THE DAILY EVENING TELEGRAPH PHILADELPHIA, WEDNESDAY, MAI. 31,. 187i.
SPIRIT OF THE MESS.
Z DITOIilAL OrlNlONS OF TH3E LEADING 0T7RNAX3
1 ETON CT7BEENT TOPICS COMPILED EVEBT
PAT FOB TBI EVENING TELEGBAPH.
JEFF. DAVIS AND T1IE "LOST CAUSE."
From th4 If. V, Ttmt. ,
Many persons may feel surprised thai the
"long-Leaded" members of the Democratio
party do sot contrive to silenoe Mr. Jeffer
Bon Davis. Bat the faot ia that Mr. Davis is
too much for them. lie represents, as Lonis
Napoleon used to say of himself, a "cause
and a defeat;" and the Southern people like
him on that aoceunt, and prefer to hear him
croak about their "cause" rather than listen
to the unpalatable -advice of Mr. John
Qnincy Adams. It is only another illustra
tion of the insuperable difficulty which
the Democrats have to face the difficulty,
that is, of framing a policy whioh would
be at once acceptable to the North and popu
lar in the Seuth. Mr. John Quincy Adams
understands the temper of the North, and
Jefferson Davis understands equally well
the temper of the South. If only a "com
promise" could be devised which would find
favor in both sections of the country ! Bat
there is the rub. If the Democrats please the
South, they offend the North, and any move
ment tley make renders their prospects rather
worse than they were before, llenoe, as we
have pointed out, they try to fill up the time
by abusing General Grant, the man who chose
to be faithful to his country, and who does
not go about the country dropping hints about
the probable revival of the "Lost Cause."
The President, whom Jefferson Davis does
not love, is not popular with any portion of
the Democratio party. "We einoereIy hope
that he never will be.
In the meanwhile, the people have no ex
cuse for misunderstanding the sentiments of
the Southern wing of the Democratio party.
The other day at Augusta, Ga., "Hon. W.
Hilliard" read an address to Mr. Davis, in the
course of which he said: "I do not now pro
pose to review the dread drama that closed in
the overthrow of the Southern cause. That is
not a lost cause. It is the cause of constitu
tional liberty, and will yet triumph." In reply,
Mr. Davis pointed out the necessity for being
rery cautious ia the expression of their
opinions, but he went quite far enough. He
talked about "upholding the right of a State
to withdraw from a voluntary compact." The
"Lost Cause" was "dear to him more pre
cious even than life;" and, he added, "I glory
in its remembrance." All this is very easily
understood. The correspondent of a contem-
forary, who saw Mr. Davis "received" at Co
umbia, S. C, recently, says that the "Bon
nie Blue Flag" was played when he appeared,
and he adds:
'All through the South the women cherish a love
of the 'lost cause' with a pertinacity that seems like
a species of Insanity, and the earliest Instruction
they give their children Is to reverence the dead
Confederacy, Its flag, and Its heroes, and to hate the
Yankees and the very name of the United States.
Even now, when six years have elapsed since the
end of the war, these fanatics will not allow their
children to play with the children of Northern peo
ple, and a Southern woman who ventures to asso
ciate with the hated Yankees is denounced ana
ostracized by her friends as a renegade."
Now here ara facts which cannot be twisted
one way or the other by "radical" newspa
pers. They speak for themselves. Tney
show what thousands of Democrats mean
when they speak of "restoring constitutional
liberty." After all, the radical newspapers
are not doing so much to expose the Demo
cratio taotios as Mr. Jefferson Davis. Thanks
to him, the people will know what they are
about if they vote for a Democratic President
at the next election. They will be voting for
another war, and had better make up their
minds at the same time to pay the price of it.
