THE DAILY EVENING TELEGRAPII PHILADELPHIA, THURSDAY, JUNE 22,. 1871.
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DAT FOB THB EVENING TELKOBAPH.
THE ECONOMIC LESSON OF THE COM
MUNE. From the London Spectator. ...
What will be the effect of the Communist
failure on the Booial elevation of the masses ?
When the passions Justly aroused by last
week's catastrophe have died away, the mo
tives and objeots of an insurreotion designed
to reorganize sooiety, and its ultimate effect
on the real welfare of the masses, will form
the chief subjects of interest conneoted with
it. Those who are trying to make,
the Europe ,cf the future more like
what they would wish to see it, will
have forced on them the question how far
their aims are impeded or promoted by the
civil war of Paris and its terrible tragedies.
In the midst, therefore, of the hurry and ex
citement of the moment we should like to
step aside for a little, and look at the perma
nent issue which underlies so much of the
oenteBt. At first sight, the prospeot is some
what disheartening. To take the very sim
plest view, it is impossible not to see that the
destruction and waste of the last few months,
and the disruption of business relations, will
retard for years the production and accumu
lation of wealth upon which primarily
the material welfare of the masses
depends. Before wealth can be dis
tributed, it must exist, and the pro
blem of distributing an average amount of
well-being among large industrial communi
ties is not simplified, but the reverse, by a
diminution of the aggregate means. Still
more will the object in view be at least tem
porarily hindered by the aggravation of
political and class animosities through the in
surrection itself. We may quite expect at
first a more jealous and grasping selfishness
on the part of those who possess, at least in
a country like France, coming out in a
rougher application of the rules of compe
tition, and a more distant intercourse with
the "inferiors" employed, and com
ing oat in legislation in every kind of restric
tive regulation to make capital and property
secure, and guard those who possess against
another irruption from below. These condi
tions of the problem of elevating the masses
are in the highest degree unfavorable. For
years, perhaps, it will be up-hill work to
bring the old questions to the foreground,
and it will certainly take some time before the
recently existing vantage-ground of accumu
lating wealth to be distributed, and to employ
laborers, is reacquired in France. But it is im
possible not to see that this is only a super
ficial aspect of the question. The problem
we have stated is not to be shelved by any
catastrophes, or the blunders of the workmen
themselves in aiming at a vague and shadowy
ideal. If the vices of old societies are not to
be stereotyped in modern Europe, or some
of the worst phenomena of a slave commu
nity are not to be reproduced in a sooiety
which consists of impoverished workmen and
wealthy employers, then the eoonomlo ques
tions which were at the bottom of the insur
rection must be again and again taken up,
however wide the true solution may be from
the ideas and aims of the insurgents.
In reality we believe that the insurrection,
notwithstanding the immediate loss to the
cause of the masses involved in its defeat, will
in the end accelerate, and, if statesmen are
wise, ought to aocelerate, the end desired. It
is the nature of such events as we have just
seen to empnasize tne ideas associated with
them, and give them a compelling power over
men's minds most powerful iu promoting their
acceptance, or the study of the right means of
opposing them, in spite of the prejudices they
excite. The first French Involution, with all
its horrors, substituted a new society for the
old; even the Revolution of 1813 left a trace
of .its. peculiar ideas behind
it, in the vast expenditure on
public works which answered some
of the objeots of "national workshops;" more
recently we have seen how abortive, attempts
. at insurrection in Ireland awakened men's
minds ' to the urgency of measures which
were, if anything, net desired by the insur
. gents, but were the only means possible for
meeting the insurrection. In the same way
the civil war of the last two months cannot
but concentrate political thought on the vast
discontent which bred it, and on the state of
education among the masses whioh gave so
much currency to. Utopian delusions and ag
gravated the crimes of the closing soenes. It
is of little use to say that the motive power is
only envy that in the nineteenth century,
notwithstanding better wages and more com
fort, the artisans have not got beyond the
ideas which produced a Jack Cade rebel
lion. The phenomenon will not be got rid of
by hard names, even if it deserves them, and
the unstable, equilibrium it creates will be a
continual source of anxiety. And the actual
history of the iBBurrection, though the insur
gents and their allies have temporarily lost
power and prestige, will certainly aggravate
the discontent and danger. The misery re
sulting will be a fresh stimulus to passion,
while there has been nothing like the failure
of an experiment to make the Socialist doc
trine unpopular with reflecting artisans.
