2
THE DAI1A nENINO TELEGRAPH PHILADELPHIA, TUESDAY, MAY 2, 1871.
enniT of tub press.
EDITORIAL OriSIONS Of TMH LBADINO JOURNALS
X7TON CURRENT. TOriOO COMPILED BVBBX
AT FOR THH KTKtI3t TELHaHTH.
RUFFIANISM ON BAILS.
Frtm 0 S. T. ZVikunA
It ia getting to be ft sari on 8 question
whether the cars of some of our city passen
ger linos are not, at certain hours of the
Bight, the most dangeroas plaoea to which a
respectable citizen caa resert. The murder
ous attack upon Mr. Pntnani, last Wednesday
evening, occurred in a reapeotable part of the
city, and at a time when the streets ought to
be comparatively safe. Yet it was a long
while before any assistance was rendered to
the dying nan, and we may alaaost
pay it wan by mere aaoident that the mur
derer was arrested. Foster, at any rate,
went home without molestation,
if he had not been reooguized by
who knew hiin, he would probably
Bad,
one
have
escaped soot free. The ceniuion complaint
that the police are never at hand when they
are wanted is unfair. The beats are long,
and though the men be never so watchful and
zoalous, murder may easily be committed
without their knowledge. The alarming fact
suggested by the Fataani homicide is that
etreet-cara afford Bach a safe and convenient
field of operations for the robber, the bruiser,
and the tipsy roue, unless drivers and con
ductors can be made to take some other view
of their duties than now, seems to be ac
cepted. It ia hard to read the newspaper acoounts
of this tragedy without indignation at the
brutal indifference of the oonduotor who
could hurry away anal leave a dying man
senseless in the road, and a mueh stronger
feeling toward the driver, who is now in jail
on suspicion of complicity in the outrage.
We shall not prejudge these two men. There
may be extenuation ef the conduct of the
one, and the circumstances which throw sus
picion upon the other may be inoorrectly re
ported. But the case has called out a great
number of commnnications from passengers
who have experienced the dangers of the city
cars, and there is no doubt that on several of
the roads robberies and assaults, winked at
by the drivers and conductors, are compara
tively common. There are certain lines which
the pot-house politicians and strikers are
understood to use fur the benefit of their
friends, and on which a ruffian who has ren
dered good service to the party at primary
meetings and on days ef eleotion is always
Bure of a situation. And men who know
something ef the dark aide of city life have
often noticed that piatps and pickpockets on
these roads are generally on terms of confi
dential intimacy with the company's em
ployes. The writer of these lines saw a gang
of thieves make an atteoapt upon a gentle
man's pocket en a front car-platform, but,
being foiled, they jumped oil and esoaped.
The oonductor then eauie forward and laugh
ingly remarked to the driver that "they
didn't do it as well as usual to-night." In re
ply to a question, he admitted that the same
gang 'wiked his car" every night. "De
you mean to say that you let them do it?"
"Well, it's none of my business. I'd only
get myself into trouble if I said any
thing," a sentiment in which the driver
heartily concurred. On the same line we saw
a tipsy brute fall headlong three times into a
lady's lap, and the conductor, when asked to
put him out, pluosply refused. We suppose
that was "none of his business" either. There
is at least one line on which men in the mast
offensive stage of drunkenness have full
license to annoy other passengers and terrify
women; on which respectable ladies are
hardly safe from insult at any time, and if in
sulted will get no protection from the con
ductor. We do not mean the line on whioh
Mr. Putnam was killed; but it seems, from
the events of Wednesday evening, that the
regulations of that road also give drunken
men the right to do pretty much as they
please in the cars, provided they have paid
five cents and are acquainted with the driver.
It has been proposed to remedy these dis
orders by giving railroad hands the power to
make arrests, holding the companies respon
sible for whatever abuse they may make of
their authority. That plan would probably
Aggravate the evil in a city like New York.
Oonduotors have already the right to expel
from their cars anybody who is dangerous to
the other passengers, or who offends against
deoenoy by intoxication, profanity, and soon.
What we want is an order from the compa
nies that this right shall be rigidly exeroised.
Conductors must understand that their duties
are not confined to making time, paoking
passengers, and collecting tares. They are
bound to protect their passengers in person
and property. They are not to laugh while
pockets are picked, nor to look oa while
women are abused by drunkards, nor to let
the friends of the driver chaee young ladies
from one corner of the car to another, and
then dahh out the brains of any gentleman
who interferes to protect them. Here is a
lesson from the mournful tragedy of last
week which surely can be learned without
much trouble. While the horror of that
assassination is still freh, we wish a few of
the directors of city car companies would
spend a day and night in travelling over
their lines and seeing for themselves the
rampant ruffianism for which they are re
sponsible CAN THE GEItMANS UNITE WITH AME
RICAN UEPUBLICANS?