As for Jefferson Davis, in any other coun
try but this, he would have been hanged long
ago, and if traitors and rebels ever deserve to
be hanged, Davis would not have suffered
unjustly. No great revolution was ever seen
before in which the leaders were allowed to
escape, and permitted to go about the coun
try afterwards mouthing sedition. There is
such a thing aa being too magnanimous but
supposing that it was all right to let Davis
go, surely the country has Borne claim upon
him in return for its generosity. General
Lee set him a good example. From the sur
render at Appomattox to the day of his death,
General Lee was never known to utter a word
calculated to revive the wild delusion which
brought such unparalleled disasters upon
the South, or to injure the Government
which had extended to him its forgiveness.
But Davis is not a man capable of appreciat
ing such an example as this. He must still
go about, not satisfied with the awful mis
chief he has already wrought, scattering
firebrands and arrows of death in his path.
He has the insolence to complain of the
"wrongs" he has endured from the Govern
ment. Has he ever asked himself what other
Government but this would have spared his
miserable life? And when all is said and
done, what thanks do the Southern people
owe to this man? Their affection for Jack
son and Lee is at least comprehensible. Bat
Davis never did them anything but harm.
In the last days of the war, it was his fault
that stores never reached Lee's army.
From first to last he was an obdurate, self
conoeited, incompetent leader. And now,
forsooth, he is to be set up on a pedestal,
and crowned with flowers, and worshipped as
a hero.
Why ? Merely because he represents the
treasonable plans of 18G1. Intelligent men
in the South know that he is a blockhead.
But they still believe in the principle of
which Davis is a sort of embodiment. They
like to hear him mumble promises of a re
vival of secession. The Southern Democrats
would be only too charmed to have him as
Vteir candidate for the Presidency next year.
And, in truth, if the people mean to elect a
Democrat at all, they may as well take Jef
ferson Davis while they are about it
after getting him freed from political
disabilities, in accordance with the advice
given by several liepnblican journals. It is
not enough that a man who is rftsnnnisihlA
for the sacrifice of tens of thousands of lives
should still be free to spit out venom at the
Government he must be immediately ren
dered eligible to a seat in the Senate. After
that, let us go a step further and put him in
General Grant's plaee. If we are determined
to have another rebellion on our hands, we
may as well go the shortest way to work about
it. That, at least,' seems to be the opinion of
some Bepublicans as well as Democrats.
SEX IN POLITICS.
From the Pall Mall OatetU.
The arguments against the admission of
women to the parliamentary franchise have,
for te most part, taken the form of attempts
to show that women are deficient in the quali
ties ui capacities which, acoording to the
nearly universal agreement of men, constitute
ftolitical aptitude. The answer to this reason
ng has consisted partly in a denial of the al
leged facts, partly in appeals to certain ad
missions already made by men concerning
women, and mnr than nil in infArnnnna from
eosie theories in human nature which, Bo far
All thnv nrmNr at nil. ftrvnlv tn fstntU tinman
- j i i j r -i r -j -' l"
beings as well as to males. There are, how-
1 1 - i t i J i : . i
ever, uuuiuer boi oi coiisiuerauuns wmon in
this country have neither been urged on one
aide nor answered on the other those whioh
have their basis not in the weakness but in
the power of the other sex.
