THE TABLET.
NUMBfcR IV.
" It is of importance that men at the helm of affairs
Jhould know how and when to touch the different]prings
of tht human mind
r I I H E love of one's country, like other attach-
A nlents, is an involuntary ientiment. It relults
more from liabit than reflection ; and may be de
nominated a pal Son rather than a principle. It
can be produced in the minds of all men by edu
cation. Men never love their country, as 1 a matter
of duty, merely because it is their country; but they
are attached to it from feeling, because it coincides
more with their prejudices, than any other coun
try, tlicy have seen. From this cause, aperfon can
110 more reason himfelf into a love of his country,
than into a love of any other object. A luxurious
man cannot love that, which interferes with his
pleasures. An avaricious man cannot love that,
v. i.ich counteracts his interest. Of course, neither
of these characters can have any affection for a
government, which proceeds from the maxim, that
"wealth or dissipation a!re a pufclick injury. They
■will both however be quiet citizens while the go
vernment lets them alone. The firit only wishes
not to be disturbed in his pleasures - r and the lall
to be allowed to pursue his bufmefs. The mcft pro
fligate man in the world may 'love his country as
well as the bellman, provided the character ofhis
count-y is accommodated to his taste and views.
Any man, whollr object is publick fame, and who
believes he cannot acquire this, but by a strict at
tention to the publick good, will always be a patriot.
Ardour of temper, controuled by a found judge
ment, proves in ftich an initance, a fafe fubltitute
for a good heart.
1 com the preceding sketch, fomfc important re
flections m:ly be produced. It will intimate to le
gislators that the plan of education should be
moulded accordingto the fpiri? o 1 the government.
It proves likewise, that countries, wliofe political
character and circumstances are different, should
not adopt limilar fyftcnis cf education. But tlip
most important idea it suggests, is, that a nation,
• composed of inhabitants, who are not generally
native? of the country, should look for some other
tip to secure the fidelity, and ob.ain the exertions
of its citizens, besides patriotism. One of the beftfe
curities against infurreiftions,in a country of fuchdi
verfified inhabitants is anationaldomeilicdebt.This
binds molt effectually the interest of nionied men, in
promoting the prosperity of the government; and is
pftrhaps an equivalent for publick spirit. Patriotism,
commonly so called, is not apt to be the virtue of
jiift and liberal minds. That quality, which ufital
ly bears this name, Very soon degenerates into a
desire to support a particular party. There are
however some Individuals, who have f.ich dii ele
vation of foul, ?.s to rife fbpcfiottr to the ifrlWerrce
of fadtion, and are patriotsirom principle. They
never will depart from a retftitu.le of conduct, iii
any cause or country, they undertake to serve.
This greatness of mind falls to the lot of few, and
does not prevent the nfceeffity of guarding against
men of a different call. Men, who bear the cha
racter of ncn of the world, must be managed some
other way, than by appealing to their sense of
publick duty, to initnce them to promote the pub
lick good. A discerning Legislator will soon de
ft mine, in what manner the human mind is to be
wrought upon, to render it subservient to the views
of government.
IGREICN /IRTICLEST
LONDON, DECEMER 22.
WHILST the balance of affairs remains itl fuf-
the iriind of the multitude are divided
ort the fdbjeift of war or peace. War with all the
•vPorld; fays an old English p- overb, and peace with
Spain. War, fays the Bt itiffi feainan, who wishes
to fill his pocket with spoil, for the honour of old
Jingland. War, fays the arrogant London politi
cian, that we may aflert the glory of the flag. War,
fays the to smother our domeftick
feuds, and humble the pride and power of our na
tu: al and perfidious enemies, the French. Peace,
fays the merchant, who has got a furfeit of pri
vateering, that we may ship goods in our own bot
toms, lave freight and insurance, and deal f'ecure
]y with all the World. Peace, fays the hu
mane timid, that we may avoid shedding our fel
low-chriftian's blood, and spare our own. War,
fays the yellow admiral, and half-pay captain, that
inoreveliels may be put in conimiffioii. War, fays
the fat provifton-broker, and slaughter-butcher,
that we may play the double game of victualing
British fleets and garrisons, whilst we omit not
fending rich cargoes of beef and butter to a certain
latitude, where the enemy's privateers will be sure
to find them. Th'js are mankind divided ; and
though the welfare and honour-os the kin irdom
be the pretext for their various wishes, peri'onal
ease, or an interest, which many prefer to it, are
. the ruling motives.
From the Analytical Review, or New Literary
Journal, published in London, for Nov. 1788.
ART. XXII. Remarks cj: the prcpoftd plan of federal
government, addrejfed to the citizens of the Unite.d
States of America, and particularly ft) the people oj
Maryland. ByAriftides. Annapolis, printed by
Frederick Green, printer to the Hate, i'mall Bvo.
32 p. 1 78S.
" IN an important crili s, Ariftides addrefles his
countrymen, particularly the citizens of Maryland,
on the great subject of legislation and government.
He recommends the Conllitution proposed by the
Convention, viz. an elective Pre fiderit, Senate, and
ah House of Representatives, by very fenlible ar
guments, and a fpeciesofeloquence that flows from
lincerity of intention.
" Thistreatifeiswrittenina careless, and some-
What slovenly manner, with regard to stile jand
composition ; but it contains a great deal of found
political observation.