The Commune, they may say, never
bad a chance. . It had to fight for dear
life from the very beginning, and could
cot get beyond the organization of a
camp. The partial socialist experiments
that were tried, they may add, were so far
not successful. The whole ciroumstaaoes of
l'aria for many months were such as to neces
sitate a State organization for satisfying the
ordinary wants of living, and the organization
did not break down. Why not reader perma
nent an arrangement which was pousible
under the stress ef a biege, and which at
least bestowed on the artisans of Paris a state
of comfort which they had not before en
joyed? There is thus nothing in the hhtory
to create a distrust among working-men of
the theories to which tbey have been prone.
The spirit in which the insurrection has been
suppressed, as all must recognize, will also
aggravate the evil. They were hated, the
artisans will Fay, with a perfect hatrod
because' the bourgeoisie, the capitalists,
the State pansionaries, the gentle-,
men were eager to get back to their money
getting and luxury, and would not even con
sider whether a more equal share for all at
the banquet of life was not possible. We
cannot but conceive, therefore, as most for
midable during the next few years the state
of mind among the artisan classes, not oa'.y
in France itself, but by sympathy throughout
the whole continent of Europe. The discon
tent which bred the insurrection will hve
been aggravated, and even apart from the
interest wLioh the immrrrotiou itself will
rouse, should ooncentnte the tbo'ights of
politicians on the means of averting the
calamities involved in the existeuje of uuah
feelings. No ench btimnlun t.uoil i ba neca
aary, Cut its operation may ntvl he beneauaut.
, There are ulfO one or tu Niilordiuat le
SODf, but Btiil of reht prujiicnl iuipoituc,
taught by the disasters of the Commune.
One is the inability of attempting to eduoate
the workmen by the enthuslaslio advocaoy of
the bard principles of politioal economy.
Science in, of course, passionless, and has no
likes or dislikes, but the enthusiasm for the
present eoonomio system, whioh is not un
natural among theorists and the men who
teach the workmen from above, has a grating
effect, for very suffloient reasons, upon the
pupils. What the theorist admires, : and
very Justly, is the perfection with
whioh wealth is created and distributed by a
complicated and spontaneous machinery, by
which millions of human beings are supported
upon narrow room, the great majority in an ad
vanced state of civilization compared with the
state of muoh fewer cumbers not very many
centuries ago. The theorist, too, is appre
hensive, and knows that amy novel system, if
it could ever be tried, will be likely to break
down altogether. i lie may justly Bay, too.
that what the present system accomplishes
is . nothing to what its triumphs would
be were workmen themselves more careful
that they have the game in their own hands
even now, and do not need to try any novel
experiments. And such views are naturally
ecnoea Dy suocesBiui incuviunaia ana classes.
But the difficulty is that the pupils to whom
this enthusiastic advocacy is applied are ne
cessarily so placed as to reel the pinch of the
failures where the system breaks down, and
cannot be expeoted to talie them so philoso
phically, even if they could hold the wider
views as to the dilnculty of any system whioh
the theorist entertains. People who may be
forced to starve by a new invention which
destroys their means of living, or by a oom
mercial crisis, cannot take the present system
calmly, and must necessarily give ex
aggerated importance to these failures. No
doubt, were they more careful, many of these
failures would be mitigated; but the imper
fections of human nature are a necessary con
dition of the problem, and beoause they are
imperfect we cannot suppose that the arti
sans will be any the more content. The late
insurrection, therefore, may be taken as a
formidable protest against the merely scien
tific and philosophio way of treating the
problems affecting the artisan classes. The
causes of the discontent which lighted up so
tremendous a conflagration cannot have been
slight, and the easy and Confident mode of
refuting socialist fallacies must be definitely
given up. It is significant enough that
tne explosion snouid occur in a
country where the teaching of
orthodox political economy is always
given in its hardest form. 1 rench economists
will hardly make any allowances at all. They
cave labored to demonstrate that the system
of competition is bo perfect as to leave no
deficiencies to be supplemented, and they
resent with scorn any notion of failure in its
working.
A second lesson is the error of the excess of
thrift, and jealousy of property-rights, which
is the vice of French society. Tne enthusi
astic advocacy of orthodox political eoonomy
is pernaps only a lorm or this social vice, ag
gravated by the neatness of French logic.
isow, wnatever may be said tor an
eoonomio system founded upon com
petition, it must be admitted to be
quite " possible for the moral evils of
an unscrupulous use of it in all social rela
tions to exceed the material advantages. A
society in which there were no cordial rela
tions between classes, no common pursuits.
no willing contributions towards common
aims, would really be a sooiety full of intes
tine; war; and it is to be feared both that
1 rench society has nearly reached this stage,
and that it is a danger of all industrial com
munities. Different groups become strangers
to each other, and their only intercourse may
be one of competition, whioh is apt to take
its lowest shape. One corrective to this evil
is that of generous giving, and if sooiety is
cot to be destroyed, other correctives must
be foucd, chiefly, we believe, in the increase
of the functions of the State, and
the extension of its educational and
disciplinary agencies. The end should be
that while all classes are socially bound
together, competition should come to be
viewed mainly as a means of distributing the
general wealth of society according to indi
vidual tastes, and in proportion to individual
efforts, and cot as an instrument of avarice
or greed.
