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THE DAILY EVENING TELEGRAPH PHILADELPHIA, THURSDAY, JUNE 8, 1871.
BriRlT OF THE ritESS.
EDITORIAL OPINIONS OF THE LEADING JOURNALS
UPON CURRENT TOPI09 COMPILED EVEBI
DAY FOB THB ETENINO TELKOBAPH.
. COMMUNISTS IN NEW YORK.
Prom the A. 1'. Times.
It ban been said tbat tbe barbarians who
threaten modern civilization are within its
boundaries, not outside. It is no longer the
savages from some distant and half-mythieal
Boythia, or tbo warlike barbarians of Scan
dinavia, who threaten the Empires and States
of modern times. The dangerous enemies of
every modern State are in her large cities.
Few who are not conversant with the 'dan
gerons classes'1' can have a conception what a
thin cruHt, in all countries, separates the ele
gant and comfortnble world from the barba
ric and savage forces working among dense
masses of ignorant human beings.
Public writers and preachers are inclined
to look at this social explosion in Paris as
something abnormal and horrible, and pecu
liar to France alone. It ba3 indeed its pecu
liarly French horrors, but the dangerous and
seething materials which give it its power
are to be found in every large capital. In
London, to-day, there is an immense multi
tude of human beings, ignorant, degraded,
(struggling eternally only to keep themselves
above the black waves of misery about
them, burrowing in all kinds of wretched
dens and holes, full of envy toward the rioh,
easy to be inflamed by socialist agitators
against the classes who for ages have had
all the blessings of life, while to them were
left its curses a dark, boiling, explosive
mass of population, whioh would only need
an opportunity, such as the siege gave the
Paris proletaires, to burst out with terriflo vio
lence against property, Government, and the
Church itself. A similar, though less nume
rous, class exists in every capital of Europe.
. Are we in the New World free from it? Let
any of our readers make a tour through the
cellars and slums of a single ward in this city,
Bay the Fourth, or let him pass among the
crowded tenement houses of the Tvrelfth or
Seventeenth wards, and note the thousands
of wretched creatures who hide in attics and
cellars, poor, slovenly, and hard-pressed; the
thousands who are more or less in
volved in criminal occupations; the tens of
thousands who labor year after year, and
never grasp one of the rich rewards of
toil which hang in gilded display all around
them. Let thorn talk with these people, and
find how many believe that the poor and the
laborers have never had a fair chance in the
world, while capital has reaped all the bless
ings of existence; and then recall what a vast
multitude of persons there are in this city
who either have no home at all, or who
"camp" here and there for a few nights, or
who depend on each day's earnings for the
day's bread, and he will be convinced that
New York, like Paris, has beneath its brilliant
and busy surfaco a volcano of deep passions
and explosive social forces.
Only once in the history of tha city did
this terrible prolttaire class show its revolu
tionary head. For a few days in 18G3 New
York seemed like Paris under the lteds in
1870. Onr mob, in place of sacking churob.es,
burned orphan asylums and plunderbd the
houses of the benefactors of the white poor
and the colored race. The cruelties inflicted
by our "Reds" on the unhappy negroes
quite equaled in atrocity anything that the
French lleds perpetrated on their priests.
Our "Communists had already begun to
move towards the houses of the rioh, and the
cry of war to property was already heard,
when the spirited assistance of the United
States soldiery enabled the better classes to
put down the disturbance. But had the
rioters been able to hold their own a week
looser, had thev plundered the banks, and
begun to enjoy the luxuries of the rioh, and
been permitted te arm ana organize tnem
selves, we should have seen a communistia
explosion in New York which would probably
have left this city in ashes and blood. Every
great city has within it the communistic ele
ments of a revolution.
Our cities are in less danger than European
cities, because there is no pressure on this
prolttaire class beyond the neoessary inequali
ties of life. The Amerioan "ouvricr" always
Lopes to be a capitalist. Then our eduoational
and reformatory movements are always reach
ing down, and gradually improving 'the dan
gerous classes." The publio school is the best
preventive of revolution. The industrial
school and the children's charities are trans
forming the youthful Communists into indus
trious, law-abiding, property-earning citizens.
All the influences of American life are con
tinually tending to give the proletairet a per
manent interest in the social order. These
have only to be cherished and extended to
gradually carry away the explosive forces be
neath the surface of sooiety, and make New
Tfork like our villages in one respsot that
every citizen may have a pride and interest
in its prosperity and its property.
From th X. Y. Tribune.