The removal of the disabilities of women
has censed in some of the American States to
be looked upon in the half-serious light in
whioh it is at best regarded here, and the
prospect of having to deal with it as a prac
tical question is evidently causing a great
deal of annoyance not only to the men but
to that great majority of women whom their
agitating sisters have not taken the precau
tion to oonsult. But the discussion of the
most probable results of giving women votes
has sometimes turned in the United States
not on conjectures as to what would be their
influence in politics if they were plain, middle-aged,
and clever, but on guesses as to
wiat that influence would be if they
were young, pretty, and no better nor worso
intellectually than they are at present. A
well-known American newsnnner nita n ranant
case of competition among sculptors for the
uonor oi executing a statue which is to be
erected at the publio expense. A young
"sculptress," as the American phraso goes,
was a candidate for the distinction, and, after
personal canvass of the trustees, she was
chosen. She was very good-looking and had
a very charming manner and address, but she
had never made a statue in all her life. The
American journalist reasonably asks whether
this praotical illustration of feminine influ
ence in a sphere of publio activity does not
suggest a great number of reflections. It is
difficult to give the hint without the appear
ance of discourtesy, but have not all of us
been a good deal affected, in the
opinions which we have formed on
the subject, by the accidental circum
stance that the ladies who have come promi
nently forward to claim the franchise have
had a good many of the powers which consti
tute the strength of men, and for the most
part but a small share of the powers which
constitute the strength of women? Amid
the outcry which has been made concerning
man's oppression of woman, it has been a
little forgotten that woman has extraordinary
influence over man. The literary advocates
of the enfranchisement of the sex have
stronglyproteeted against the commonplace
aphorisms, once greatly iu vogue, whioh at
tribute to women every imaginable form of
silliness and frivolity; but there are another
set of long-descended commonplaces, made
more honestly, and seriously framed by their
first authors, which speak of the power of
women and of its immeasurable ooasequences.
If the nose of Cleopatra, says the most
famous of these, had been a hair's
breadth longer, the fortunes of the world
would have been altered. What change has
come over the influence of women since the
beginning of history, except that it is in
finitely subtler, wider, and moro penetrating
than it once was ? The arts which made the
Greek hero spin and the Jewish hero betray
the secret of his strength are literally copied
nowadays only by those who empty the
pocketa of the navvy new from his railway or
of the sailor fresh from his voyage; but there
is an ascending scale of attraction from that
which conquers brutal coarseness to that
which is irresistible to the highest intellec
tual refinement. It is some form of this in
fluence which still occasionally makes the
politician vote in the wrong lobby, or, by a
more imperceptible operation, turns the
prophet of a posteriori philosophy Into the
impulsive spokesman of a priori theorists.
The truth is, there are few more extraordi
nary phenomena of our day than the levity
with which the advocates of woman's rights
proDOse to introduce into nnlihnl Ufa a tr.
m, k f m uw
of enormous but quite unknown intensity.
We venture to assert that nobody has the
faintest conception of what the true effects
would be of giving women votes. To take
an example suggested by those who advocate
the Btep, we might perhaps have guessed
what would have been the consequence of
giving votes to male negroes. We might have
predicted that the enfran ohised slave would
prove in Polities a weak
master that he would exhibit less politioal
courage ana capaoity, duc tnat his pnnoiple
Of action would be Hiihsrfintinllir f ha nM r.noa
But there is not a shadow of probability that
women, as politicians, would be the least like
men. They have for ages in their own sphere
been in possession of immense power, but it
has been power of a very peouliar kind ex
ercised in a very peculiar way. Nobody who
has anv idea of the wonderful still
which families are managed, and at the
same iime oi tne nature or th
influence which enables thin skill tn ha
cised, can listen without amazement to the
mmBy, napnazara arguments which usually
second the proposal to give this particular
form of ability the political world for its
field. The materials for any sort of opinion
on the point are as scanty as possible. All
We Can SSV is that when th nnvlnm nf anh'nn
ml J.. - -j ... v.
which were at first oonfined to the interior of
the family have at any time beoome motives
of political eonrlnrl. thn r Ann If. liDO haan
serious, but very far from admirable. The
patriarch, whose relations to his children con
stituted society in the beginning of things,
baa I) pro in in thesA latter Ana fh ux. ,7,.
- - - WHq "iU K. I U l.O
famille, who, according to Talleyrand, is
e)wic uo urui ana at least a century oi
English political history is filled with the
reooids of shameless family jobbery. The
present proposal is to give political power to
the sex whose ideas and interests, ambi
tion and cares, have hitherto fmm nil
time been bound up with the family.