We conclude, then, that the result of the
insurrection muBt be to give new life to the
problem of the distribution of wealth that
statwmen must seek more earnestly than
ever,to cover the lamentable failures of the
present economic system, whether they are
due to defective education or to other causes.
The various ' remedies possible may be un
doubtedly combined. Legislation and the
general efforts of society in a proper spirit
should promote in the masses a disposition to
receive the first lesson of political eoonomy.
which is the necessary imperfection of any
system for so complex a task as the distribu
tion of wealth among imperfect human
beings. Nor can it be said that the expe
dients possible to stat esmen for distributing
some portion of the whole wealth of a oom
munity cave been exhausted, is one are
equal singly or collectively to what prudent
workmen could do for themselves, but they
will .help a little, and as workmen improve
the aggregate result in a country of in
creasing wealth may be great. Amongst
other means which might be suggested,
there is the regulation for the common
benefit of natural and artificial monopolies,
which has certainly not yet been carried in
any community to a tolerable degree of per
fection. It would hardly be possible to over
estimate, for instance, the amount of eomfort
which would be conferred on the oitizens of
crowded towns by the improved regulation of
the monopolies of soil, water, light, and looo-
motion. 'Ihings which the poor must cow
purchase dearly on aoaouut of defec
tive regulation might be almost as free a
air, and a common property which is
neglected might be appropriated to the
necessary expenditure or the community.
Again, ' while private property remains the
rule, a certain class of property which cannot
be removed from the country, whioh pos
sesses arjiincreasing monopoly value, niay well
be the subject of restrictions as to posses
sion and inheritance which would seoure to
the community generally a portion of that
value, in a country ot increasing wealth,
the common estate fchould, in fact, be sus
ceptible or almost indefinite increase, and
become the means of adding to the enjoy
ments ana comfort of every ludi
vidual it contains. At present nations
are so indebted, that to talk of
national propei tv, or a sutplus of such pro
perty, is absurd, but the astyniohing rate at
which wealth cow increases must make us
look forward to a change in the condition of
the principal nations. Lven as it is, they
possess properties whioh ha?e little salable
value, but are or service to the community,
and such properties may at lea-it be increased.
It is leRS important, however, to point out
pedicular expedients, than to show their poi
biUlity. Statesmen will have no excuse in the
oomiiiiona of soeipty, or in the want of mean,
lor ceglettlug tue problems thUHt upon taeui,
FOR BUSINESS WOMEN. 1
From the Jf. T. Tribune.
A cumber of statements have been reoently
Bent to us which exhibit the difficulties whioh
women, especially if at all young or good-
looking, encounter in tne cities when trying
to earn their living by any business that
brings them into contact with men. We are
told tbat respectable ladies wno have gone out
to solicit advertisements have been obliged
to give up the work, having been so fre
quently insulted, even by merchants aad pro
fessional men of high standing. One young
lady has found her bright, sparkling eyes a
curse, from constantly drawing towards her
improper advances. iter experience leads
her to suppose that men think any woman of
ber class likely to be lacking in morality. She
once lost all control or Herself, and slapped a
man's face before all of his clerks for making
an indecent proposal to her. A member of
Sorosis (or lather her husband) oom plains that
she is "constantly in receipt of letters, some
times Bigned, containing the most infamous
proposals." Another lady was in the habit of
sending her little girl to newspaper offices
with JISS, until the child was grossly insulted
in the office of a morning daily journal. And
so the list goes on.
e cave no reason to doubt the truth of
these statements, but, knowing nothiug of
the details and peculiar circumstanoes, we do
cot feel inclined to base any opinion upon
them, (jertainly not mat wnioh they would at
first suggest, that men, as we ordinarily meet
them, are so bestial in their habits and in
clinations tbat a pure woman absolutely can
not come in contact with them without dan
ger of outrage. We prefer to decide the
question of the practicability of those out
door kinds of work for modest women by the
simple rules which govern human nature
rather than by these few exceptional oases.
Here are tne facts: mere is now in New
York an, unprecedented amount of vice.