After all, there are always compensations
If our rogues and ruffians, by dint of adher
ence to the trade of politics, are sure in the
end of municipal or Government offloes, they
are at least forced to stay in them as loug as
they draw their salaries. There is scarcely
such a trick possible as creeping out of the
publio eye to a snug corner of a retired list,
there to munch at a fat pension for the
rest of their lives. If we would believe the
Irish press, however, half of the peers and c jiu-
doners in Great Britain have beoome greedy
Jack Homers, ana nave made oil wita a
piece of Government pie, eaah to had a
plum for himself. lha estimates for '71
bring to light some of the peculiar beauties
of tnis system, and the tender care with
which the Government provides for its
nnrblings. Any office-holder, choosing
to retire after having served six
months, receives two-thirds of his salary
for the rest of his life. Even if
his ofnee is abolished as unnecessary,
his consolation is the same. The
list of these publio beneficiaries includes
every grade, from earls ani visoounts to ins
eengersin a jan. cinray John Bull in any
, rank appears equally ready to become a pauper
proviaeu uovernmeni is in aluis-uiver,
Americans who are inclined to grumble at the
Salaries paid to the President or Cabinet
, should take a few facts from these estimates
as an antidote. A dour in the Chancery Court
1 being closed eighteen year ao, its keeper hn
t received since then $3-2, 1100 f r not keeping
. it. A clerk who was dismissed as supernume
rary thirty years ago from the Mine ojart has
since been paid $US8,0iM); tUe pouttioa to bo
i continued seven years tutor hi doouss to kin
.heirs. But he doesn't die hy s'jjal I ha?
Good Americans, when tl.y di, w'l! no l'vir-r
Ve sent to Paris but to England on a raiirn.1
; list. The present Lord liro'ihaui, retiring
Oil a jtiitiou as Hatter in Oiiiaary, by liiu
simple expedient of entering hir name
twice on the list, reoeives not two-thirds, but
the whole of his salary. Thus, even the re
fined gold of a pension may be regilded by a
little judicious shrewdness. It is not neces
sary, either, tbat the pensioner should ever
have held the office for whose loss he is paid.
Certain influential porsonnges are aconstomed
to make provision for their children at birth
by entering them, male and female, on the
the list of civil servants. One of these, whose
babies appeared so frequently as to exhaust
the patience of his co.leBgnes, was forced to
provide for the last in a small way, and en
tered the infant, scarce a week old, as "super
annuated postman." The postman is but
lately dead, having drawn his subsidy for
'ibeso are jokes to us, but death, or the
sure signs of it, in any system of government
to which they belong. Not English oak nor
English loyalty will protect her ship of state
against barnacles such as these.
Yet one of our Washington functionaries,
entering upon tho discharge of his duties, has
just discovered that his Bureau contains many
clerks who are "guilty of worthlessness, to
the prejudice of good order and civil service
discipline." The fthtonishod Commissioner,
possibly heedless alike of "influential connec
tions" and a promised reform in the civil
service, has begun to eliminate the objection
able persons. It is just possible that the Pen
sion Bureau is not the only one in such un
THE TREATY OF WASHINGTON.
From, the Pall Mall Gazette.
The full and authentio text of the Treaty
of Washington does not correspond in all
particulars with tho accounts of it previously
received through the telegraph and other
channels. While, now that the instrument
is completely known, we do not concur in the
somewhat uncritical applause with whioh it
has been received in certain quarters and
more especially while we fail to understand
how a treaty of which the two principal nego
tiators belonged to opposite political parties
can justly be styled by the Daily 'Telegraph
a triumph of Mr. Gladstone's Government
we see no reason to withdraw the opinion
which we gave on less perfect information,
that this country may be well satisfied with the
labors of the High Commission. Doubt
less the most prominent clause which the
treaty contains tho clause in which the
Queen, on behalf of hor subjects, expresses
regret, "in a friendly spirit," for tho "escape
under whatever circumstances of the Ala
bama and othor vessels from British ports,
and for the depredations committed by those
vessels" is one which some former English
Ministers would have had the greatest diffi
culty in swallowing, and it is perhaps unfor
tunate that the appetite of the present Gov
ernment in such matters should be suspected
of being a little too robust. But the clause
should be interpreted in fairness by the cir
cumstances under whioh it was framed. The
treaty is not a lengthy dooument, nor is it
much encumbered by detail, yet the time
consumed in its preparation has been very
considerable. It is probable, therefore, that
its language in its most important articles has
been very carefully considered, and the
clause in question may be tne irmt ot a
not nningenions compromise. By the
Americans it will no doubt be understood,
and was doubtless intended to be understood,
as that apology on which they have all along
let it be seen that they set more store than
on any amount of compensation; that is, as
an admission or confession on the part of the
Lnglish Government that its predecessors,
either by omission or by commission, wronged
the United States in allowing the Confederate
vessels to leave British ports. But, on the
other hand, the words are probably meant to
be read by JDgusnmen in their literal sense
We all regret that the Alabama escaped and
committed her depredations. The ambiguity
is skilfully concealed by the words "under
whatever circumstances. If the equipment
and departure of the Alabama had never been
known to a soul in England beyond her
builders, we should still be ready to say that
it was a great pity.