From the AT. Y. Tivte.
In the comments made by some of our con
temporaries on our recent articles urging
the necessity of incorporating more of the
German-American population ia the Repub
lican ranks, there have been assumptions
made which we desire, once and for all, to
correct.
We have not been urging a "boundless
revel of lager," as a means of winning over
these voters, as the Tribune persists in stat
ing, nor, as assumed by the Brooklyn Union,
have we recommended giving up "American
habits" for German. What we arge is simply
this: The Republican party wh not formed
to support reforms in drinking habits any
more than to advance reforms in religion.
It has its definite municipal and national
objects in the field of politics, objects whioh
are sufficiently remote and snlfloiently diffi
cult of attainment to satisfy the most ener
geuo ana araeni reiormer. xuey are pri
marily to preserve the fruits of the war at the
(South, to conduct the National Government
economically and with careful regard to the
resources of the nation, and to promote muni
cipal purity and honesty.
The latter object in New York city just
now looms np over all others, and affects the
daily comfort and prosperity of every in
habitant. To attain this, to purify the city
from official corruption and dishonesty, to
restore ita good name and make its citi
zenship an honor rather than a disgrace,
we need the votes of a large body of
respectable and orderly citizens, who are
now mainly against us we rutin the Ger
man-Americans of New York State. These,
though substantially in sympathy with the
Republicans and bitterly opposed to the
Catholic Irish, are driven from our ranks by
the attempt of many ef our friends to urge
extreme abstinence legislation on the party.
We need not say to the readers of the Times
that we have the highest respect for the
motives and objects of the "Temperance"
party. We should regret seeming in any way
to obstruct their legitimate and moral work.
They are struggling with the most gigantio
evil of modern civilization, and they do it
consistently by themselves abstaining en
tirely from even innocent indulgence. Still,
their field is the moral one, not the political.
Extreme legislation will only produce reac
tion. The Republican party is, moreover,
not the organization for their efforts. They
should fori a "total abstinence" party, apart
from all political organizations. Neither can
we forget, when these reformers urge ex
treme legislation for the laboring classes,
that the great majority of the American mid
dle classes do new in their own homes in
dulge in moderate and innocent drinking,
which such lawa would not check.
It is also a great mistake, whioh those who
have argued against us in this matter have
made, that the Germans demand nothing but
unbounded license. The Germans, it is true,
have had for generations very different sooial
hafcits from our own. They are mainly na
tives ef wine countries, and, as is the custom
of such people the world over, are in the
habit of drinking, in family and socially,
somewhat freely ef light beers and wines,
which are much less alooholio than our eider.
As a general thing, they are less given to in
toxication than our own people or the Irish.
In arriving here, under a different climate,
with stronger liquors in use and dearer wines,
and among a people of different sooial cus
toms, the more sensible part of them see the
propriety and necessity of somewhat changing
their habits. They behold every day, in the
Irish quarters of the city, and in the Ameri
can bar-rooms, the frightful effeets of unre
strained whisky and rum drinking. They see
the long roll of crimes against persons and
property every Monday morning, committed
on the Sunday in our corner groceries and
rum shops. Now, we should be doing vio
lence to all that wo know of the good sense
of the German-Amerioans, if we did not sup
pose that they were open to any reasonable
compromise on the subject of publio drink
ing. There ia one, for instance, very simple
and practical, which has not at all been suffi
ciently considered, but which would make a
vast practical difference in publio tempe
rance; that is, a law forbidding the sale of
aBy liquor in places where provisions were
sold, thus taking away the incessant tempta
tion from laborers and women who are run
ning up acoounts or making purohases in
groceries. Then, again, the distinction
which could be easily made between selling
alcoholio liquors and beers. Or still further,
the permitting the opening of beer gardens
on Sunday afternoon. Any, or all of these
compromises would, we believe, be accept
able to the great majority of the German
Americans, simply on the ground of publio
policy and general welfare; the community
having tne riont to preserve a part or one
day for its own repose or order, and to
forbid dangerous stimulants to the working
and other classes when they were most likely
to be tempted to criminal actions.
Our own reformers, however, would unhesi
tatingly reject any such compromises, oa the
ground of conscience. But the sensible and
wise citizen, seeing that in a great cosmopoli
tan city like thia he could not make all the
people what he would have them, either in
religion or morals, would be glad of the
second best thing to presorve some order
aid temperance, and cheok extreme indul
gence and crime. United, the German and
American Republicans could accomplish this;
separated, we have what we see now corrup
tion in government and unlimited lioense in
social habits.