Lewdness is not confined to brothels; the
taint, or at least the apparent signs of it,
can be detected in every class of sooiety. It
is cot to be denied that many men, modest
and refined in manner while witn their pure
wives and their associates, are gross enough
when in contact with this other lower class;
and are just cow doubly suspicious and
watchful of their presence in unlikely places,
Nor is it to be denied that a large class of
educated women in this and other cities are
driven to a choioe between unusual modes of
bread-getting or starvation. Now, are the
characters of such women in any danger of
being mistalten by these men, simply because
of their occupation We answer promptly,
No. There are exceptions, as we have j ust
been told, lint the rule is almost absolute
that a pure woman, providad al Trays that her
dignity and quiet manner express her pnrity,
needs no lion to protect her, wherever she may
go. The old fable of Una has not lost its
truth to-day. Counting-rooms and offiaes in
New York are surely not peopled by more
brutal ruffians than the dens of Newgate,
through which Elizabeth Fry passed alone and
undefended. We have seen a young, attrac
tive girl employed as painter in a japanning
factory with three hundred workmen, from
whom she received the respect due to a qaeen
The danger of evil whioh women do run,
however, in these occupations, is that whioh
they do to themselves. It is. quite possible
for a middle-aged woman to pursue them
without alteration in ber former habits
of i thought . or manners; but every
rational man ' will agree , with us that
no child ef twelve or young girl of eighteen
could spend her daily life in hawking about
advertisements or MSS. from shop to shop,
and retain the delicacy and womanly charm
which a home life would have given her. Una
herself would have grown pert and brazen in
such an ordeal. The graces and tenderness
of manner which make a young girl enchant
ing by her father's hearth would be out of
place in a dozen successive offices; arch
espieglerie, fine coquetry, pleading softness,
befit her thero, as glowing colors and mellow
song do the bird in spring, but when exhi
bited, however unconsciously, to dapper
young clerks and portlyjmerchants on 'Change,
would soon be earned, and deserve to be
named, by grosser terms.
"Are women then to starve?" we are asked.
By no means. The Tribune broke ground
upon this subject twenty years ago, demand
ing new and wider careers in which women
could find bodily and mental food. It occu
pies 'precisely the same position cow, only
requiring of them that they shall meet their
difficulties with ordinary common sense in
stead ! of rhodomontade of sentiment, and
that in order to get bread they shall not need
lessly throw away the modesty and gentleness
wherein lies their chief strength. Common
sense suggests that, as "it is not likely nor
desirable that a young girl going out
as an advertising agent would
deport herself with the gravity
of a woman of forty, such dangerous situa
tions be left for the older women. There are
other ways, which we have pointed out time
and again, by which a young woman can sup
port herself and live seoluded and seoure, not
only chaste, but modest in manner. Innumer
able hand-crafts, designing, nursing the siok,
the higher kinds of domestio serviee whioh re
quire as much culture and are quite as re
spectable as "advertising," are all praotioable
in the city. Outside of it, the same modes
of money-getting are attainable, added to
horticulture in all its branches. There, too,
there is no danger of insult or outrage.
"A willi Dg horse," says the Yorkshire pro
verb, "need not be shown the road twice."
TIIE MISTAKE OF THE SOUTII.
From the -V. Y. Timet.
The tenor of the discussion by the press
throughout the country of the "new depar
ture declared by the late Mr. Vallandiguam
and hi b followers, indicates pretty conclu
sively that if the new movement is to be in
sisted on, it will result in a hopeless division
of the Democratic party. The few di soon
tented Republicans, who, it was expected.
wouia casten to join tne democratic ranks
the moment they saw them raise the Repub
lican standard, do not display that alacrity in
casting on aiiegianoe to tneir own party which
was anticipated, while, on the other hand, a
large section of the Democratic party, com.
prising nearly all of its sincere and honest ad
herents, is disposed to ask itself the plain
and sensible question: "If we are to adopt
Republican principles, why not openly join
the Republican party?" Or, as a Kentucky
paper puts it "If Northern Democrats
are going, for the Bake of individual success,
to indorse all the radioals have done, and to
come on their platform for the sake of getting
Northern votes, it might be better for the
Southern Democrats to make their bargains
with the radicals themselves, and obtain all
the benefits to be derived therefrom."