Tbe clause denning tne measure of tbe re
sponsibinty wnion is in tuture to attaou to a
neutral for permitting belligerent cruisers to
be equipped in bis territory, or to leave it,
and which is to be applied retrospectively to
the Alabama claims, diners materially from
the descriptions of it which have been given
heretofore. It neither places an absolute
obligation on the neutral to prevent the act
now made illegal, nor does it specifically
make him liable for very slignt negligence
A neutral Government is "to use due dili
gence to prevent the fitting out, arming, or
equipping witnin its jurisdiction ol any ves
Ktl whicn it Has reasonable ground to believe
is intended to cruiso or to carry cn
war against a power with which it is
at peace, and also to use the like diligenoe
to prevent the departure from its jurisdiction
of any vessel intended to cruise or carry on
"war as above. Here the expressions "dae
diligence" and "reasonable ground" belong
to the class of phrases whioh are employed by
lawyers with the express object of avoiding
the necessity of hxing a measure of responsi
bility. They practically involve an appeal to
the common sense of some tribunal, like a
jury, which adjudicates on the given case
without rule. This peculiarity of tne new
provision is of little consequence so far as
regards tbe decision on the Alabama claims,
for tbe treaty establishes a board of arbitra
tors which, so far as those claim's are con
cerned, will discharge the functions of a jury
and make np its mind what, nnder the cir
cumstance, was "due diligence and a j
sonable ground" of belief. Bat, considered
as a permanent provision of international
law, the new rule is faulty through its in
deflniteness. It seems to us that, iu th tir
future difficulties, nations may dispute as
keenly, and indeed more keenly, what is "dae
diligence" and when does belief become
"reasonable," as they have hitherto disputed
the very nature of the rule to be applied. So
far as regards the immediate question, the
first of the two oanons which are ts determine
British liability does not appear to us open to
objection as too unqualined a concession
Assuming that the arbitrators thoroughly con
aider the facts in a spirit of equity, nobody
who is familiar with the story of the Alabama
and ber consorts is likely to believe that tha
Americans are likely to recover under a rale
like this any exorbitant compensation. Bat
we hesitate to give a similar opinion on tha
second of the two new canons. What is meant
by an obligation "not to permit orsafler
either belligerent to maka use of jts port or
waters as the base of naval operations against
the other, or for the purpose of the renewal
or augmentation of military supplies, or arms,
or recruitment of men?" The doubt attaches
to this provision less as a new rale of inter
national law than an a measure of .liability iu
lb Alabama case. The High Commission eaa
baldly have adopted it unless soma aovt of
c'hiai Lad been bubtulttod to which itapplia
Here tbr preacible of tue treaty put tho
AluLsma claims prominently tor want as ta
matter reoniring adjustment, it maybe that
cue of the American imevauoe is the ad
mission of the Alabama into British ports
tinder circumstances alleged to have turned
those ports into a base of naval operations.
But till the clause is explained, it may bear
a more serious meaning. Is it really in
tended that the British Government Bhall be
held answerable in damages, because
blockade-runners carrying contraband of war
waited their opportunity at Bermuda, or in
some of the West Indian ports? A new rule
of this sort would overthrow the whole theory
of international law, and indeed it would be
difficult to pply it unless the employment of
London and Liverpool as ports from which
vast supplies of arms and ammunition were
despatched to the Northern States were taken
into account as a set-off Against the use
to which the West Indies were put
by the runners of the Southern
blockade. This second canon is one whioh
demands tbe fullest explanation from the
Government ou behalf of the negotiators
whenever the treaty is dlsoussed by Parlia
The general reasons for regarding the
treaty, not exactly as a triumph of diplo
matic management, but as an arrangement
reasonably fair, on the whole, of a very awk
ward difficulty, remain pretty much what
they were when its provisions were less per
fectly ascertained. We may suspend our
opinion on the second of the new international
rules, and may regret that tbe first of them is
rendered less useful than it might be by the
defect in precision ef which we have com
plained; but still this last rule will probably
have some enectin tuture warn, and whatever
effect it has must in the long run be advan
tageous to the power which, in the only case
to which the treaty can apply, is very much
more likely to be belligerent than neutral.
The settlement of the dispute which has been
rising or falling for Bix or seven years is also
desired by all Englishmen, if it can be ef
fected on honorable terms. No assertion
might be made with more confidence of all of
us than that we have not a particle of settled
hostility to the Americans, and that even our
transient fits of ill-humor with them
are produced only by extreme provocation.