DEMOCRATIC DISTRUST OF THE
PEOPLE.
From JIarper't Weekly Edited by Get. Wm. Curtis.)
One of the most suggestive faots in our po
litical history is that the Demooratio party fcaa
been for many years the organization of all
the aristoeratio and anti-American elementa
of our society. Twenty yeara ago the sole
great polioy of that party was the extension
and confirmation of slavery. The slave-holding
class was as haughty, although not as re
fined and educated, an aristooraoy as any ia
the world. In circles where the "Southern"
influence was supreme the politioal and social
sentiment was purely medieval. Under the
dominance of thia sentiment in the Southern
States all the guarantees of liberty were de
spised, and ita express constitutional stipula
tions were disregarded. Yet thia aristoeratio
clans and this sentiment called themselves
Democratic, and absolutely controlled the
Democratie party. At the same time every
young man becoming interested in politics
observed that if any body had a cynioal con
tempt for the people, or disdained their capa
city to govern themselves wisely, and ex
tolled a "strong," paternal government, like
that of Austria, he was sure to bo a Demo
crat. And at length, when the aristocratic
interest, fearing to lose control of the Govern
ment, attempted its destruction in order to
found a new system upon the worst form of
human slavery, the conspiracy was perfected
in a Democratic cabinet and Congress, was
maintained in the field by Democrats, and
was morally sustained by the Democratic
party.
The attempt to destroy a free popular
government by those who called themselves
Democrats having failed, the restoration of
the Union followed. Against the protesta
tions of the Democratic party emancipation
had been effected, and the disturbed States
were full of two classes the freedmen and
the late rebels. True to ita aristocratic in
stinct, the Democratic party struggled to re
tain all that could be saved of slavery, and
established black codes, introducing among
freemen a system of caste. The mischiefs
were evident, and the scheme was defeated.
Equal civil rights were seoured by the equal
ballot, and this also against the most
strenuous hostility of the party called
Democratic Throughout the epoch of
reconstruction the policy of equal rights
among American citizens, which ia the
distinction of the American system, was dog
gedly resisted by the anti-Amerioaa and aris
toeratio spirit which inspired the Democrats;
and the party which had attempted the over
throw of the Government because its lawful
tendency seemed to be adverse to the exten
sion of slavery, and which sullenly demanded
that those whom it could not keep slaves
should not be made equal citizens, denounced
the party of liberty and union as despotio,
because it would not immediately deliver the
freedmen to the mercies of those whose
bands were yet dripping with the blood of
loyal citizens.
It is not less observable that the tone f the
Democratic press, as it ia called, is in har
mony with this tendency to distrust the
people. Through the war it alluded gently
to the British Tories who favored the rebel
lion, and sneered at the English Liberals.
When Goldwin Smith, one of our best
friends, came to thia country in 180 1, thin
press steadily depreciated him and hU work
in influencing English opinion. Meanwhile,
true to the same instinct, the most servile
lackeys of the French Emperor were to be
found in the American Democratic pres.
Abroad it toadied to Louis Napoleou and
patronized John Bright, while at home it
steadily ridiculed theunfortnnate colored citi
zens, sneered at the Southern leaders who hon
orably accepted the results of the war, and
heaped the most fulsome adulation upon thoso
who did not. The first Democratic National
Convention after the war was controlled by the
game old spirit of hatred of equal popular
lights. Even the earthquake had not shaken
off the dominance of the slave-holding aris
tocracy. So abject had been the submission
of the party to a spirit utterly antagonistic to
American principles that it was helpless in the
graRp of Wade Hampton and his Southern
friends, and the Democratic party, therefore,
went into the last Presidential eleotion, as it
had entered upon the elections of a genera
tion, as the party of hostility to equal rights
and aristocratic distrust of the poople.
The latest illustrations of this spirit are not
less significant. Among the most striking is
the alliance of the Democratic party with the
most deppotio and reactionary school of the
Rowan Catholic Church. That Chnroh h
a clearly defined political policy in this coun
try, which is fatal te the permanence of a free
popular system, and of that policy the Demo
cratic party is the supple servant. So fearful
is it of offending that Church that the Demo
cratic press is either silent upon the political
regeneration of Italy or sneers at it, while it
is forced by the same fear to fawn upon the
Church by depreciating the importance of Dr.
