Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]) 1789-1793, April 22, 1789, Image 1

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No. E'l.
THE French nation profeeuting with ardour
their plans of reformation in Legillation arid
Tiirifpr-jdence.—'The Common* resolute for their
liehts—th» Nobility jealous of the consequence,
Jthe patriot King balancing the contending inter
ests, by railing a deprefled Democracy.
The people of this fertile and delightful region,
have lono-laboured under the fatal influence of bi
gotry-and blind zeal—The effects have been anf
werable —They are now emerging from darknels.
By recen' .ccounts, the arts begin to aflame a rei
pec-able J on among them—and as the rays of
knowled -m upon their minds, they will avail
themfelve. «i he advantages with which they are
favoured b nature.—Charles the Illd. who lately
tleceafed, ha ">een succeeded by his Son, Charles
the IVth. from wh.ofe adminiftraiion the nation
havt very ag-eeable anticipations.
It is faicl, that the new King has introduced his
O leen into his councils, and that Hie aflifts at the
opening of all the dil'patches. The Spanijh nat on
lijs long hcen celebrated for itr gallantry—lt feemsthe
new King is determined not to depreciate the nati
onal character.
Our allies, the Dutch, according to some late ac
counts; appear to be in an uneasy (itnation. 1 he
Prince of Orange, aided by the King of Pruflia,
has however, so effe(fled his design, that the Pto
\ince have' very little left, but the power of com
plaining. 9
The Monarch of this warlike Kingdom, like his
predecellor, is active and enterprizing —as his late
movements, with respect to the Dutch, and more
recently in regard to the Poles, (ufUciently teftify
—and it appca; s from the publick documents, that
Poland will find her inte. eft in conceding to his
demands, in not complying with the requisitions
oftheEmprefs of Rufiia.
This Empire appears to be Hred of the project
ing spirit of its Sovereign. —The Empe:or altera
tedious, and by inoft accounts, vexatious, and not
very glonous campaign, against the FuiLs, is re
turned to his capital—and if the latest accounts are
true, the Mufleluien appear to have no difpoiition
to abate of their ardour in profeeuting their advan
tages. The capture of Choczin, by the Kmprefs,
is the only event, which renders it probable that a
peace may be speedily rcftored. —1 he Lmperoys
dominions in the Netherlands, are yet in a fervent.
Emancipated Africans have been compl' :ined of as defeating the be
nevolent defi.ns of their friends, by unworthy conduQ. in a (late
of freedom: Admitting the fad, in some instances, the foil >w
iug is an attempt to aflign the caufc .
TO the enquiry upon the fubjccl of the Afri"
cans, principally with to the behaviour
ot these who have b :e : emancipated :—
It may be observed, That all circuinftances con
sidered, their condudt is as irreproachable, ascould
reasonably be cxnected—and nctwithftanding what
Iras been afierted, but fewinftances have occurred,
ot flagrantly bad chapters : It is however grant
ed, that many having obtained their freedom, be
come idle, vicious, and poor, and so a burthen to
I'ociery ; hut all this is to be accounted for, from
their forntt, fttuation ill life.
It is a general opinion among those who keep
Slaves, that ignorance is the heft feenrity for obe
dience— hence these child cn of misfortune, ar
brought up in an alienation from all inftruClion
and knowledge—and at an age, when the human
mind, is found incapable of imbibing ideas, or re
ceiving inftrtuftion, have been sent adrift,as it were
■without oars, fails, rudder, or compass to aflift thei,
progress in the voyage of life—or with li;tle nior.
to diftinguifli them from irrational animals, than
their lhape. I fay they are turned out to get their
living, in an inhospitable world, entirely destitute
of that knowledge, which is absolutely neceftary to
enable them to stand a common chance for a live
lihood—-Not only destitute of this knowledge, but
arrived to that advanced period of life, when ex
perience teftifies it is too late to learn.
, ' s incapacity is not a circumstance peculia,r to
c Africans : A, gentleman of my acquaintance,
w to was, at a former period, engaged in the bufi
of a publick In&ru<ftor, has allured me, that
s had both black and white scholars., who were men
j T 1 ~ ar ;d in p»oportion as they had been neg-
tn e early part of life, in that proportion
From SATURDAY, Armi. 18, to WEDNESDAY April 22, 1789.
it was found equally difficult to inttrudt either.—
Tliefe unhappy persons therefore ought not to be
irraigned upon the principles that apply lo those
who have enjoyed the blelling of an early educa
ion—for how can fruit be expedled, where 110 pre
paration was made for the harvest ?