We must be allowed to take the Queen's ex
pression of regret for the Alabama misfor
tune a little in our own sense if we are to
preserve our self-respect while aoqniescing in
it; but, that point conceded, we none of us
object to pay handsomely for the removal of
that danger of which the reality has been
questioned, but of which the nature is pretty
plainly indicated, as wus recently pointed out
by an American correspondent of the Timrs,
iu those strange and unnatural Europeau alli
ances for which American diplomacy has of
lnte years shown so strong a hankering.
Meantime, though it is quite true that the
Americans have gained considerable advan
tages in the final adjustment of the dispute
as is always the case with the party least
anxious to compromise a quarrel they have,
nevertheless, relinquished a gojd deal of the
ground on which, to use their own phrase,
they once "put down their foot." The absurd
claim to be compensated for a premature
recognition of belligerency, or for general
unfriendliness, has been quietly surrendered;
and as yet we do not know that even Mr.
Sumner has noticed its abandonment.
EARL RUSSELL ON THE AMERICAN
From the London Spectator.
On Monday next, we are pleased to see,
Earl Russell is to move a humble address to
Her Majesty praying that she will refuse her
assent to any agreement with the United
States containing any rules "by which the
arbitrator or arbitrators will be bound, other
than the law of nations and the municipal
law of the United Kingdom existing and in
force at the period of tbe late civil war in the
United States, when the alleged proceedings
took place." We say we are pleased to see,
because Earl Russell is the right man to bring
forward the motion, he being mainly respon
sible for the escape of the Alabama, because
the motion expresses courageously a feeling
of discontent with the provisions of the
treaty which is felt in many quarters, and
which, however wea-fonnded, ought to be
removed, and because we detest that con
spiracy of silence in regard to foreign affairs
in which Parliament appears to usof late to
have been engaged. What with its grow
ing dread of expense, its new-bora
timidity of thought, and its accidental
deficiency in knowledge of the subject, the
llense ot Commons appears inclined to strike
the department of Foreign Affairs altogether
out of its programme, to leave the Ministry
to do as they like, and to express its displea
sure at their action only by ill-tempered votes
on minor but safer subjects of dispute. No
one rises to censnre a tame despatch or an
undignified abstention from interference, but
everybody irritated by the blander rashes to
pay ni' the Foreign Offioe by voting down
some proposition made by the Woods and
Forests. Members vote for the Epping
beeches because France ought to have been
protected, and will not hear of a matoh-tax
because Russia can put her ships once more
en the waters of the Black Sea. If the House
of Lords does not break the spell, the discus
sion of the foreign relations of the country
will be left altogether to irresponsible
journalists without official information, the
nation will upon one grand subject of po'iti
cal thought be left without guides, and oar
whole Parliamentary system will in one most
important branch of politics be shown to have
broken down. If the practice of publio dis
cussion upon the foreign affairs of the em
pire is dangerous or inexpedient, or super
fluous, then the whole machinery of Parlia
mentary government is pro tanto a failure,
and we bad better organize this great depart
ment anew on some exceptional basis. To
keep np the appearance of responsibility to
Parliament for all agreements or disagree
ments with foreign States, and forego all Par
liamentary discussion of those transactions,
is to surrender all the advantages which a
silent and persevering diplomacy might se
cure, without receiving any one of the benefits
which may be derived from the constant and
interested support of the nation in every
serious transaction. Let oar diplomacy either
be freed from the necessity of consulting an
ill-informed popular opinion, or let it be
strengthened by tbe conviction of all foreign
ers that this opinion, whether wise or foolish,
is at all events behind the Minister for Foreign
Affairs. Let us either have harmony or
volume in the voice of our Foreign Offioe,
and not, a at present, a feeble warble, broken
by occasional roars.
We repeat, we are pleased to hear that Earl
Russell will propose, w ithout disguise or cir
cumlocution, the rejection of the Washington
Treaty, for that treaty must then be debated
out and shown, as we are certain it can be
shown, to be for the best and most perma
nent interests of both the peoples conoertel.
Nothing could be more dangerous to the cor
diality of our relations with the United States
than for the electors to fancy that their Go
f mnieiit had betrayed the country into an
undignified attitude, and they are sure, with
out foil debate, to entertain that fancy. Earl
Russell ill tell them so plainly he does tell
tLtui bo, iu the very word of his motion
and his taunts will fall on minds prepared for
their reception by two very powerful ideas.