Dollinger s excommunication. So also in tho
Democratic Congressional caucua to prepare
an address to the people, Senator Saulsbnry,
of Delaware, is reported to have said that the
Democratic party of hid State would not con
sent to acquiescence in the equal rights of
citizens; and the representative man of the
patty from the West has taken the same
ground, and is sustained by the most influ
ential Southern Democratic presses and poli
ticians. But in the State of New York, where the
party is thoroughly organized under the
Tammany leadership, the contempt for the
people is most manifest. Without permit
ting even the reading of their edicts in the
Legislature, and, of course, without tolerating
debate, the Demooratio leaders have applied
the usurpation of the Erie bill to municipal
government. Officers whom the people had
elected for a year or for two years are re
tained in office for two and three years more
than their elected term ! The leaders have
also decreed that four officers in the city, two
of whom only were elected by the people,
and one of whom has bad his term ex
tended after election for two years more,
shall levy and disburse all the city taxes !
The details pf this imperial system we have
heretofore exposed. It is so ingeniously con
structed that while, as in Louis Napoleon s
in France, there is the form of a popular
election, the authority and terms of subse
quent appointment are such that the whole
power resides in officers who are not elected
by the people, and whoso terms are more
than double that of the appointing offioer,
who, by the enormoua concentration of
patronage in their hands, is nezessarily their
puppet and tool. Executive responsibility is
thus annihilated; and such is the total disre
gard of the ordinary safeguards of a free
popular system in a party which has for more
than a generation despised eqnal rights, and
defended slavery ns the foundation of fro
institutions, th.it if the Democratic leaders
had decided that the terms of the appointed
which are the real offices in the system
should be twenty years instead of five, the
decision would have been ratified wit!a the
same utter disregard of the ordinary forms
of legislation.
In presence of such faots party heat is im
pertinent. The question is of the practicabil
ity and permanence of American institutions.
Here is a party which has always opposed
equal liberty, which instinctively affiliates
abroad with the most absolute and reaction
ary policy, which at hone is tho ally of the
JRoman Church in its assault upon the publio
school system, which includes the Ku-klux
and every enemy of the Union, and which
now, in the State of New York, strikes with
the Erie bill at the right of property-holders
to elect their agents, and by its amended
charter abolishes popular government in the
city. 'Ibis party is strong, rich, organized,
unscrupulous. It is the servant of the com
bined capital of enormous corporations, and
its corrupt methods are so notorious that of
themselves they justly excite anxioty for the
future of the country. It is supported by ig
norance, by class jealousy, by hatred of race,
by disaffection to the Government. Is this
a party which can safely obtain control of the
national administration!1
It is a patriotio, not a party question. It
appeals to every intelligent Democrat, and it
appeals especially to those Republicans who,
in presence of such a peril, ardently engage
in the quarrel of their party in New York. It
appeals no less to the Republicans of Ohio
and of Missouri who seek to raise the party
(standard an effort in which we cordially
sympathize that they do it in a manner that
will strengthen onr own party, and not the
enemy. It appeals to the American faith in
the people and in free popular institutions,
tnat it shall defeat those who distrust and de
spine both, and who are leagued fast with the
foes of intelligence and liberty. Indeed, the
only doubt of the issue in 1872 springs from
indifference or blindness to the fact that the
paramount question is whether whatever
the faults of Republican measures and men
the party that we have described, whatever
its professions may be, can safely be intrusted
witn tne uovernment.
THE GERMANS IN POLITICS AND PENN
SYLVANIA.
From the If. T. WorUi.
One of the worst features of the war car
ried on by the railroad corporations against
the coal miners and their association is the
attempt to create national antagonisms be
tween tne working inon of diuerent racea
employed in the mines, as well as among the
inhabitants generally throughout the ooal
regions. A month ago the agents of the com
panies thought they had Buooeeded in break
ing np the union by meana of jealousies
stirred up among tne 'jermana, Irish, Scotch,
and Welsh against the two chief officers of
the association, who are English by birth. But
the men were wise enough to see through
the scheme, and by their own voluntary
action restored the most perfect harmony.
Thia time the companies have been shrewder.
It appears that the men whom they engaged
in Castle Garden and sent up on a special
train so aa to arrive at Soranton in the mid
dle of the night were Germans; and when
some of the men of the union were suspuoted
of an intention to interfere with them the
whole German population of the neighbor
hood was appealed t j to protect their
countrymen against the "vUlmioua Irish," who
were said to be at the bottom of it. But the
Germans, however much they may deter
mine to proteot their countrymen from in
justice, are not likely to permit themselves to
be used "ttrn anderen Leulen die Kas'.ankn
avs dem Fever tu holen.' They of all peo
ple in the world understand bow that game
has been played on them for a century past,
and how the persistent playing off of sue
rationality against the other Prussinn against
Badenser, Austrian against Saxon cheated
tbem of their liberties. They can see the role
which the radical party has sketched out for
them in politics admirably mpresnnted in a
recent number of Harper's Wfk'n, where a
German and an Irishman are playing see-saw
upon a barrel, while a radioal bank, railroad,
and tariff monopolist has his hand in their
pockets and his jug at the spigot. Thia is
the rtle which the Germans are expected to
pixy in national politics as well as in the coal
miners' strike. So, at least, would the radical
monopolists have it.