The least attention to the condu<it of white per
sons, who labour under the disadvantages of ignor
ance, will Ihew, th;;t vice, indolence, and wretch
edness, are not confined to the colour of the
It may bealked, Whether there is reason to sup
pose, that, enjoying equal advantages, in point oi
education, with the whites, they would make equal
improvements ?—Unfortunately, experience does,
not at present furnifti us with documents to decidi
he question upon 3. general scale ; but nevertheless
here are a great many instances to prove, thai
hacks, who have had their education begun at a
proper period, have proved goodrnechanicks,Jarmers,
raders, and t cjpettable members of society. A variety
of particulars in point might be, enumerated, espe
cially in the country towns.
This information applies both to those who were
imported young, and to those born in the country —
with this, difference however, against the kidnap
ped Africans, that they are, in general, past the
age when impressions are made to the greatest ad
vantage, when firft sent into slavery. C.
[The following letter, together with 25 others, was written in Hol
land, in the year 1780, by His Excellency the Vice-President of
the United State , in answer to 29 questions proposed to him, by
a Society of gentlemen in Amfterdjtn.—The advertisement an
nexed to them, will give the belt ideaof theirnature and operation
" Dr. CALXOEN, an eminent civilian at Amsterdam, to whftm
hefe Letters were written,compofed, by the means of them, a com
parison between the revolt of the Low Countries from Spain, ant 1
he revolution of the United States of Amcrica j in which he con
:luded, upon the whole, that a 1 it aas a kind of mitotic that th '
farmer fucctedciy it would be a greater miracle Jltll if the latter Jhouti not.'
This composition was read by him to 3 Society of gentlemen of let
ers, about forty in number, who met sometimes at Amsterdam; and
by its means, jull sentiments of American affairs began to spread in
:hat country, and to prevail over the continual misrepresentations o'
:ertain Gazettes and emissaries. The publications of Gen. Howe,
ind Gen. Bur gov Ml, in vindication of themselves, were procured
o be translated into French, and prop a gated, together with many
3ther pamphlets, which a (Tided in the fame design, and contributed
.0 excite the citizens to thofeapplications, by petitions to the regen
:ics of thefeveral cities, which finallyprocured the acknowledgment
d( American indcpendency, the treaty of commerce, and a loan of
money." —— —■
Ext raft from a printed Pamphletl
Atnfterdavi, Gliober 10, 1730.
THE sixth talk is to shew, " That no person, in
" America, is of so much influence, power,
" or credit, that his death, or corruption, by En
" glifli money, could be of any nameable confe
" quence."
This question is very natural for a stranger to
ilk ; but it would not occur to a native American,
who had palled all his life in his own country ; and
upon hearing it proposed he could only finile.
It lhould be considered, that there are in Ame
rica no Kings, Princes or Nobles; no Popes, Cardi
nals, Patriarchs, Arclibiihops, Bishops or other
ecclesiastical dignitaries. They are these, and
[*uch like lofty subordinations, which place great
bodies of men in a state of dependence upon one,
which enable one or a few individuals, in Europe,
to carry away after them large numbers, wherever
hey may think fit to go.—There are no heredita
ry offices, or titles, in families ; nor even any great
illates that descend in a right line to the eldest
sons. All estates ofinteftates are distributed among
ill the children ; so that there are 110 individuals,
aor families, who have, either from office, title,
n- fortune, an exienfive power or influence. We
ire all equal in America, in a political view, and
is much alike as Lycurgus's hay cocks. All public
iffices and employments are bellowed by the free
hoice of the people, and, at present, through the
whole continent, are in the hands of those gentle
men who have diftinguilhed themselves the most,
by their counsels, exertions, and fufferings, in the
contest with Great-Britain. If there ever was a
war, that could be called the people's war, it is this
of America against Great-Britain ; it having been
determined 011 by the people, and pursued by the
people, in every step of its progress.
But who is it in America, that has credit to car
ry over, to the fide of Great-Britain, any number
of men ?—General Howe tells us, that he employ-
Ed Mr. Delancy, Mr. Cortlandt ikinner,Mr. Chal
mers, and Mr. Gallon ay, the molt influenzal men
hey could find; and he tells you theii" ridiculous
Are they members of Congress, who, by being
corrupted, would carry votes in C ongrefs 111 favor
of the Englifli.—l can tell you of a truth, there
has not been one motion made inCongiefs, since
:he declaration of independency, on the 4th of
July, 1776, foi a reconciliation with Gr eat Britain;
and there is not one man, in America, of luf
cient authority, or credit, to make a motion in.