One is that the present Ministry is always
submissive in every foreign transaction, and
the other is that a retrospective enactment
can never be substantially jut. They
require to be told, and told by
repponsible statesmen, as well as by journal
ist, that the Ministry, whatever its attitude
in Europe, has in America always been firm;
that it did not shrink in the dangerous ques
tion of the claims of the American Irish to
special immunities in Ireland; that it put
down Kiel's rebellion at the risk of all man
ner of complications; that it snubbed Mr.
Fish's own argument, through Lord Claren
don, with even too much of iutelleotual gusto;
that it silently defied all Mr. Sumner's tbreats,
and thbt at this moment and in this transac
tion it is acting under no coercion whatever
except the coercion of sound policy and of
the national conscience. Nobody, not even
air. bnmner, is threatening ns. We are
only asked in regular form and with all re
ject to see if tie lawyers on both sides
cannot terminate an extremely disagreeable
and long-Btanding quarrel by some reasonable
arrangement. If in making that arrange
ment tbe agents of the country have given
up a little too much which we deuy it has
been under no coercion and no menace, but
feolely from a belief that as the quarrel arose
on a matter of feeling, some concession to
feeling is needful to reestablish permanent
frieiidship. Tbe particular concession does
not in tbat point of view matter a straw. A
trinciple is laid down by agreement, and
whether it is new or old, retrospective or
prospective, taken from Story, or taken from
Blackstone, or invented for the oooasion, it
is, if we are content with it, onlv a part of
the bargain frankly accepted .by both sides.
It is an unsigned deed accepted by litigants
to be valid for their mutual convenience.
Tbe prejudice which Earl Russell would fain
excite rests upon a false analogy. When a
legislature passes a penal enactment making
en act to have been crime which when it was
committed was not criminal, it does a highly
oppressive thing, because it uses irresistible
power to break a contract without the assent
of the feebler contracting party. Nothing
but the right of self-preservation could justi
fy an act like Strafford's attainder, perhaps in
Birict morality not even that. But in this
American aflair there is no oppression
from above, no submission from be
low, nothing but a contract, good
or bad according to its policy, freely made
between equals, and subject before ratifica
tion to rejection by either of the couutries to
which their commissioners have suggested it
as a basis of conciliation. There is no more
reason why a new principle, approved by
Parliament, should be objected to as a basis
of peace, than why an old oue should; no
more humiliation in accepting a law male
for tt)6 nonce as a basis of agreement, than
in accepting an unsent letter as if it had been
Bi nt. If, indeed, Earl Russell objects to the
new principle itself, then indeed be has a
stroug case; but that is not the point of his
motion, nor on that can he hope for any in
fluential euppoit. Ibe country is quite
agreed that it ought in its own interest to dis
courage piivate declarations of war, and all
the commissioners propose is to declare that
Great Britain ought to have made that her
rule when the Alabama went forth. "I wish,
Jonathan, I had thought of that before. Sap
pose we make up the account as if I had
thought of it?" What is there humiliating in
such a contract as that?
There is another and much inoro serious
objection to the tieaty which will be raised
in the debate, but not, as we suspect, by the
mover of tbe address. It is stated on some
authority that the Dominion has a'ri-ht to a
voice in tbe matter. It is her property whioh,
under tbe Fisheries clause, is apparently to be
sold. We trust the statement now in circula
tion may prove unfounded, and tbat the Do
minion, which was fully represented on the
commission, will ahstaiu from any remon
strance against the t ea'y; but if unhappily
tbe Canadian Parliament should decide other
wise, the British Government, as we conceive,
has but one course to pursue, it must go
on with the treaty, the incident will reveal
in a strong light the necessity which exists
for a revision of the relation between the
great colonies and ourselves, for
some novel arrangement whioh
shall permit the colonies to interfere more
directly in diplomacy affecting themselves,
but for the post there can be no direct help.
The British Government being bound to
protect the Dominion from attack, claim in
return, as their first prerogative, an ultimate
control over their foreign policy, an ultimate
right of negotiating in the interests of the
Empire, even when tbey interfere, or seem
to interfere, vuth the interests of the province.
Those interests may be much more directly
represented at home, as, for example, the in
terests of India are; but the voice of the Lm
pire, when uttered, must always be single
and undisputed. Any pressure to be exer
cisf d must be exercised here and pending ne
gotiations, and not there and after negotia
tions have achieved their beneumal conse
quence. Any other course would involve
either disruption or tbe submission of the
policy of the whole Empire to the policy of
province, and we scarcely Know which ca
lumny would entail the more disastrous re
tOOKI NO Q!.A8SEH. S.TQ.
HEW ROGERS CNOUP,
"lap vn win em."
All Chromes sold at 23 per cent, below regular rates.
All of Prang's, L'oover's, and all others.
Bend for catalogue.