JOHN-JACK.
From the GoUcn Age (Edited by Theodore Tilttm).
John-Jack, in the story, was an eccentric
individual, who fanoied he was two persons
in one John tho good, and Jack the bad.
These two in one often argued violently with
each other John reasoning against Jack's
evil courses, and Jack vindicating himself on
the ground of his innate depravity, botne-
times John would get a strong grip on Jack,
but more often Jack reigned dominant over
John. Between the two, whoever was in the
ascendancy, there was a civil (or rather an
uncivil ) war an unending feud which agi
tated the one general and tempest-tossel
breast of double and divided John-Jack.
In like manner, for a few months past, the
two wings of the Democratio party the
better and the worse, the humane and the
cruel, the law-abiding and the Ku-klux have
been wrestling with each other in a John-
Jack strife. The World, and some of its
followers at the North, have uttered the
reasonable voice of John, saying, "bygones
must be bygones; the amendments must be
suatained; and the negro shall be unmo
lested. But, on the other hand, a dozen or
more of tho old-fashioned fire-eating presses
throughout the South, with some at the
North to borrow and propagate their
11 erues, have replied in the temper of Jack,
basing, "We mean to repudiate the amend-
ments; we Bhall show no quarter to the negro;
and we are reaching out our bloody hand into
the past to bring back the old regime." And
so a John-Jack controversy rages within the
Democratio party; a debate between its inner
voices, but heard outside; a colloquy between
its nobler and its baser self; a struggle which
may end in the victory of reason on the one
band, or or madness on tne otuer.
Just at this point, the Democratic members
of Congress have issued aa address to the
people of the United States a sort of Parthian
arrow which, in their rt treat from Washing
ton, they have let fly at the Federal Adminis
tration. Their attitude towards the Republi
can party does not interest us; thia attitude
is, of course, a partisan hostility expressed
in criticisms more or less just; but the policy
which they propose for the Demooratio party
their own future career excites our pro
found attention. Having spoken, what have
they said? Ia it the language of John or
Jackr It is a mid-way, non-committal,
half-muteness, in which we hear neither
John's declaration of good intent, nor Jack's
counter-statement of purposed misohief.
There is the best of reasons for this diplo
matic vagueness. The Democrats in Con
gress, who are the authors of this address,
consisting, as they do, both of bad and good
men, or, in other words, both of Johns and
JacKH, war ted their document to utter, not a
discordant, but a harmonious voice; and aa
the whole body of signers could not speak
colleotively either as John or aa Jack, the
pronunciamento waa made to exclude every
thing Johnsonian on the one hand, and every
thing Jacksonian on the other. No party
prospectus was ever more meaningless on the
chief point concerning which the people to
whom it is addressed want to know its mean
ing; and that is, the future polioy of the
Democratio party in referenoe to the
fourteenth and fifteenth amendments. On
this momentous subject, this address is what
Rufus Cboate would have styled "a glittering
generality." The Democratio party itself
does not know what policy this manifesto
manifests whether John ia determined that
Jack shall cot interfere with the amendments,
or whether Jack ia to pnt a gag in John's
mouth, and then "cry havoo and let slip the
dogs of war." John takes up the document
and reads what it says of "the rights which
every freeman cherishes," and of "the best
guarantees of law and order," and of throw
ing round "the humblestcitizen, wherever he
may be, the protecting regla oi those safe
guards of personal liberty which the
fundamental laws of the land assure:" all
this John reads with delight, and then says to
Jack, "This means that the fourteenth and
fifteenth amendments are to be sustained, and
the negro is to be protected under them;" but
Jack replies in hot blood, "It means no suoh
thing. On the contrary, just as for fifty years
the Declaration of Independence did not, in
the South, include the negro, so now these
amendments shall be, to him, a similar
mockery. And sinoe there was always in
the South, as in the North, a constitutional
guarantee of free speech, and yet there was
never any lree epoecn in one-nan the
Union, so now, in that same half, these
constitutional amendments, guaranteeing the
civil and politioal liberty of the negro, shall
be tieated us Republican promises made to
the ear which a Democratio administration
shall break to the hope." And so the Demo
cratic members of Congress, in their address.
have stimulated, rather than healed, the con
troversy between John and Jack. Notwith
standing the mook gravity, and the sad-embroidered
solemnity, and the semi-pathetio
sweetness of thia manifesto, it ia nevertheless
"a trumpet of an uncertain sound," It fore
casts neither one policy nor another. It gives
to assurance whether the Democratio party
mean to protect the negro against the Ku
klux, or to re-enforce the Ku-klux against the
negro.