Is there nnvhnrtv whn fainAiAl Vial?
that female politicians would not job for
iiicj uu6uua8 meir sons, and their bro
thers ? Is there mi
them for jobbing? l8 there anybody who
uuco uui coi iuai. n pernicious cnange would
have come over society when they ceased to
iob ? Men doubtless ir.li
- - - j J" uun, guuicuiuoa
nio6t unblushingly, but still on the whole less
iunu iuey uio. uut among tne many results
of admitting women to rmliHnoi ..i.m
D " - JJliVllOtO
most of them beyond all knowledge or con
jecture one certain consequence would be a
vast addition to the influences which tend to
cause public power to be abused for private
in the sense of family, objeots!
There is something curioubly strange and
even monstrous in the notion of a number of
women sincerely putting forth all their ener
gies for "the greatest happiness of the great
est number." But if it is doubtful whether
the ends for which the publio power of women
would be used are likely to be those which
on our present principles we think worthy of
approbation, there is no doubt at all that the
new class of politicians would bring with
them a wholly new class of capacities for
the attainment of their ends. It is quite
possible, amid the ignoranoe with which we
struggle on Buch subjects, to conceive the
influence of women publicly exercised with
the name excellence of intention with whioh
it is, on the whole, applied in the manage
ment of the family. But il is really difficult
to reflect without misgiving on this infiuenoe
being exerted in politics in the same mode
and through the same instrumentalities. If
we ever really come to this, all that oan
be Bald is that the world will probably wit
ness rcfiaements of bribery and novelties of
corruption such aa it has not dreamed of
ayet. ) . ' '
DRIFT OF THE TIDE.
from tht Jf. Y. Sun.
No one who is in the habit of travelling in
the British Provinces oan fail to be Impressed
with the extraordinary progress whioh publio
sentiment in favor of annexation to the
United States has made within a few years.
This feeling is much stronger In Lower
Canada than elsewhere, and there are many
reasons why it should be bo. There is less
business transacted and less money in circu
lation in Lower Canada than in Upper Canada,
with less demand for labor, and consequently
more poverty. Lower Canada is inhabited
generally by a French population. French is
the language usually spoken, and the people
have inherited the traditional French antipa
thy to England. An immense emigration
from Lower Canada to the United Stales has
been in progress for years, and the acoouuts
sent back of the improved condition of those
v bo have emigrated have served to create a
favorable impression on the minds of those
who have remained at home in regard to the
United States and their institutions. A great
majority of the poople in Quobeo and the
countiy parishes in that part of the Provinoe
are to-dhy heartily in favor of annexation.
Montrenl is more prosperous, and the people
in its vicinity ere belter contented with the
present conoition of affairs, though there am
also largo numbers of anient annexationists.
In Upper Canada there is not that discon
tent with Britibh rule manifested that is freoly
expressed in Lower Canada: but there nre in
fluences at work in favor of annexation which
wnl eventually be very powerful. The oppo
sition to any movement which could result
m annexation includes politicians of both the
Liberal and Conservative parties; pensioners
and ether beneficiaries of the English Gov
ernment; the descendants of the Tories of
the American devolution who were driven
out of. the United States for their opposition
to Ameiioan independence; paupers and de
scendants of paupers who have been sont
from Great Britain to Canada at the public
expense; and the Irish Orangemen, who are
numerous, and as a class intensely loyal to
the British crown. When the new census is
completed, Upper Canada expects to show a
population equal to that of all the other pro
vinces combined, and consequently to be able
to control the legislation of the whole Do
minion, and its politicians hope to rule the
country, i or this reason they are generally
opposed to the idea of annexation.
On tho other hand, there is a birso Ameri
can element in the population of Upper Can-
aoa; many ot tne most enterprising busmesi
men are from the United States, aud these are
fully alive to the advantages which would re
sult to. Canada from admission to the Ameri
can Union. Nearly all the Catholic Irish, who
are abundant in all parts of Canada, are an
nexationists; if there was no other reason for
6uch a sentiment, the fact that the- Orange
men aro opposed to it would be sufficient.