ALL NEW STYLE.,
At the loweat prices. All of our own manufacture.
JAMES 8. EARL: & SOHS.
No. 816 CHE8NUT 8TKKRT.
WATOMEW. JEVVELKY. ETO.
GOLD MEDAL REGULATORS.
2. W. KLSSBLL,
No. 22 NORTH SIXTH STKEET,
Begs to call the attention of the trade and customer!
to the annexed letter:
"I take pleasure toaonuuuee that I have given tc
Mr. O. W. KUKafiLL, of lhi:al Iphta, the exclusive
Bate of all poods tf iny luHuufaolure. tie will be
able to Bell tnem at the ver lowest prioea.
"Flrbt M.anulii'turerif Realaton,
WM. M. CHItlSTY,
blank Book Manufacturer, 8U
turner and Printer,
No. 12T S. TUUU) Street,
I n eod5 Opposite Uirard Bank.
Fir, Inland, and Marine Inmranct.
ASSETS January 1 1871 $3,050,538
Receipts Of '50 8,096,154
Intereits from Investment, 1870., 131,050
Lowes paid In 1S70.
.. 11,138, JA1
STATEMENT OF THE ASSSTS.
PlTBt Mortgages on Philadelphia City Fro-
United States Government Loans 3'.;.d;m
feiinftylvunla; State Loans 143,310
rauadeipniauitv Loan . Siao.Oiio
pew (Mime ana oiner Mate Loam ana
VllJ IJondS ; B25.B10
rniittoeipiiiu aua ifpamnjr Heurona uo.,
other Kailroad Mortgaue Honda and
Philadelphia Bank ando&cr Stocks CJ.4SB
l ash In Ban 931,043
Loans ou Collateral Security 81,434
Notes receivable and Marino Premiums
Accrued Interest and Premium la conrse
of transmission fj,90l
Kcai estate, Office of the Company so.ikk)
Cortlflcatea of Insurance Issued, payable in Iiordon
at the dooming House of Messrs. JAN, SUit
LEY & CO.
CilAItl.BJN PLATT, .
fflATTHIAW .HA HI. Secretary.
C. II. KKETEM, AulNtant Hecretary.
ARTHUR . COFFIN.
samuel w. jones,
john a. brown,
it j .my. a. -l Kui rjvii,
a.Lvy. a. ULiAUbK,
T. CHARLTON HENRY,
AMBKOSJf W lilTJS,
WILLI AM wtusii,
LOUIS C. MADEIRA,
i SOROS J UAKJKISON,
CLEMENT A. GRISCO
1821) CHABTEK PERPETUAL.
FraBtljfl.Fire Insurance Cespi
Office, Sot. 435 and 427 CLTE5BUT St
Assets Jan I , '11L$3087I452,35
CAPITAL 1400,000 -00
ACCRUED SURPLUS AND PRKMIUXaS.a,637,45a 30
INCOMK FOR 1ST1,
LOS3E3 PAID IN 1ST0,
loe Paid Since Nearly
The Assets of the "FRAN KLIN" are all lnventnii
In polld securities (over 13,750,000 In First Bonds and
Mortgages), which are all Interest bearing and
dividend paying. The Company holds uo Bills Re
ceivable tak n for Insurances eirected.
Perpetual and Temporary Poinies on Liberal
Terma. The Company also Issues policies upon the
Pent of all kinds of Buildings, Ground Routs and
Airred a. Baser,
Ueorge W. Richards,
William b. Grant.
Thomas 8. PUla,
Gustavus S. Benson.
ALFRED G. BAKER. President.
GSORGK FALKS, Vioe-Pr-esldenU
JAMBS W. MCALLISTER, Secretary.
TliEODORS M. KBGER, Assistant Secretary.
IN C O R P O r"a T E D
March 21. 190.
F I It E ASSOCIATION.
No. 84 NOK'Jll FIFTH SIREST,
A.SSKTS, JANUARY 1, 1871, SI, 705,10-07,
STATEMENT OF TUE ASSETS.
Bonds and Mortgnges f 1,010,907-92
Ground Rents U2,S0 3
Real Kstate 65,920 70
U. S. Gov. 6-20 Bonds. 45,000-00
Cush on hand 84, 449 -62
William H. Hamilton,
Georpe I. Vonnir,
Joseph R. Lyndall,
1 evl P. Goats,
J esse Llehtfoot.
M. 1L Dickinson,
Josenh E. Schell.
WM, H. HAM1L1 ON President.
BAM t' EL SPAKHAWK. Vice-President.
WILLIAM FBDTLER, Secretary.
THE PENNSYLVANIA FIRE INSURANCE
COM PAN V.
Incorporated I8s Charter Perpetual.