Sitting as independent critios of the politi
cal situation looking dispassionately on a
game which we have no band in playing we
give it as our prophetio opiniou (worthless as
such horoscopes may be) that John can win,
but Jack must lose, the next Presidential
election for the Democratio party. Three
years ago at Tammany Hall, if John had been
allowed to nominate Chief Justice Chase, and
Jack had been prevented from nominating
Frank Blair, the Democratio party would in
all probability have won the great battle
which they then lost. Jack's disposition is
to rule or ruin. Having ruled the party to ita
ruin, the question for that party now to settle
id, whether or not John shall rise to the
dignity f the succession, and by asserting
that moral force which, in ita majestio onset,
sometimes stuns, stupefies, and oonquers
btutish violence, compel Jack to yield in 1872
to the wholesome oounsels which he despised
in lbo8.
For our own part, if John shall become the
thorough master of Jack, we shall be willing
to Bee turn beoome the chosen master of ns
all. But at present the John-Jack struggle
between the World and the party which it is
attempting to inspire a struggle in which
the Congressional address-makers have studi
ously taken part a struggle which consists
or good advice in the North and of midnight
assassinations in the South thia struggle
between John and Jack is, in its present
stnge, like a . controversy between Jacob's
voice and Esau a hand. ho can trust a
political party whose leader ia John-Jack?
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acres, adorned with choice shrubbery, evergreen,
fruit and shade trees. A most healthy location,
views for 40 miles over a rich country, modern
pointed stone house, gas, water, etc., coach, Ice, and
spring houses, never falling spring of purest water.
(lakb fob boatino), all stocked with mountain
trout, carp, etc., beautiful cascade, with succession
of rapids through the meadow.
Apply to J. R. PRICE, on the premises. 4 85
FOR SALE,
HANDSOME RESIDENCE,
WEST PHILADELPHIA.
No. 8243 CHESNDT Street (Marble Terrace),
THREE-STORY, WITH MANSARD ROOF, AND
THREE-STORY DOUBLE BACK
BUILDINGS.
Sixteen rooms, all modern conveniences, gas, bath.
hot and cold water.
Lot 18 feet front and 120 feet 8 Inches deep to a
back Btreet.
Immediate possession. Terms to suit purchaser.
M. D. LIVENSETTER,
413 No. H9 South FQTJRT J Street.
SALE OF THE ATSION ESTATE.
ABOUT 28,000 ACRES OF LAND, TO BE SOLD
AT PUBLIC AUCTION, AT TUB WEST JKRSKY
HOTEL, CaMI'EN, N. J., ON MAY , 1871, AT
1 O'CLOCK. P. M.
TO SPECULATORS IN LAND, PROJECTORS OF
TOWNS AND CAPITALISTS GENERALLY, A
RAKE OPPORTUNITY FOR INVESTMENT IS
rjtHSENTEDM
A FARM of about 700 acres, with extensive im
provements, is Included,
SEVERAL MILLS and additional mill and manu
facturing: sites are on the property.
kailuoats traverse tne enure length or the
tract.
ATSION STATION is the point or junotlon of
two railroads.
TOWNS and settlements may do favorably
located.
THE CEDAR Ti.M un.it is or consineraoie vaiue.
CRANBERRIES, GRAPES, SWEET POTATOES
BOPS, etc., cau be very successfully cultivated.
GOOD TITLE will be made to the purchaser.
SEND FOR A PAMPULET containing particu
lars, and apply personally, or by mail, to
UWItWA 111. AHSlgURB,
8 84 S't No. 222 S.
FOURTH St., Philadelphia.
FOR SALE GERM.ANTOWN, SIIOE-
mafcer's Lane, adjoining Residences of Messrs.
Cabeen, Morgan, Clements,
POINTED STONE DWELLING,
large lot, 100 by 800 ; well shaded, old trees, etc. Im
mediate possession. H. C. THOMPSON,
No. 226 W. WASHINGTON SQUARE,
Or, J. M. GUMMEY & SONS,
4 26 6t No. 733 WALNUT Street.
fFSi FOR SALE LOW, AT CHESNUTgJ
Hill, an unusually attractive and complete zfl
Country Seat, five minutes' walk from Chesnut 11 ill
Depot; six acres of beautiful grounds, fruit, shade,
stables, grapery, green-house, lish-pond, etc.
