence,are nearly allied,
and the two lalt have deprived the community of
the firft,two often already—and toadd tothe num
ber, by throwing additional obstacles in its way,
would be cruel, unjust, and impolitic.
While the influence of men in power is solicited
with ardour, and a perfecutiug perseverance by
thole, to whom ignorance gives a brazen front, let
us not deprive the Supreme Executive of a counter
balance to impertinent importunity,by difcourage
ing the applications of worth and abilities.
PROCEEDINGS of CONGRESS.
hi the HOUSE of REPRESENTATIVES of the
UNITED STATES.
Tuesday, May 5, 1789.
Inourlaft we ftat« d, that Mr. Bland had introduced the pro
ceed Tigs of the legislature of Viginia on the fubj*& of Amend
ments —it may not be uniutereftingto state thefubftance of the obser
vations that occurred upon this business. On one hand it was ob
served, that the application of the State of Virginia wasmadewith
a view of obtaining amendments, agreeably to the sth article of the
Conllitution : That although the address of Virginia had b -en trans
mitted to the several Legislatures, but few ofthein had thought pro
per to coincide with that State—That it would be giving the address
due confederation, to refer it to a committee of the whole, to be
taken up at the time afligned for the House to consider amendments,
of which notice had been given yesterday—That the address was
from a refpc&ableState, and' merited an equal compliment at leall,
with othei applications that had already been referred to the coin
mitte—That although this address might (land alone, yet it might
be of weight in the decifiohsof the committee—That it rested on
the basis of its own merits, and could not in the nature of itt opera
tion, if committed, contravene thefpiritof the Confbtution—That
as it was a (landing rule of the Houf , that they should go into a
committee of the whole every day,there appeared to be a propriety
in the commitment.
In reply, it was observed—That although the application was
undoubtedly from the most rcfpettable quarter,yet it appeared to be
more proper, that it fliould lie on the table for the intormation of
the members—that when a fufficient number of similar applications
lhould be made, it might conft'tutionally come before Congress—
That it ought to be treated with due refpefl—but that Congress had
no deliberative voice,with refpeft to calling a Convention, agreeably
to the application—That when two thirds of the States should apply,
they weie bound to call one—That it would not be paying proper
refpeft to Virginia, to commit the application to a body which was
not competent to deliberate or decide upon it—That as the House
had been led to consider the fourth Mond iy of the present month
as the time to go into the confidei ation of amendments,
then would be a proper season to bring forward the application—
That it would be paying proper refped to it, to enter it on the
journals : This was therefore acceded to with the addition, that it
should be put upon the files in the Clerk's Office.
The Houle then resumed the report of the committee upon the
art'ele of tonnage—when
Mr. Jackson moved, that 30 cents on foreign tonnage should
be ft ruck out, and ao cents fubftnuted—He enforced his idea, by ob
serving, that as the main objefct to be etfetted by tonnage, was to
raise a tax to support light-houses and other incidental charges of
commerc , 20 cents per ton, he conceived, would be fußicient for
the purpose.—'The gentleman calculated, that upon the tonnage of
Georgiaonly, this duty would be about/' 400. The tonnage°pro
pofed, was too high and would operate unequally and oppicflively
upon some parts of the Union, more especially the southern States
That at present, when the members of that House were lea reel y
warm in their feats, it becamethem with caution and due de
liberation—th Constitution was in ;ts infancy—'t was well known
that fame Spates were averse from it—amendments were already ap
plied for, and it we mean to con the good disposition of Elates
uot in the Union, w* f:.'»uld ltoove with . Ution. Thi
would materially afft£l the State ot North-Carolina—S Ju'.lj-Carolt.
na and Georgia were situated as North-Carolina, and all infinite]v
worfc than the northern Stats—Not only rice and lumber could
not be exported, but 5000 hogfhads ot tobacco were now lym*
in ware-houses for want of shipping—Georgia w.<> .urcady borne
down by the oppreflion of foreign impositions, and obliged to '. ip
I'cr proauce under every disadvantage-—in thi&humiliating situation,
she looks to this Congress for reliet—fhould [he be u>lapp«>ihted,
she may he sorry for the prompt and dtcotd pait flic iiui nkm in
the second revolution : Ihe southern produce is now at a low ebb—
the specie is leaving the country, and diftrc fa Hares us in the lacc ;
att-.is time to encrcafe our burdens and diflicultics, by uicreafing
the embarrassments on onr produce, our only resource, w;ll be op.
picffive and d'feouraging. —Mr. Jjackfon concluded with faying, thai
he hopedthc motion would obtain.
Mr. Ames replied to Mr. Jackson —he obfevd, that much
had been said about prejudices and jealoulies between the different
States —but for his parr, he conceived, the situation of matters was
upon a more agreeable footing.—Britain had excited and foment
ed those idea*—they had their particular views in so doing—But it
wasver) apparent, that other sentiment* now predominated through
the Union —our interests were mutual, and nature had so arranged
the local circumstances ol the fouthein and noithtrn States, that
commerce and'agriculture were the natural pursuits o! the two
orand divilions of the Union —our intertft* were compatible—we
must be united as a nation, and look with an equal eye to the good
of the whole—a general pervades the Union —;t was evident,
that a greater and more cxtcniive coincidence of opinion oredomi.