The rural population, asido from the classes
mentioned above, are generally in favor of
the change; they are convinced that if an
nexation should take plaoe, the introduction
of American enterprise and methods would
increase the value of thoir property, and ren
der all classes more prosperous. This feeling
has been gaining ground ever since the abro
gation of the reciprocity treaty.
Throughout the lower provinces Nova
Scotia and New Brunswick there is a stron;;
and energetic party in favor of annexation.
Under the terms of the Canadian Confedera
tion, their representatives are in a hopeless
minority, and their influence in the general
legislation for the Dominion amounts to
nothing. Tho people are dissatisfied and
discontented with the new order of things;
there are no important ties of trade or inter
course to attach them to the other provinces,
wnue every instinct of , self-interest would
naturally induce them to desire annexation.
Besides, the American Bepublio offers the
mobt available market for thoir productions
of every kind. These reassns for desiring a
change increase in strength and add to the
number of annexationists with eaoh succeed
ing year.
It will be seen that the causes whioh have
operated to excite a desire for annexation in
the minds of Canadians must become more
and more potent so long as the present state
of affairs continues, while the obstacles in
the way of such an event are constantly be
coming less formidable. If the annexation
feeling continues to gain in the future in
the same ratio that has marked its progress
for the last few years, it will not be long be
fore it becomes too strong to be disregarded
by those in power on the other side of the
Atlantic
MR. GREELEY FOR PRESIDENT.
From the A. 1'. World.
If the politics of a free country are gene
rally earnest and exoiting, they have also
their comio and even grotesque side; and as
we are no enemies to honest mirth, we wil
lingly entertain the idea of Mr. Greeley being
the Republican candidate for President in
the great campaign of 1872. nis manners
are at least as polished as were those of Pre
sident Lincoln; his knowledge of publio
affairs and publio men is at least equal to that
of President Grant; and there was never a
day when either Lincoln or Grant could vie
with Mr. Greeley in personal popularity.
There is no man who is so warmly applauded
whenever he appears in any publio gathering;
there is no man whom such eager and curious
multitudes throng to look at when he is ad
vertised in the rural listricts; there is no
living man whose name has so long been a
household word at so many American fire
sides. The idea of running Mr. Greeley for
President may seem laughable to crafty
politicians "hackneyed in the ways of men,"
but there are simple and honest multitudes
of his fellow-citizens who will never be able
to see the point of the joke.
If the Republican party will take our ad
vice, they will nominate Mr. Greeley. No
matter whom they may nominate they are
booked to be beaten; and no candidate would
so enliven the canvass and contribute so
much to the publio amusement as the vene
rable sage of Chappaqua. The campaign
would open with a universal guffaw of jovial
excitement. Every Democrat and every Re
publican would be high and hilarious. There
would be no end to the jibes, and the jokes,
and the funny lampoons, and the grotesque
pictorial caricatures, aud the oomio campaign
songs, with which the Presidential canvass
would be enlivened. There would be a univer
sal kicking up of heels and turning of somer
saults. Since the Republican party is fore
doomed to die in 1872, we can think of no
way in whish its euthanasia could contribute
so much to general good humor. It would
go out amid shouts of laughter. By all means
give us Mr. Greeley for the Republican can
didate in 1872, and let his defeat inaugurate
an "era of good feeling!" "Barkis is willia',"
ana it ia a pit; the politicians should not con
sent. ! 1
In all seriousness, the Republican party is
more indebted , to Mr. Greeley than to any
other man in the country. If gratitude and
the recognition of past services are to control
the nomination, his claims are infinitely
superior to those of General Grant. It may
indeed be said that notwithstanding his
great eminence as a journalist, he has no
peculiar qualifications for President. But
this objection is a two-edged sword, which
cuts both ways. It is altogether more fatal
to the claims of General Grant than to those
of Mr. Greeley. - General Grant was not
nominated on the score of fitness, bat in
sheer recognition of his dogged persistence
as a military butcher. He had not the first
aualification for any civil office. Bat Mr.
reeley has given the whole strength of his
life to the consideration and discussion
of political measures. It is not for
the Republican party to quostion his
wisdom when they have adopted and indorsed
all his leading views. He has shaped all their
politioal issues. He has pioneered the path
in which the Republican party has followed.