No. 610 WALNUT Stret, opposite Independence
This Company, favorably known to the commu
nity for over forty Tears, continues to insure against
loss or daniuge by Gre on Public or Private Baild
trigs, either permanently or for a limited time. Also
ou Furniture, stocks of Goods, aud Merchandise
generally, on liberal terms.
Their Capital, together with a large Surplus Fund,
Is invested in the moct careful maimer, which ena
bles tin m to otter to tne insured an undoubted secu
rity In the case of loss.
Daniel Smith, Jr.,
J. Oilllugtiaa Fell,
'j nomas nooins,
rrauKim a. i omiy.
DANLKL SMITU, Jr., President.
Wm. O. Ckoweix, secretary.
1U1E ENTERPRISE INSURANCE COMPANY
OFFICE S. W. CORNER FOURTH AND WALNUT
PERPETUAL AND TERM POLICIES ISSUED.
CASH CAPITAL (paid up In full) $200,utio-00
CASH ASSETS, December 1, 1870 6o0,3b3-O0
VI If MJ TO 1 3.
F. Ratchford Starr,
J. Livingston Errlnger,
naiuro r razier,
John M. Atwood,
George 11. Stuart,
James u uiagaorn,
WUliam (, Boulton,
James M. Aertsea,
jonu m. crown,
F. HATCH ORD STATtR. President.
THOMAS H. MONTGOMERY. Vice-President
ALEXANDER W.'WISTER, Secretary.
JACOB E. FjtTERSON Assistant-Secretary.
A M B INSURANCE COMPANY,
No. 809 CUESNUT Street
D.C0KP0B4TKD 16M. CHARTKH FBRPETCAL.
FIRE INSURANCE EXCLUSIVELY.
Insurance agalnBt Loss or Damage by Fire either by
Ptrpetual or Temporary Policies.
Ijohn Kessler, Jr.,
Edward B. Orue,
i Charles Stokes,
I John W. Kverman,
William M. Sejfert,
John F, Smith,
George A. West,
riiAHLES RICHARHSON. President.
WILLIAM U. RHAWN, Vice-President.
Wii.i.uns 1. Blanchakd, Secretary
TMPEiilA-I FIBJt INSURANCE 0OM
f lid-op CplUl ad AoounalkUd Pond.
8w,ooo,ooo IN a O JU o.
PKEYOdT A HERK1.G, Ageuu,
Bo, 101 a Til LED 8VMt,rtllJslpbia.
pn rriurvotT qua, t. uuuut
3KLAWAKR MUTUAL SAFETY IN8URANCB
COMPANY. Incorporated by the Legislature
of PenniylTanla, 1830.
Office S. B. corner of TIlIED and WALNUT Street,
on Vessel, Cargo, and Freight to all parts ot t&S
n Ooods by river, canal. Like, and land carriage to
all pans of trie Unln.
n Merchandise generally; on etores, Dwellings,
Hon soft, etc. 4 M
ASSETS OP THE COMPANY,
November 1, l'-'O.
,000 Unltrd State Hlx Per Cect
Loan (lawful iuone) ,,1333,376 00
10,000 8tito of Pennsylvania mx Per
Cent. Loan SH.OOO'OC
tiXi.OCO City of PhlladeTphia Six Per
Cent. Loan (eAimpt from
I64,uoo Slate of New Jeretj Six Per
Cent. Loan HBO-flO
S0.0O0 Pennsylvania Kallrot d Fin t
MortgaKe oix Pur Cu P.o:ds. B0.700-0C
S5.000 PennylVHriia RailroRd t-vcniwl
Montage Six Tcr Ct. i,onda. 23,850-00
V.OOO Western Pennsylvania Kail
road Motttffc Six Per Oiit.
Bonds (Pennsylvania Rati- .
road guarantee) lO.OOO-OO
B0,(HK) State of Tenneaseo Five Per CU
t.ooo State of Tcnncusee ,Wx Per Ct.
12,1500 Pennsylvania Railroad com
pany (i'6d Shares Stock) 15,000-00
fl,000 North PennsylvHida Kailroad
Company (lim Shares Stock).. 4,300-03
10.000 FhlUideiptilaanl Soniliern Mall
Steamship Company (Si) sii'a
l,8B0 Loans on Pond and jVTortKnjjo,
first liens on City Properties.. 3C1.W0-00
11,360,16.1 Par. C'Bt, IL2C4.447-34. WktVl$l,893T7-00
Real Kstuie 66,000-60
Bills Receivable for Insur
ances made ,. 830,971 -S7
Balances due et tgeu?.t,s
Premiums on Mamie Policies
Accrued Interest an ) .'her
debts due the Comp.tn, 93,375 40
Stock and Kcrip, etc , oi sun
dry corporations, I?rn, esti
mated vaJoe 8,9121)0
rtiom&a C.Hand, .Samuel S. Stokes,
John C. Davis,
Wlillatn G. Boulton.