A declaration like this brings into promi
nence the very grave mistake which, w a ap
prehend, the leading men of the South will
one day Bee, if tbey do not already see, was
made by them in the course they pursued at
the clone of the Rebellion. Admitting, a
they generally did, that the cause for which
they fought was irretrievably lost, that the
doctrine of fcectbsiou Lad been settled ad
versely and forever, that the institution of
slavery was dead, and that they were glad of
it wby Bhould they cot have frankly
accepted the situation, conformed them
selves to the new order of things, and sought
political ainanoe witn tne party, iocs though
tbey bad lately been, whioh represented the
almost unanimous sentiment of the North,
rather than with the feeble minority known
as the Democratic party, which, although
professing to be their friends, had
roved . treacherous to mem in tne
mur of need ? Had tbey done this, every
Southern State would years ago have had en
tire and undisturbed control of its own
affairs, universal amnesty would have been
proclaimed, and the South would to-day be in
the enjoyment oi a greater degree oi unity,
social order, prosperity, and happiness than
existed at any time previous to the war. In
Bpite of the deep and, for tne time being, re
vengeful feeling excited by the assassination
of President Linooln, the Southern people
never had friends truer or more magnanimous
than were the victors at the close of the war.
The entire North was willing and anxious to
overlook the - past, and to unite with the
South in healing the wounds of the
strife, and in promoting the mutual pros
perity and glory of the country. Northern
capital and Northern energy stood ready to
enter upon Southern fields, with immigration
following in their train, to introduce new m
dustrif s, restore the waste places, devslop the
resources, and enhance the wealth of the
South; but they were coldly received, socially
ostracized, in many cases actually mobbed
and killed, and were finally compelled to
abandon the country altogether as a practical
field for business enterprise or personal com
fort. Meanwhile the leading and influential
men of the South seated themselves beside
their chattered household gods, and in
morose and sullen pride bewailed their
reverse of fortune,, and refused to
take any part either in the politioal or
industrial work demanded by the new order
of things. They permitted, and in many
cases -countenanced, the formation of roving
bands of miscreants and cut-throats, under
the came of Ku-klux, who scoured the coun
try, inflicting Rebel vengeance upon inoffen
sive Union men, murdering negroes, and
creating a general reign of terror through
out i the country. All this time their
professed friends of the ' North the
cowardly and sneaking Democratic party,
that - bad originally encouraged the
Rebellion by promising aid which it never
rendered applauded them in thus continu
ing the fight after the war was over, assured
them that all the "radical" measures for
reconstructing the Government wore uncon
stitutional, null, and void, and led them to
hope that the time would soon come when
tbey could return to power under the "Con
stitution as it was," with all their old institu
tions intact, including, if thoy wished it,
necro slavery.
Thus deceived and cajoled, the South has
dragged along nearly six years which would
more than have sufficed, under other auspices,
to restore it to its ante-war prosperity and
now what do we see f This same Democratio
party has the unspeakable effrontery to pre
sent the South with a platform stolen almost
bodily from the Republicans with the most
odious, "radical planus nrmiy fastened there
in and to ask the Southern people to
accept it, and to he Jo then! to make
it
the medium of crawling into power. Wei
may they answer, as many of thtJaJ . do
answer, that it would "be better for tha
Southern Democrats to make their bargains
witn tne radicals tnemselves and obtain all
the benefits to be derived therefrom."' The
South will one day discover what a chivalrous
people, as they claim to be, ought to have
discovered long ago that it is muoh safer,
after a battle, to entrust yourself to an open
and manly foe by whom you have been van
quished, than to seek an alliance with the
treacherous friend who first urged you into
the fight and then refrained from offering any
assistance until it was all over. .
JUNIUS.
From the V. Y. World, ......
Again is interest in this oldsubject revived,
and we break the continuity of our relatively
mild political inculpation of men around us
by a reference to this most virulent of party
controversialists. Let any one who is shocked
by the aorimoniousness of to-day's discussions
read a letter of "Junius" to the Duke of
Grafton or Lord Mansfield, and he will be
content with the present evil, ehooking
though it be. The most recent development
of this mystery, while it does cot absolutely
decide the authorship, makes a long step to
wards it, and settles it we think forever that
Sir Philip Franois to use the new word
coined in this very controversy was the
handwriter. It is the elaborate work a
huge and expensive quarto profusely
illustrated of the Hoc. Edward Twistleton,
devoted specially, indeed exclusively, to the
question of handwriting. There is a review
of this book in the London Quarterly for
April, but co one can measure the importance
of this contribution to Junianism who does
not examine the work itself. It well repays
study. Not only is it of special interest on
this literary problem, but as an exposition of
scientific result for the scrutiny of auto
graphs, genuine and forged, natural and dis
guised, is a practical scienoe is of great
value. It Bhould form part of every lawyer's
library. When we recall such oases as have
occurred cot only in Groat Britain, but in
this country, such as the proseoution of Dr.
