Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]) 1789-1793, April 25, 1789, Page 16, Image 4
THE TABLET. NUMBfcR IV. " It is of importance that men at the helm of affairs Jhould know how and when to touch the different]prings of tht human mind r I I H E love of one's country, like other attach- A nlents, is an involuntary ientiment. It relults more from liabit than reflection ; and may be de nominated a pal Son rather than a principle. It can be produced in the minds of all men by edu cation. Men never love their country, as 1 a matter of duty, merely because it is their country; but they are attached to it from feeling, because it coincides more with their prejudices, than any other coun try, tlicy have seen. From this cause, aperfon can 110 more reason himfelf into a love of his country, than into a love of any other object. A luxurious man cannot love that, which interferes with his pleasures. An avaricious man cannot love that, v. i.ich counteracts his interest. Of course, neither of these characters can have any affection for a government, which proceeds from the maxim, that "wealth or dissipation a!re a pufclick injury. They ■will both however be quiet citizens while the go vernment lets them alone. The firit only wishes not to be disturbed in his pleasures - r and the lall to be allowed to pursue his bufmefs. The mcft pro fligate man in the world may 'love his country as well as the bellman, provided the character ofhis count-y is accommodated to his taste and views. Any man, whollr object is publick fame, and who believes he cannot acquire this, but by a strict at tention to the publick good, will always be a patriot. Ardour of temper, controuled by a found judge ment, proves in ftich an initance, a fafe fubltitute for a good heart. 1 com the preceding sketch, fomfc important re flections m:ly be produced. It will intimate to le gislators that the plan of education should be moulded accordingto the fpiri? o 1 the government. It proves likewise, that countries, wliofe political character and circumstances are different, should not adopt limilar fyftcnis cf education. But tlip most important idea it suggests, is, that a nation, • composed of inhabitants, who are not generally native? of the country, should look for some other tip to secure the fidelity, and ob.ain the exertions of its citizens, besides patriotism. One of the beftfe curities against infurreiftions,in a country of fuchdi verfified inhabitants is anationaldomeilicdebt.This binds molt effectually the interest of nionied men, in promoting the prosperity of the government; and is pftrhaps an equivalent for publick spirit. Patriotism, commonly so called, is not apt to be the virtue of jiift and liberal minds. That quality, which ufital ly bears this name, Very soon degenerates into a desire to support a particular party. There are however some Individuals, who have f.ich dii ele vation of foul, ?.s to rife fbpcfiottr to the ifrlWerrce of fadtion, and are patriotsirom principle. They never will depart from a retftitu.le of conduct, iii any cause or country, they undertake to serve. This greatness of mind falls to the lot of few, and does not prevent the nfceeffity of guarding against men of a different call. Men, who bear the cha racter of ncn of the world, must be managed some other way, than by appealing to their sense of publick duty, to initnce them to promote the pub lick good. A discerning Legislator will soon de ft mine, in what manner the human mind is to be wrought upon, to render it subservient to the views of government. IGREICN /IRTICLEST LONDON, DECEMER 22. WHILST the balance of affairs remains itl fuf- the iriind of the multitude are divided ort the fdbjeift of war or peace. War with all the •vPorld; fays an old English p- overb, and peace with Spain. War, fays the Bt itiffi feainan, who wishes to fill his pocket with spoil, for the honour of old Jingland. War, fays the arrogant London politi cian, that we may aflert the glory of the flag. War, fays the to smother our domeftick feuds, and humble the pride and power of our na tu: al and perfidious enemies, the French. Peace, fays the merchant, who has got a furfeit of pri vateering, that we may ship goods in our own bot toms, lave freight and insurance, and deal f'ecure ]y with all the World. Peace, fays the hu mane timid, that we may avoid shedding our fel low-chriftian's blood, and spare our own. War, fays the yellow admiral, and half-pay captain, that inoreveliels may be put in conimiffioii. War, fays the fat provifton-broker, and slaughter-butcher, that we may play the double game of victualing British fleets and garrisons, whilst we omit not fending rich cargoes of beef and butter to a certain latitude, where the enemy's privateers will be sure to find them. Th'js are mankind divided ; and though the welfare and honour-os the kin irdom be the pretext for their various wishes, peri'onal ease, or an interest, which many prefer to it, are . the ruling motives. From the Analytical Review, or New Literary Journal, published in London, for Nov. 1788. ART. XXII. Remarks cj: the prcpoftd plan of federal government, addrejfed to the citizens of the Unite.d States of America, and particularly ft) the people oj Maryland. ByAriftides. Annapolis, printed by Frederick Green, printer to the Hate, i'mall Bvo. 32 p. 1 78S. " IN an important crili s, Ariftides addrefles his countrymen, particularly the citizens of Maryland, on the great subject of legislation and government. He recommends the Conllitution proposed by the Convention, viz. an elective Pre fiderit, Senate, and ah House of Representatives, by very fenlible ar guments, and a fpeciesofeloquence that flows from lincerity of intention. " Thistreatifeiswrittenina careless, and some- What slovenly manner, with regard