Congress, for a peace with Great-Biitain, upon
my terms fliort of independence, without ruining
ills character for ever. If a delegate si om any one ot
ire Thirteen States, were to make a mouon for
peace, upon any conditions short of independency,
hat delegate would be recalled with indignation
oy his constituents, as soon as tlrey should know
,c.—The Englilh have artfully repiefented in i.u
ope, tliatC ongi el's have been governed by paiticu
lar gentlemen ; but you may uepend vpon it, it is
falfe. At one tinre, the Engliflr would have made
it believed that Mr. Randolph, the fiift Piefident
of Congress, was its foul. Mr. Randolph died, and
Congress proceeded as well asfcver —At another time
Mr. Hancock was all and all. Mr. Hancock left the
Congress, and has scarcely been there for thiee
years ; yet Congreft has pi oceeded wiilr as much
vvifdom, honor and fortitude as ever.—At another
time, the English reprel'ented that Mr. Dickinfon
was the ruler of America. Mr. Dickiijfon opposed
openly,and upon principle,the declaration ot inde
pendency ; but, instead of carrying his point, Iris
conlUtuents differed with him so materially, that
they recalled him fromCongrefs, and he was absent
fonre years ; yet Congress proceeded with no less
constancy ; and Mr. Dickinfon lately, finding all
America unalterably fixed in the fyltem of indepen
dency, has fallen in, like a good citizen, and now
supports it inCongrefs with as much zeal as others.
—At another time, the Englilh have been known
to believe that Dr. Franklin was the eflential mem
ber of Congress ; but Dr. Fanklin was sent to France
in 1776, and has been there ever since ; yet Con
gress has been aS atftive and as capable as before.—
At another time Mr. Samuel Adams was reprefent
edasthe man who didevery tiring ; yet Mr. Salnuel
Adams has been absent for the greatest part of three
years, attending his duty as Secretary of State in
the Maflachufett's Bay ; yetit does not appear that
Mr. Adams's absence has weakened the deliberati
ons of Congress in theleafl.—-Nay, they have fbme
tinres been filly enough to represent your humble
servant, Mr. John Adams, as an eflential member
x)f Congress ; it is now, however, three years since
Congress did him the honour to fend him to Europe
as a Minister Plenipotentiary to the Court of Ver
sailles, and he has never been in Congress since :
Yet Congress have done better since became away,
than they ever did before.
In short, Sir, all these pretences are the most ri
diculous imaginable. The American cause Hands
upon the eflential, unalterable character of the
whole body of the people ; upon their prejudices,
paflrons, habits, and principles, which they derived
from their ancestors, their educa' ion ; drew in with
their mothers' milk, and have been confirmed by
the whole course of their lives : And the characters
whom they have made conspicuous, by placing
Jiern in their public employments,
Are but bubbles on the sea of matter borne ;
They rife, they break, and to that sea return;
The fame reasoning is applicable to all the Gover«f
nors, Lieutenant Governors, Secretaries of State,
Judges, Senators, and Representatives of particular
,tates. They are all eligible, and elected every
year by the body of the people ; and would lose
heir characters and- influence the instant they
ihould depart, in their public conduct, frton the
political system that the people are determined to
But are there any officers of the army, who' could
carry over large numbers of people ?—The influ
ence of these officers is confined to the army : They
have very little among the citizens. But if we
consider the conftitutirar of that army, we shall fee,
that it is impossible that any officer could carry
with him any numbers, even of soldiers. These
officers are not appointed by a King, or a Prince,
nor by General Washington : They can hardly be
said to be appointed by Congref3. They have all
commilfions fromCongrefs, it is true ; but they are
named and recommended, and are generally ap
pointed, by the executive branch of government im
the particular state to which they belong, except
the general officers, who are appointed by Con
gress. The continental army consists of the quotas
of officers and troops furnifhedby thirteen States.
If an officer of the Maflachufett's Bay forces, forex
ample, should go over to the enemy, he might,
poflibly,carry withhiiir half a do - /, soldiers belong
ing to that State j yet I even doubt whether any