Webster, and a recent disputed will in New
York, we at once appreciate the importance
of these inquiries when thoroughly and
scientifically made.
No one can read this volume without being
satibfied beyond ail peradventure that the
actual writer of the Junius letters was not
Lady Temple or Lord George Saokviile, but
was Sir Philip Francis. There is a marvel
lous resemblance between the general charac
ter, aa bhown in the fao-similes, of Lady
Temple's writing and the "Junius" feigned
hand, but that yields to the adverse detailed
proof which is here adduced. Lord Sack
ville clearly was cot the handwriter. Among
the vast mass of details in favor of Francis
cone is more impressive than that exhibited
in the corrected proofs. The proof-sheets
were sent by Woodfall to his unknown con
tributor with the dates in blank. lie ap
pears at first to have filled them up in
his natural hand, then to have carefully
erased them and resorted to the feigned hamd.
In one instance only, "20 July, 170:)," did he
forget to do so, and that date is beyond all
question in Francis' hand. Not content with
this the experts have gone behind the oblite
rative work, and undar it everywhere is the
Francis autograph. Then, too, when Franois
was away from London, falling in love with a
pretty woman at Rath to whom he wished to
tend . anonymously some complimentary
verbea, - he forgot his town precaution and
wrote a cote with the poetry in the Junian
writing. Mr; Twistleton s volume is the most
rematkable specimen of conclusive cumula
tive proof we ever remember to have seen.
It is interesting, too, in one inBtanoe, in au
American point of view. In one of what are
known as the "World Essays," published long
before this Twistleton work reached this
country, Ibis passage occurs:
If Sir Philip Francis be Juntas, then has Junius a
sort of American relation such ail like to evolve.
In one of the graveyards of a atiter city (Phlladel-
otubiu ui mr rnillp, and tor yearn nrooruM i
Philadelphia. There and in Rhode Island, where
one was Oovernor and annntor, are his honorsd de
scendants. Tha name of Tilahman. distinguished
at the bar, on the bench, and in the military service
otonr ancient and classic times, la that of one
branch of the Francis family. One Tllghmn wa
Washington's dear friend and confldentlal aid, and
It may be that from some hidden depository on this
moe oi me Atiantio Tor mr rhlllp corresponded
freely with his American klosfolK may yet come
gome new ngnt on tnu ancient puzzle.
This conjecture has been verified, in fact
was verified, without the knowledge of tha
writer at the time it was made, and this
volume contains very important proof of the
identity of JuniuB and rrancls derived from
this very American source and the association
of the Philadelphia Tilghmans and Francises.
rnuip Jt ran ci8 belne thus proved to be the
handwriter of "Junius," what then ? Does it
follow as a matter of inevitable logio that be
was "Junius?" We think not. Mr. Twistle
ton has a chaptervto show by reasoning that
Junius had no amanuensis, but it is not con
clusive, tnougn plausible. We can perfectly
understand cow a young clerk in the Vint
Office, cot overscrupulous as to official
fidelity, could be the go-between and the
clerk of the great and, in our judgment,
veteran defamer, or even that he could bo
one of a conspiracy, each with his share of
work allotted; but reading the early printed
letters in January, 17C9 so grand in their
sustained rhetorio, so rich in the fruits
of experience and observation we cannot
vet believe them to be tne worK of a
man of but twenty-cine years of age. Nay,
these very early letters contain internal evi
dence that Junius had no sympathy with
youth. An anonymous argument has been
somewhere made that Junius was a tall man
because he always sneers at little people. By
parity of reasoning he could not have been
a young man. A man under thirty years
would hardly speak of an elder like the
Duke of Graiton as "a young man;" nor
would he, as does Junius, writing secretly
to the Earl of Chatham in 1708, call Lord
Shelburne, who was born in 1737, and was
therefore thirty-one, "a youth of no weight
and with want of knowledge." ' We are not
aware that this suggestion has been made
before. If there were a combination of more
than one. perhaps three say Lord Temple,
Lord George Sackville, or the Duke of Rich
mond (whose came has been recently brought
forward), and Franois we can reconcile all
the contradictions aed denials and equivoca
tions, and perfectly understand how dex
terously each played his part and was bound
to secrecy by common peril and the chance of
common disgrace. Such, valtat quantum, ia
our Junian theory.
' SPECIAL NOTICES.-
try- ABSTRACT OF THB CONDITION OF THB
NATIONAL BANK OF THB REPUBLIC, Noa.
8(9 and 811 CFlESNTJT Street, at the close of Dual
ness hours June 10i lsil :
RESOURCES.