Sduiund A. Sender,
Joseph H. Seal,
Henry C. Dallett, Jr.,:
James C. Hand,
Win lam C. Ludwlg,
John D. Taylor,
Hcoige W. Bernadoo,
Wm. C. Houston,
H. Jones Brooke,
Jacob P. Jones,
James B. McFarland,
Joshua P. Eyre,
Thomas P. Stotesbury,
John B. Sample, Plttsb'rg,
A. B. B-iirer, Pittsburg,
D. T. Morean. Plttsbarff.
H. Fr&aS Robinson,
inuMAS u. iiAKii, rresiaent.
JOHN c. DAVIS, Vice-President.
Hjwry Lyi.htjhn, Secretary.
E.aNHY Ball, Assistant Secretary
LIFE INBTOANCE CO.
O. O. NORTH, President.
A. V. STOUT, Vice-President. I
EMOliY McCLINTOCK, Actuary.
JAMES M. LONGACRE,
MANAGER FOR PENNSYLVANIA AND
Office, 302 WALNUT St., Philadelphia.
A. E. M. PURDY, M. D., Medical Examiner.
REV. 8. PQWEHS, Special Agent.
INCORPORATED 1S01. "
Fire, Kaiiue, and Inland Imarance.
Office, If. E. Cor. THIRD and WALNUT
LOSSES PAID SINCE FORMATION,
ASSETS OF THE COMPANY, JANUARY 1, 1871,
RICHARD 8. SUIT II, President.
JOB'S MOSS, Secretary.
People's Fire Iterance Company,
Ho. 51 WA JjIIIJT Street.
Fire Insurance at LOWK3T RATKS consistent
with security. Losses promptly adjusted and paid.
NO UNPAID LOSSES.
Assets December 81, 1870 1128,861-73
CUAS. E. EONS, President.
OEO. BUSCH. Jr., Secretary.
NT H R ACITK 1NSURANCB COMPANY.
Office, No. 811 WALNUT Street, between Third
and Fourth streets, Philadelphia.
This Company will insure against Loss or Damage
by Fire, oa Buildings, Furniture, and Merchandise
Also, Marine Insurance on Vessels, Cargoes, and
Freights. Inland Insurance to all parts of the Union.
J. E. Bauni,
John B. fleyl,
Samuel II. RothermeL
w m. m. naira,
John R. Blaklston,
W. F. Dean,
WILLIAM ESUEK. President
WM, F. DBAN, Vice-President.
W. M. Smith, Secretary.
WHISKY, WINE, ETCU
INKS, LIQUORS, ENGLISH AND
SCOTCH ALES, ETC.
The subscriber begs to call the attention of
dealers, connoisseurs, and consumers generally to
his splendid stock of foreign goods now on hand, of
l:is own Importation, as well, also, to his extensive
assortment of Domestic Wines, Ales, etc, among
which may be enumerated:
MiO esses of Clarets, high and low grades, care
full? selected from btst foreign stocks.
loo casks of blierry Wine, extra quality of finest
100 cases of Sherry Wine, extra quality of finest
io caskB of Sherry Wine, best quality of medium
6 barrels Scuppernong Wine of best quality.
60 casks Catawba Wine " "
JO barrels " " medium grade.
Together with a full supply of Brandies, Whiskies,
F-cotch and English Ales, Brown 8tout, etc, etc.,
which lie is prepared to furnish to the trade audooa.
sinners generally la quantities that may be re
quired, and on the most liberal terms.
P. J. JORDAN.
6 6 tf No. 820 PEAR Street,
Below Third and Walnut and above Dock street.
CA RTfATnslTtwcc allT
Vo. 126 Walnut and 21 Granite 8ti(
Brand!!, Wines, Gin, Olive Oil, Eta,
WHOLESALE DEALERS IN
PURE RYE WHISKIES,
IN BOND AND TAX PAID.
J. f. iSTOl. KHAHOIt.
LfAN'lOJ L Mc9SA110!f(
SUiMSQ A SO COM MI8SI0H MKRCBASIX
to. I COKNTIK8 bLIP. New York,
h'o. 18 BOUTU WHARVES. Philadelphia,
Mo. 48 W. PRATT bTKEaiT, Baltimore.
VTo are prepared to ship every dew riptlon I
Freight to Philadelphia, New York, WUnrirgton, an
iou-rii!diate point with promptness and donpatofc,
Curoil Boats tnd (Steam-tuts f urulahed at tha auurttttt