Take the great measure of all, that on whioh
they pride themselves above all others, the
emancipation of the slaves. It is absurd to
credit Mr. Lincoln with that measure, into
which he was reluctantly forced by a publio
opinion which Mr. Greeley had created. If
gratitude and the recognition of past services
aro to control the Republican nomination for
President, theie is no comparison between
Mr. Greeley and General Grant. And as to
qualifications for the offioe, Mr. Greeley
would at least make as respectable a figure as
the stolid military sphinx who has not politi
cal ideas enough to supply him with the ma
terials of a three minutes' speech. Crab
apples may not be the best kind of fruit; but
a tree which every year bears a great crop of
crab-apples is better worth cultivating than a
tree which bears nothing. -
Mr. Greeley was a noted man in Amerioan
politics long before General Grant was even
heard of. And there is none of General
Grant's possible rivals for the Repablioau
nomination who occupies half the space in the
publio eye which the editor of tho Tribune
has done for the last quarter of a century.
If the Republican party wishes to die with
grace and decency, let it at last do tardy jus
tice to the man who has done more to shape
its policy and achieve its success than any
other citizen. To be sure, it is none of our
funeral; but we may be pardoned for feeling
the ordinary interest of spectators in the
pomp and parade of the final obsequies. Mr.
Greuey unequivocally signifies his willing
ness to be the Republican candidate if the
party chooses to nominate him. Since he is
willing to be led as a lamb to the slaughter.
why should he be denied the crown of mar
tyrdom?
He has some strong points as a candidate,
ne signed the bail bond of Jefferson Davis.
He is a strenuous advocate of universal am
nesty. In his present visit to the South he
has courted Southern popularity bv express
ing the wish that Southern intelligence may
control publio an airs in tnat section. By
nominating him the Republican party would
purge itseJt from a great deal or past bigotry.
Moreover, he is the great oracle of the pro
tectionists, and all the protected interests
would rally around him with enthusiastic
fervor, and the monopolists would freely open
their hearts and unloose their purse-strings to
supply electioneering funds for the campaign.
And ""What I Know About Farming" would
secure him the votes of many simple-minded
agriculturists. He appeals to a great many
feelings which General Grant cannot touch. -
All joking and badinage apart, it is evident
from Mr. Ore ley s letter that he is stoutly
opposed to the renomination of General
Grant. He wants nobody nominated who is
not "a steadfast, constant believer in the
good old Whig doctrine of one Presidential
term." The one-term principle of course
rules out General Grant; but Mr. Greeley
might with more propriety have called it the
Confederate doctrine than "the good old
Whig doctrine, as the Confederate constita
tion wisely forbade its President to be re
elected. Mr. Greeley has been for several
years adroitly trimming his sails to catoh
boutnern popularity.
We wish him success in getting the Repub
lican nomination; but if we thought there
was the slightest chance of his election, we
should probably be in no baste to exchange
King Log for King Stork. ' '
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SEVENTH NATIONAL B&NK, N. W. Cor.Fourt
and Market streets.
WM. PAINTER & CO., No. 80 8. Third street
OLENDlNNlnO, DAVIS A CO.. No. 49 S. Third
TOWNSEND W HELEN A CO. No. 809 Walnut at
BULL & NORTH, No. 131 8. inird street.
T. A. RIDDLE CO., No. 828 Walnut street. '
D. C. WHAhTON SMITH & CO., 121 S. Third
STERLING & CO., no. 110 S. Third street.