Investments.....?; frT'.....$2.431,00M5
Due from banks 603,238 80 ".
Cash , W9.8: 2 u
1,253,110 43
Total t3,784,149-8T
' LIABILITIES. """i
Capital i,ooo.ooo-oo
Surplus and prollts 0,C2V76
Deposits. tl.603.r.28-82
Circulation... 80o,ooooo
ToUl. '.13,734,149-67
Attest: WILLIAM H. HUAWN,
61Tstutb6t President.
ST" UNIVERSITY OW TRANSYLVANIA.
w FACULTY OP ARTS.
Jtms 6. 1871.
The ANNUAL PUBLIC EXAMINATIONS of the
JUNIOR, SOPHOMORE, and FRESHMAN classes
will be held dally (except Saturday), from Jnne 9
to June 86, from 10 o'clocK A. M. to 8 o'clock P. M.
The CORNER-SI ONE of the new College Build
ing in West Philadelphia will be laid on the after
noon of THURSDAY, the 15th, at 6 o'clock.
CANDIDATES FOR ADMISSION to any of the
College cl assess will be examined in the GREEK
and LATIN LANGUAGES on TUESDAY, Jnna
87, at 11 o'clock; and In the ENGLISH STUDIKS
and MATHEMATICS on WEDNESDAY, June 88,
at half-past 10 o'clock.
The ANNUAL COMMENCEMENT wiU take place
on THURSDAY, June 89.
FRANCIS A. JACKSON,
ei013trp Secretary of the Faculty. -
TO MY DEMOCRATIC FRIENDS.
-Understanding that reports have been circulated
that I have withdrawn my name from the canvass I
hereby authorize my friends to assert tnat I will,
under all circumstances, be a candidate before the
Convention, for the Democratic nomination for
PROTHONOTARY of the COURT OF COMMON
PLEAS.
FRANCIS D. PASTORIUS,
6 20 6t ; Finn Ward.
SPHCIAL NOTICE. C A M D E N AND
AMUOYKAI' KOAD LKASS.
STOCKHOLDERS
of the
CAMDEN AND AMBOY RAILROAD,
DELAWARE AND RAKITAN OA NIL AND
NEW JERSEY RAILROAD AND TRANS
PORTATION COMPANY,
are invited to sign a consent to lease the works
to the
PENNSYLVANIA RAILROAD,
now ready at the oitlces of
SAMUEL WELSH, Chairman,
No. 818 8. Delaware avenue; -D.
M. ROBINSON, No. 138 8. Third street;
tiAW, BACON A CO., No. 815 Walnut street;
THOMAS A. Bl DDL A CO., No. S26 Walnut St.
BULL A NORTH, Third and Dock streets.
May 18, ISIL 6 10 lot
gy FIRST PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH, OAM
den, N. J. The ceremonies aHendiug the
laying of the corner-stone or the new oiiurch will
take place THIS AFTERNOON, ?! Instant, at 5
o'clock, at the N. . corner of FIFTH audPESN
Streeta.
Addresses will be made by the pastor, Rev. V. D.
Reed, D. D., Rev. Herrluk JoUuson. D. !., Hon.
Joseph Allison, LL.D., ana Rev. Matthew Newkirk.
The friends and contributors to this enterprise la
thlH city are cordially Invited to present. 6 81 2t
C?i THE PHILADELPHIA, WILMINGTON.
AND BALTIMORE RAILROAD COMPANY.
Philadelphia, June 10, 1611.
The Board of Directors have declared a semi
annual dividend of FOUR PER CENT, on the capi
tal stock of the Company, clear of United States
tax, payable ou and after J air l, 18TI.
61Qw A. HOHNBrt, Secretary.
y- J. At L. L. BARRICK'S LEGITIMATE
Tailoring Establishment; No. 41 S. TENTH
Street, where you can get the best suit for the least
money. Where, furnishing your own material you
can have it made and trimmed exactly right. Price,
tit, and workmanship guaranteed. A good stock
always on hand, to show which ia no trouble, and
to aell the same at rates not to be excelled is our
highest ambition. c 8 tuttm26t
ggy HARPER'S I.10.U1U IIA1R DYE
Never Fades or Washes Out,
will change gray, red. or frosted hair, whiskers, or
niousiacht) to a beautiful black or brown aa soon as
bm ilea. Warranted, or money returned. Oniy 60
cents a Itox. Sold by all Df ugglata. g 83 tutUaoiq
tfeTf PILES. DR. GUNNELL DEVOTES 1113
time to the treatment of Piles, blind, bleed
ing, or itching.' Hundreds of eases deemed incur,
ble without an operation have bet-n permanently
fired. Btcliy reference given. OHlce, No. si n,
KLEV EN 1H SUcel. 4 15 ism
GROCERIES, ETC
JEXAI31-,1IIISL 1801).