to stile jand composition ; but it contains a great deal of found political observation. " As the fabjedl of the remarks is in the highest degree interesting, we fiiall take occasion here to add to the observations of our ingenious author one of our own, which we submit to the consideration of American politicians. After the independence of the United States of the Netherlands was re cognized by the Spaniards in the twelve year's truce, 1609, the individual states began to pay very little regard to the decrees of the States General ; and even particular towns and lordships feenied desir ous of maintaining entire independence on the states of the province within which they were li tuated. Ihe Dutch government, which had great ly relaxed, and was even threatened with diflolu tion, recovered its tone through the dangers with which the United Provinces were threatened by the war of thirty years in Germany, which was terminated by the peace of Westphalia. After this, diflentions prevailed uniformly among the Dutch, or were composed, according as they dreaded or were fecurecl against their ambitious neighbours. But the American States have no neighbours by whom they can ever be in danger of being made a conqucft. The points of similitude and diflimili tude between the American and Dutch provinces, farnlfli a curious fubjecl of reflection andconjecture. ABORIGINES OF AMERICA— OF their bravery and address in war they have given xis multiplied proofs. No people in the world have higher notions ofmilitary honour than the Indians. The fortitude,the calmness, and even exultation which they while under the ex tremeft torture, is in part owing to their favagc insensibility, but more t? their exalted ideas ofmi litary glory, and their rude notions of future hap pinefs, which they believe they shall forfeit by the least manifeftation of fear,or uneafinefs,under theii tufferings. They are sincere in their friend/hips, but bitter and determined in their ref&ntments, and often pursue their enemies several hundred miles through the woods, surmounting every dif ficulty, in order to be revenged. In their public! councils they ohferve the greatest decorum. Ii the foreinoft rank fit the old men, who are th< counsellors, then the warriors, and next the womei and children. As they keep no records, it is th< buiinefs of the women to notice every thing tlia' pafies, to imprint it on their memories, and tell i: to their children. They are, in short, the record: of the council ; and with surprising exatftnefs preserve the stipulation of treaties entered into j hundred years back. Their kindness and hospi tality is scarcely equalled by any civilized nation I heir politeness in converfatipn is even carried tc excess,- since it does not allow them to contraditf any thing that is aflerted in their presence. Ir ■ (hort there appears to be much truth in Dr. Frank | lin's observation, "We call them lavages, because their manners differ from ours, which we think tht : perfection of civility ; they think the fame of theirs. Mnrf-'s Gtoerafthv. NATIONAL MONITOR. No. f '/irtue exalteth a nation ; but vice is a reproach to an) pc ople. Solomon. 'j MS from experience that we reason belt"— A And what is the result of this experience ! Consult the pages of antiquity—the records of the times which were cfold—thofe, that the inexora ble hand of fate has not consigned to eternal ob livion—their fairhfhl details bear uninterrupted tellimony to the truth of the wife man's observa tion. Where are the monuments of ancient grandeur—reared by the ijifidel hand of defpotim ? Where are the splendid difplaysof Aflyrian pomp, ;n gardens and aqueducts? The fpacions theatres, maufoleuins. obelilks and fountains of Rome in liet " meridian splendour Where, all the fvftems oi government which were, to lender immortal the re publickS of ancient Greece ; of Carthage and her proud and fuccefsful rival ? Time hath brushed rhem away—and vice hath scarcely left a veltice behind. Let fceplicifm rack ifs invention to find out other caules for the decline of States and Empires, more con<rcnial to its wishes, more soothing to its pride, and more accordant with its piinciples.— Happy arc the people who read their fate, in their charatlir ; and by an lmmble acknowledgement of entire dependence on th<; Supreme Gbvernour of the Uriiverfe, and a proper atention to a publick acknowledgment of bis Providence—the practice of justice, moderation, and benevolence, eltabliihthe only foli't and laftihg t.iiis of national glory ar.d felicity. PLAN OF THE GAZETTE of the UNITED STATES. A NATIONAL PAPER. To be fublijhct ctthes t.d of the federal coVkrwment anil tornfrfe, asfully as pof/ible, thefollowing Objeil t, i-.z. ' I. ami . uthcntick Accounts of the PROCEEDINGS XL. of CONGRESS— itsLAW'S, ACTS, and RESOLUTIONS communicated so as to form an HISTORY of the TRAMSAiTiOU <f the lEDERAL LEGISLATURE, under the KE.VCOKStffuTIoi. 11. 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AMERICA, from this period, begimi new Era in her national existence—" the world is ail before her"—The wisdom and folly—themifery and prosperity of the EMPIRES, STATES, and KINGDOMS, which have had their day upon the great 1 lieatre of Time, and are now no more, ' uggeft the molt important Mementos—These, with the rapid series of Events, in which our own Conn' ti'y has been so deeply interested, have taught the enlightened Citizens of the United States, that FREEDOM and GOVERNMENT—LIBERTY and LAWS, are inseparable. This Conviction has lcrd to the adoption of the New Constitution ; for however various the Sen timents, refpec r tiiig the MERITS of this System, all good men are agreed in the necefliry that exists, of an EFFICIENT FEDERAL GOVERNMENT. 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