Modern pointed stone residence, 13 rooms: One
views. RICHARDSON 4 JANNEY, No. 806 S,
FOURTH Street. 4 aUhatuS w
NINETY-THREE ACRES FARM FOR
Bale or exchange for city property, or good
merchandise, iltuated In Richland towrshlp, Bucks
county. R. J. DOBBINS,
4 27 12t Ledger Building.
FOR SALE HANDSOME BROWN-STONE
REHIDEENCE, with side yard, BROAD and
MASTER Streets. Lot 80 by 200 feet deep to Car
Hale street. R. J. DOBBINS,
4 2712t Ledger Building.
FOR SALE NEAT THREE-STORY BRICK
ia! DWELLING, with Bide yard, No. 1413 N.
EIGHTEENTH Street, or will be exchangad.
R. J. DOBBINS,
4 27 i2t Ledsrer Building.
FOR SALE OR EXCHANGE ELEGANTLY
i located COTTAGE, at CAPE MAY, furnished
throughout. R. J. DOBBINS,
4 87i2t Ledger Building,
FOR SALE ELEGANT FOUR-STORY
1 brown-Btone RESIDENCE, No. 191T CUES
NUT Street, with Bide yard. Lot 44X by 173 feet.
R. J. DOBBINS,
4 27 12t Ledger Building.
m FOR SALE-MUST BE SOLD THIS WEEK,
li:: and a treat bargain given. A desirable new
riweinnir on Walnut street, above Thirtj-fourth.
Apply at once to THOMAS ALLEN, No. 8933 CHES-
CiVl Btreet, ileal fjHaie Agoiu. tiior
TO RENT.
CHESNUT STREET STORE
to nnriT,
IV o.
APPLY ON TIM PREMISES.
4 82U
FOR RENT,
STORE, No. 339 MARKET Street.
APPLY ON PREMISES.
4 88tf
J. B. ELLISON 4 SONS.
SCHOOL LAN COUNTRY SEAT TO RENT.
-Manslen House, furnished, ul be let for the
summer months: 16 rooma. besldea bath-rooms
Icehouse, grapery, green house, aeoblea, kitchen
garden, and 9 acres of land. All In complete order,
10 minutes of two railway stations.
i'HILIP 8. JUSTICE,
No. 14 N. FIFTH Street
4 i4 Philadelphia.
TO RKNT FURNISHED DESIRABLE
L J Summer KeltneeF Township LUw,
School Lane. Geru'ul,,wn-
Dcuooiiuo, weJUSTluB BATEMANr A oo f
o 1 8f No. 121 South FRONT Street.
EDOOATIONAL.
JJAKVAKD UNIVERSITY,
CAMBRIDGE, MASS.,
Comprises the following Dopartmonta:
Harvard College, the University Lectures, Divinity
School, Law School, We Ileal School, Dental School,
Lawrence Sclentlflo School, School of Mining and
Practical Geology, Bussey Iuaututlon (a School of
Agriculture and Horticulture), Botanic Garden, As
tronomical Observatory, Museum of Comparative
Zoology, Feabody Museum of Arch neology, Episcopal
Theological School.
The next academic year begins on September 88,
1871. '
The first examination for admission to Harvard
College will begin June S9, at 8 A. M. The second
examination for admission to Harvard College, and
the examinations for admission to the Scienttflo
and Mining Schools,; will begin September' 83. The
requisites for admission to the College have been
changed this year. There la now a mathematical
a'ternative for a portion of the classics. A circular
describing the new requisites and recent examina
tion papers will be mailed ou application. ' ,
UNIVERSITY LECTURES. Thirty-three courses
In 1870-71, of which twenty begin In the week Feb
ruary 12-19. These lectures are intended for gradu
ates of colleges, trachers, and other competent
adults (men or women). A circular describing them
will be mailed on application.
TnE LAW SCHOOL has been reorganized this
year. It has seven Instructors, and a library of
16,( oo volumes. A circular explains the new course
of study, the requisites for the degree, and the cost
of attending the school. The second half of the
year begins February 13.
For catalogues, circulars, or information, ad
dress J. W. HARRIS,
1 8 8m Secretary.
JDGBH1LL SCHOOL
MEBCHANTVILLB, N. J.,
Pour Miles from Philadelphia,
The session commenced MONDAY, April 10,
1871.