nated, than had been conceived of—lt was not expected, that
the general interest would have been so universally acknowledged—
The neceflity and importance of a navy was now allowed on alt
hands —to effect this great and essential objtft, meafurtt must hea
dopted —and those, the most obviously within our power, ihould
claim our earliest attention —the encouragemMit of our commerce is
undoubtedly among the most important articles conducive to this
point.—The nuriing of our navigation indifpenfible —the duty pro
posed has this principally in view, and though a (mail one, it holds
up a necessary and advantageous discrimination between American
and foreign vefft Is.—The \ oice of the continent concurs in this sen
timent, and the prevalence of this and similar ideas ; produced the
present revolution, under the auspices of which we are now delibe
rating. Our navigation is not on a par with foreigners ; enrourage
ment is necessary, and every obfervanon thrown out by the gen
tleman from the southward, in opposition to the duty, proves this
neceflity. The gentleman has said, that 50C0 hogsheads of tobacco
are now laying in the ware-houses at the southward, for want of
shipping to carry them off : What stronger reason for encouraging
and encreafing our fhipping,that provision may be made to transport
our produce to market. And if this is the cafe, are we not at the
mercy of our rivals ? Our Agriculture calls upon us, to make this
provision; and according to the gentleman's own ae count, the du
ty will not prove in any measure so burdensome, as the loss of 5000
hofheadsof tobacco. The ufeful body of (hip-carpenters through
the States are complaining for want ot employ ; they are reduced to
the neceflity,of wot king for Jths of a dollar pr.day,or quit their native
homes, and fcek their bread among the Britilh, in the northern parti
of the continent. Mr. Ames added many other obfervatione, anc
concluded by giving his negative to the motion.
Mr. Burke observed, That the peonle of the Southern States en
tertained friendly difpoiitions towards their brethren at the tafi
ward : He could speak for the inhabitants of South Carolina at Ifalt.
that they took pleasure in their profpenty—that they looked to their,
for future protection, and wished to fee their navigation flourish
This shews, that they are not jealous —but at the fame time he con
ceived, that their profeflions and feelings would not juftify their sub
mitting in silence to the present proposed imposition on tonnage,
which must, in its operation, prove extremely unequal and oppre
five to them : The property of Southern gentlemen, it was \vrl>
known, confilted principally in their produce—this they depended
upon, and if they could not get it to market, the consequences were
obvious, they could neither subsist, nor pay their debts : The oper
ation of this duty will dim nifh the (hipping, already inefficient
The deficiency of the Eastern (hipping, is conceded on all hands—
so that we shall beentirely prevented from exporting our produce:
We wi(h to employ American (hips, in prcfcrcnce to all others;
but as there cannot be a seasonable supply, time must be given, that
the Southern States may not be opprefled, and borne down by the
regulations of Congress in the article of Tonnage.
Mr. Gooduue, Mr. Maddison, and fomeother gentleman, ad
ded fcveral observations in favor of the discrimination proposed, and
to the following effect, That a spirit of union and tranquility was
happily diffufied through the Union in the prefint instance—the fen- 1
ti mnt was uniform, and although a kind of incompatibility had
t»een pointed out, yet the idea was daily subsiding, and in time j
would be done away—that as the country abounded in materials for
(hip building, it was evident that just and proper encouragement
would soon produce an adequate supply—and if in consequence of
new regulat ions, temporary inconveniencies should arif'*, they would
soon crafe, for the high profits of any particular business soon redu
ced it to it* proper level—that however, it was ne>t owing entirely
to the scarcity of American shipping, that foreigners had in a man
ner monopolized the carrying trade from the Southern States, but
the preference they enjoyed might be traced to another cause, a very
ruinous one in the ifTuc, and that was, the credit thefc foreigners gffli
by which means they obtained an exorbitant price for their fupph«>
and they freighte d apparently low—yet the fatt was otherwise : B Jt
to prevent the sudden rife of freight, and the consequences app rr " j
bended* Mr. Maddison proposed, That a given time should el a pie- j
previous to the commencement of a high duty, though a decided 1
discrimination should immediately take place—the gentleman men
tioned |anuary 1, 1791.
Mr. Smith, of South Carolina, observed, That the interest of the
Southern and Eastern States were different, he conceived, in the
present cafe : That so far from laying refti i6lions upon the expor
tation of the Southern produce, by a heavy tonnage, it was more
necessary to give a bounty to encourage that expoitation. Soutn
Carolina was now in a deplorable condition —her domestic debt's
One Million—and (he owes toforeigners iooooo Sterl.—all whic
must be paid in specie : This duty falls on the produce of the coufl- ■
try, on the exportation of which their hopes were founded to pa) J
these debts : The duty, he contended, was out of proportion, & u J
would affect the Southern States, by obliging them to pay aboiiut) J
to the Eastern and Northern, for which they could not receive anv |
compensation : More than half the produce of South-Carolina,
now carried off by the (hips of Great-Britain—this duty must con
fequently enhance the freight unduly, for notwithstanding the Hup. >
ping of all nations had access to toeir ports, immense quantities 0
rice were now laying in the (lores for want of shipping; this >
would further operate to the discouragement of foreigners and It
disadvantage of the Southern States, by preventing their (hipst'
coming out on speculation with cargoes, by which means u PP ~ Ci }
were obtained, and a rivalfhip among the freighters produced, w
in I >me measure influenced the price in favor of the (hippers.
Smith was willing a diftin&ion should &e made, but not a * r S
one, and as the article of tonnage had been urged against the a
tion of the Constitution, it would recur to the wisdom of the rio
whether it would be just and politic, to confirm any of those p
conceived impreflions against the Constitution.
Wednesday, May 6. ,
The bill for laying certain duties on Goods, Wares, and Merc 1
dize, imported into the United States, was read, and referre
Committee of the whole. 0 f
Mr. HeCster a petition from Arthur R ! E j a s.
Pennsylvania, purporting, that by certain calculations, he a !
certained the mode of obtaining the longitude at sea, to a nearer ;
gree of perfection than had before been difeovered —praying ,
countenance of Congress, and that they would secure to hi in t c
clufive right of using and vending his refpe£tive improvements.