J. 11. TKOTTER, No. 822 Walnut street.
C. T. VERK ES. Jr., A CO.. No. so s Third street.
"WM. T. ELBERT, No. 821 Wnlnnt street
S. M. PALMEK A CO., No. S6 S. Third street.
If. M. ROBCNSON h. CO.. No. 183 S. Third street
SAMl'EL WORK, No. W S. Third street
J. 8. RUSHTON & CO.. No. BO 8. Third street
HRO. J. BOYD, No. IS South Third streot
RALEY A W11.SON. No. 41 S. Third street
WALLCE KEKNE. No. 14S S. Third street
H. II. WILTBANK, No. 805 Walnut street
M. SCBI'LTZ & CO., No. 44 S. Thtrd Street
WILLIAM C. MORGAN & CO.. No. 23 S. Third St
NARR & LADNER, No. 80 8. Third street
BIOREN A CO., No. 1B0 8. Third street
JOHN K. WILDMAN. No. 26 8. Thtrd street
P. 8. PETERSON & CO.. No. B 8. Third street
B. K. JAMISON A CO., N.W. cor. Thtrd & Ohesuut
EMORY, BENSON & CO., No. 6 8. Third street
W. II. STEVENSON, No. 223 Dock street.
BAHKEK BROS, ft CO., No. 23 8. Third street
JAMES E. LB WARS & CO., No. 29 8. Third street.
O. & W. Y. I1EBERTON, No. B2 8. Third street
cnARLKS B. KEEN. No. 825 Walnut street
WILLIAM T. CARTER, No. 818 Walnut street
W. II. SHELMEHDINE, No. 10 8. Thtrd street
JACOB K. R1DQWAY. No. 68 K. Third street
MEGARY & PEALE, No. 12 8. Third street
JOHN MOSS, Jr.. No. 208 Walnut street.
II. F. BACHMAN, No. 26 S. Third street
8 27mwr3ru
A RELIABLE
Safe Home Investment.
the
Sunbury and lewistown Railroad
- Company
7 FEXl CSrJT. GOLD
First Mortgage Bonds.
Interest Payable April and Octo
ber, Free or Htate and United '
States Taxes.
. We are now offering the balance of the loan of
11,200,000, which is secured hj a orst aud only lien
on the entire property and franchises of the Corn
pany,
At OO and the Accrued Interest
Added.
The Road Is now rapidly approaching completion,
With a large trade In COaL, IKON, and LUMBER,
in addition to the passenger travel awaiting the
openiDg of this greatly needed enterprise. The local
trade alone is sufficiently large to sustain the Road.
We have no hesitation In recommending the Bonds
s a CHEAP, RELIABLE, and SAFK INVEST
WENT.
For pamphlets, with map and full Information,
apply to
ViRfl. PAINTER & CO.,
BANKERS,
Dealers In Government Securities,
No. 36 South THIRD Street,
PHILADELPHIA.'
JOHN S. RUSHTON & CO.,
EANKEE3 AND BEOKESS,
GOLD AND COUPONS WANTED,
City Warrants
BOUGHT AND SOLO.
No. SO South THIRD Street.
Ml
PHILADELPHIA.
SPECIAL ATTENTION
PAID TO THIS PURCHASB AND 8 ALB OF
Stocks and Bonds,
Here and In New York, and every facility furnished
to parties desiring to have them carried.
D. C. WHARTON SMITH S CO.,
BANKERS & BROKERS,
No. 121 SOUTH THIRD STREET,
C M PHILADELPHIA.
B. K. JAMISON & CO.
SUCCESSORS TO
P.F.KELLY te CO.,
BANKERS AND DIALERS IN
Gold, Silver, and Government Eoadt
At Closest Market Kates,
N. W. Cor. THIED and CHESNUT Sti
Special attention given to COMMISSION ORDERS
tn New York and Philadelphia stock Boards, etc,
eto la6
HAMliSSON GRAMBO,
r,qn Ufti n. Y
wow viMbiiu uii,
riiXLAUHU'lilA. Vj
MNANOiAlL.
JAY COOKE & CO.,
PHILADELPHIA, REW YORK and T7ASMNGIT0N.