-
Cousty's Cast End. Grocery.
EXTRA QUALITY SPANISH QUE&H OLIVES
by the barrel, keg, or Ballon.
LONDON BROWN broUT AND SCOTCH. ALB
by the cask or dozen.
Goods delivered fre of charge to Qermantowa.
Chcstiut Hill, West Philadelphia, and Camden.
Orders aoucitea at - ,
COUSTY'S East End Grocery
Wo. 118 outl HECOnU Bt.t
I gthatnrpj Below Chennnt. Went Bide.
SPANISH OLIVES,;
SXTRA FINE QUALITY, for sale by the gal'on, by
, JAR1C8 Ft. W EDB,
8. E. CORNER OF
4 90 thtnBmrp WALNUT and EIGHTH Sta.
FINE TEAS, COFFEES,
CANTON CHINA, I .
CHINESE AKD JAPANESE FANCY GOODS,
FRANCIS BOND,
6 1 thstu8m4p No. 139 South EIGHTH Street.
FAMILIES RESIDING IN THH
BUBAL DISTRICTS.
We are prepared, as heretofore, to supply families
at their country residences with EVERY DESCRIP
TION OF FINE GROCERIES, TEAS, Etc,
ALBERT U. KOBKRTS.
Corner ELEVENTH and VINE Bta.
FIFIE AND BURCUARPROOF SAFES
STEAM..
FIRE-PROOF SAFES,
SAWBORrVa'PATEUTT
Burglar-Proof Safes,
Of , Welded, Steel and Iron,
i .
MADS BY
i
AMERICAN
STEAM SAFE CO.
No. 32 8. FOURTH 8t.
E. W. TIIOMAS. 81 BtutMmrp
INSURANCE.
JNSUIIIS li AN OLD
Purely Mutual
HOME CORtPANY.
NO STOCKHOLDERS TO RECEIVE LARGE
DIVIDENDS.
INCORPORATED IN 1847.
THE PERN MUTUAL '
Life Insurance Company
No. 921 CHESNTJT STREET.
Accumulated Fund,.iiearly $1000,000
Receipts for 1870 91,350,000
Principal Feature! Small expenses, absolute se
curlty, large Return Premiums, Prompt payment of
Losses, and liberality to the Insured.
SAMUEL ,C BUST. President.
SAMUEL E. STOKES, Vice-President.
JOHN W. HORNOS, A. V. P. and Actuary.
H. a STEPHENS, (Secretary.
6 tnthB21t
JAMESP.WOOD &CO.v
Jo. 41 8. FOUttTJI 8TIIEET.
Steam and IIotivater Heating,
Oold'a Patent Cast Iron Apparatus.
Architect, Builders and otherf desiring building
heated with steam or hot water should not fall w
examine thia apparatus, which la superior to all t&6
imitations offered for sale. Our cast-iron Radiators
are adapted to high a well as low-pressure steam.
Stani-Jliting in all lta branches done at the
Shortest notice.
Particular attention paid to ventilation.
B. M. PELTWELL, Superintendent.
WOOD'S AMERICAN KITCHENER,
on the European principle, of neat and durable coa
strnctlon, suitable for public Institutions, hotels,
and private residences, having; powerful water
backs, and tta cooking and baking qualities cannot
be surpassed.
Alao,
WOOD'S PARIS RANGE,
of a new and beautiful design, a superior Cooking
and Baking Range, and the best construction for
bfhtiijg purpoBts)et offered for aale.
Sole Agents for the sale of
GRIFFITH'S PATENT
ARCHIMEDEAN VENTILATORS,
for ventilation, and a sure enre for smoky chimneys.
BALTIMORE FIRE-PLACE HEATERS.
The latest Improvements,' and the best In the
market.
JAIME: 1. lVOOI Ac CO.,
5 6 stnth 6lrp No. 41 S. FOURTH St
ROBERT WOOD & CO.,
No. 1136 RIDGE AVENUE.
FOUNTAINS, VASES, .
STATUARY, RAIUNGS,
IRON STAIRS, LAMP POSTS,
. STABLE FIITI SCS, WIRE WORK.
HYATT'S
PATBNT SIDEWALK AND VAULT LIGHTS,
Made by Brown Brothers, Chicago. 8 15 lm
vy I L S O N s
CAR P E TCLEANINtt
. ESTABLISHMENT,
41 Sra NO. 6U Sooth SEVENTEENTH Street.