" As the fabjedl of the remarks is in the highest
degree interesting, we fiiall take occasion here to
add to the observations of our ingenious author one
of our own, which we submit to the consideration
of American politicians. After the independence
of the United States of the Netherlands was re
cognized by the Spaniards in the twelve year's truce,
1609, the individual states began to pay very little
regard to the decrees of the States General ; and
even particular towns and lordships feenied desir
ous of maintaining entire independence on the
states of the province within which they were li
tuated. Ihe Dutch government, which had great
ly relaxed, and was even threatened with diflolu
tion, recovered its tone through the dangers with
which the United Provinces were threatened by
the war of thirty years in Germany, which was
terminated by the peace of Westphalia. After this,
diflentions prevailed uniformly among the Dutch,
or were composed, according as they dreaded or
were fecurecl against their ambitious neighbours.
But the American States have no neighbours by
whom they can ever be in danger of being made a
conqucft. The points of similitude and diflimili
tude between the American and Dutch provinces,
farnlfli a curious fubjecl of reflection andconjecture.
ABORIGINES OF AMERICA—
OF their bravery and address in war they have
given xis multiplied proofs. No people in the
world have higher notions ofmilitary honour than
the Indians. The fortitude,the calmness, and even
exultation which they while under the ex
tremeft torture, is in part owing to their favagc
insensibility, but more t? their exalted ideas ofmi
litary glory, and their rude notions of future hap
pinefs, which they believe they shall forfeit by the
least manifeftation of fear,or uneafinefs,under theii
tufferings. They are sincere in their friend/hips,
but bitter and determined in their ref&ntments,
and often pursue their enemies several hundred
miles through the woods, surmounting every dif
ficulty, in order to be revenged. In their public!
councils they ohferve the greatest decorum. Ii
the foreinoft rank fit the old men, who are th<
counsellors, then the warriors, and next the womei
and children. As they keep no records, it is th<
buiinefs of the women to notice every thing tlia'
pafies, to imprint it on their memories, and tell i:
to their children. They are, in short, the record:
of the council ; and with surprising exatftnefs
preserve the stipulation of treaties entered into j
hundred years back. Their kindness and hospi
tality is scarcely equalled by any civilized nation
I heir politeness in converfatipn is even carried tc
excess,- since it does not allow them to contraditf
any thing that is aflerted in their presence. Ir
■ (hort there appears to be much truth in Dr. Frank
| lin's observation, "We call them lavages, because
their manners differ from ours, which we think tht
: perfection of civility ; they think the fame of theirs.
Mnrf-'s Gtoerafthv.
NATIONAL MONITOR. No. f
'/irtue exalteth a nation ; but vice is a reproach to an)
pc ople. Solomon.
'j MS from experience that we reason belt"—
A And what is the result of this experience !
Consult the pages of antiquity—the records of the
times which were cfold—thofe, that the inexora
ble hand of fate has not consigned to eternal ob
livion—their fairhfhl details bear uninterrupted
tellimony to the truth of the wife man's observa
tion. Where are the monuments of ancient
grandeur—reared by the ijifidel hand of defpotim ?
Where are the splendid difplaysof Aflyrian pomp,
;n gardens and aqueducts? The fpacions theatres,
maufoleuins. obelilks and fountains of Rome in liet
" meridian splendour Where, all the fvftems oi
government which were, to lender immortal the re
publickS of ancient Greece ; of Carthage and her
proud and fuccefsful rival ? Time hath brushed
rhem away—and vice hath scarcely left a veltice
behind.
Let fceplicifm rack ifs invention to find out
other caules for the decline of States and Empires,
more con<rcnial to its wishes, more soothing to its
pride, and more accordant with its piinciples.—
Happy arc the people who read their fate, in their
charatlir ; and by an lmmble acknowledgement of
entire dependence on th<; Supreme Gbvernour of
the Uriiverfe, and a proper atention to a publick
acknowledgment of bis Providence—the practice of
justice, moderation, and benevolence, eltabliihthe
only foli't and laftihg t.iiis of national glory ar.d
felicity.
PLAN
OF THE
GAZETTE of the UNITED STATES.
A NATIONAL PAPER.
To be fublijhct ctthes t.d of the federal coVkrwment anil
tornfrfe, asfully as pof/ible, thefollowing Objeil t, i-.z. '
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XL. of CONGRESS— itsLAW'S, ACTS, and RESOLUTIONS
communicated so as to form an HISTORY of the TRAMSAiTiOU
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111. ESSAYS upon the great fubje&s of Government in genera!
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To the PUBLICK.
AT this important Crisis, the ideas that fill the
mind, are pregnant with Events of the greatest
magnitude—to strengthen and complete the UNI
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ledge and Information.
AMERICA, from this period, begimi new Era
in her national existence—" the world is ail
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and prosperity of the EMPIRES, STATES, and
KINGDOMS, which have had their day upon the
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' uggeft the molt important Mementos—These, with
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FREEDOM and GOVERNMENT—LIBERTY and
LAWS, are inseparable.
This Conviction has lcrd to the adoption of the
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good men are agreed in the necefliry that exists,
of an EFFICIENT FEDERAL GOVERNMENT.
A paper, therefore, eftabliihed upon NATION
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vant, JOHN FEN NO.
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