For circulars apply to
Rev. T. W. CATTKLU
SAFE DEPOSIT OOMPANIE.
qBE PENNSYLVANIA C0HPASY
FOR INSURANCES ON LIVES AND
GRANTING
ANNUITIES.
Office No304 WALNUT Street.
INCORPORATED MARCH 10, 1813.
CHARTER PERPETUAL.
CAPITAL $l,O0O,O00.
BTJBPLTJS UPWARDS OF $750,000.
Receive money on deposit, return i lj on demand.
for which Interest Is allowed.
And under appointment by individuals, corpora
tions, and court, act as
EXECUTOKS. AJUAMlS l KA'TOKS, T1UJSTEKS,
GUARDIANS, ASSIGNEES. COHvilTTKUS,
RECEIVERS. AGRNTS. COLLECTORS, ETC.
And for the faithful performance of Its duties aa
Bach all Ita assets are liable.
CHARLES DUTILH, PaoeldenU
William B. Hill, Actuary.
DIRECTORS.
Charles Dntllh, , Joshua B. Lippincott,
Henry J. Williams,
William S. Vaux,
John K. Wucherer,
Adolph E. Hone,
Charles 11. Hutchinson.
Llmlley Sinvth,
George A. Wood,
Anthony J. Antelo,
Charles S. Lewis,
Alexander Diddle,
Henry Lewis.
MILLINERY.
M
R S. R. DILLON.
NOS. 853 AND 831 SOUTH STREET,
FANCY AND MOURNING MILLINERY, CRAPE
VEILS.
Ladles' and Misses' Grape, Felt, Gimp, Hair, Satin,
Silk, Straw and Velvets, Hata and Bonnets, French
Flowers, Hat and Bonnet Frames, Crapes, Laces,
Silks, Satins, Velvets, Ribbons, Sashes, Ornamental
and all Kinds of Millinery Goods.
WHISKY, WINE, ETQ.
CAR8TAIR8 ft McGALL,
No. 126 Walnut and 21 Granite Sts.,
IMPORTERS OF
Bias dies, Wines, Gin, Olive Oil, Eta,
WHOLESALE DEALERS IN
PURE RYE WHISKIES,
IN BOND AND TAX PAID.
885
Philadelphia .Hardware House.
L AV7 N HO WEES
IN GREAT VARIETY.
JAMR8 M. VANCE A CO.,
No. 211 MARKET STREET,
4 83 12trp
PHILADELPHIA.
BARLOWS INDIGO BLUE IS THE CHEAPEST
and best article in the market for
JBI.l i:iN3 lil.OrllES.
It does not contain any acid.
It will not Injure the finest fabric.
It la put up at
WII.TRERHKH'! DKm NTOKR,
No. 233 N. SECON D Street, Philadelphia,
And for Bale by moat of the Grocers and Druggists.
The genuine has both BARLOW'S aud W1LT
BEKGEK'S name on the label ; all others are COUN
TERFE1T.
BARLOWS BT.I7K
will color more water than four times the sum
weight of Indigo. 8 23 tuths2ui
J. T. BARTON. lDLiHOK.
17.aYSTOff A Blc9IAIIOIV(
SBIPPIHO A IfD COMUISSIOy MSJtBANT8,
No. S COENTIE8 SLIP. New York,
No. 18 SOUTH WHARVES, Philadelphia,
No. 46 W. PRATT STREET, Baltimore.
We are prepared to ship every description ft
Freight to Philadelphia, New York, WUmlnytoo, an
Intermediate point with promptness and despatch.
Canal Boats and Steam-toe t orulahed at the ahortea
LOttoa,
U B S T
O L U V D .
Thia new elegant and commodlens flrst-clasa Hotel,
JUUireiT .ii,.n l!i.l .hnnliltVII'NTll
Now open.
Terms, 3 per day.
4 1 im O. W. MULLIN A BRO., Proprietors.
GARDEN AND FLOWER SEEDS.
A Full Assortment.
OUR OWN GROWTH.
COLLINS, WETHKRILL A CO.,
8EKD GKOWKtfS,
4 4 tufa tf Nos. 1111 and 1113 MARKET Street.
1ARACAS CHOCOLATE,
imported and for sale by
441m
No. 129 8. FRONT Street.
w PRIME HE
A V Y
V SEED OATS.
COLLINS, WETHKRILL A CO.,
Seed Growers,
Nos. 1111 and 1113 MAKKET Street
ALEXANDER Q. OAT TELL A CO.,
PRODUCE COMMISSION MEKCUANTaV,
No. NORTH WHAKVE4
NO. T NORTH WATER STREET,
PHILADELPHIA.
IXXXlOMM G, CAST. VUIAB CiTTlL