- ! ' ( ' s
m cooke, Mcculloch s co.
LONDON,
AND
Dealers in Government Securities.
Special attention given to the Purchase and Sale
of Bonds and Stocks on Commission, at the Board of
Brokers In this and other cities.
INTEREST ALLOWED ON DEPOSITS,
COLLECTIONS MADE ON ALL POINTS.
GOLD AND SILVER BOUOHT AND SOL
In connection with onr London House we are now
prepared to transact a general
FOREIGN EXCHANGE BUSINESS,
Including Purchase and Sale of Sterling Bills, and
the issue of Commercial Credits and Travellers' Cir
cular Letters, available in any part of the world, and
are thus enabled to receive OLD ON DEPOSIT,
and to allow four per cent, interest tn currency
thereon.
Having direct telegraphic communication wit
both our New York and Washington Oillces, we can
offer superior facilities to our customers.
RELIABLE RAILROAD BONDS POH. INVEST
BLENT. Pamphleta and full Information given at our offloe,
5 3 8mrp No. 114 S. THIRD Street. Phtlada.
Wilmington and Beading
Railroad ,
7 rssi cssrjT. soijds.
Free of Taxes.
We are offering the Second Mortgage
Bond, of this Company '
AT 82 AND ACCRUED INTEREST.
Interest Payable January and
July.
The Bonds are In
81000s, 8500s, and SI OOs,
fctiu can do REGISTERED free of expense. The
road is doing a good business, with prospects of con
siderable increase.
Tola Issue la made to procure additional rolling
stock.
Bonds, Pamphlets, and Information can be ob
tained of
DE HAVEN & BRO.,
No. 40 South THIRD Street.
, PHILADELPHIA.
DUNN BROTHERS,
DAIVUISBS,
Nob. 51 and 53 S. THIRD St.
Dealers in Mercantile Paper, Collateral Loam,
Government Securities, and Gold.
Draw Bull of Exchange on the Union Bank of
London,and Issue traveller' letters of credit through
Messrs. BOWLES BROS A CO., available la all the
cities of Europe.
Hake Collections on all points.
Execute orders for Bonds and Stocks at Board ot
Brokers.
Allow Interest on Deposits, subject to check at
sight. . ii
INVESTMENT BONDS
PORTAGE LAKE AND LAKE SUPERIOR SHIP
CANAL 10s. fcecured by first mortgage on the
canal (now completed), and on real estate worth five
times the amount of the mortgage.
KANSAS CITY, MISSOURI, 10s.
DOUQLA8 COUNTT, NEBRASKA (including
Omaha), 10s, and other choice Western county and
city bonds, yielding good rates of interest.
ALLENTOWN C1TV(A.) SEVEN PEB CENT.
SCHOOL BONDS, free from taxes under the laws
of the State, at par and Interest.
For full particulars apply to
IIOWAUD DAISLIHGtTOX,
l8m No, 147 South FOURTH Street
COUPON OR REGISTERED-LOAM
OF TBI
City of 'Williameport, Pennsylvania,
With both principal and Interest made absolutely
secure by tstate and municipal legislation,
for sale at
85,
AND ACCRDRED INTEREST, BY
P. 8. PETERSON & CO..
Bankers and Stock Brokers
No. 39 B. THIRD STREET,
I PHILADELPHIA.
Corn Exchange Bag Manufactory.
JOHN T. BAILEY,
K. 2. Cor. WATER and MARKET Sts.
ROPE AND TWINE, BAGS and BAGGING, for
Grain, Flour, Salt, Super-Phosphate of Lime, Bone
Dust, B.tc.
Large and small GUNNY BAGS cons
hand. Alao, WOOL SACKS.
II K
8 T
C l O V D .
This new elegant aud commodlnns flrst-claaa Hotel,
On AKCU btreei, noove an i u,
Mow open.
Tenns, 3 per day.
4 1 tax Q. W. Ml'LLLN A ttiiO., Proprietors.
t