2
THE DAI1A rtVfiNINO TELEGRAPH PHILADELPHIA, WEDNESDAY, APKIL 2G, 1S71?
SrililT OF TBE rRESS.
editorial ornraoss or the leadino jotjbnals
UPON OUBAEXT TOPICS COMPILED ETEBT
DAT FOB THE EVENING TELEOBAPH.
PARTY LEADERS AND THE PEOPLE.
From the A". F. Time.
The efforts of the Democratic preis At the
North to lull the country into a false sense of
security with regard to the future, might be
more successful if the Southern newspapers
would take the hint, and suppress their real
opinions alout the lost cause" nntil after the
election. This, however, they decline to Ho.
They think they see their way to success with
or without the help of the "War Democrats."
Republican dissensions enoonrage them to
throw aside all disguises. They see so many
Republican joarna's substantially fighting
their battle, that they can afford to disregard
the prudent admonitions of the World and
other Democratio papers. Thus, the Mobile
register is furious because the World advises
the Southern people toaocept the "situation"
as they find it. "Why should they, it asks,
cease to oppose negro suffrage and the fif
teenth amendment? "Are they right? Are
they Radical or Democratio platform planks?
Can you count the tens of thousands of white
"men who will spurn your ticket if you taint it
with negro politios?'r The Register goes on
-as follows:
"We retort, then, on "Northern impracticable,
like tbe World, who persistently close their eyes to
this great power or race Instinct, who reject a law
that God has imprinted on the hearts or all men,
and prefer to cling to false and glittering expe
diencies as the watchword or victory. The H'orld is
without faith. It la in the bramble-bash or unbelief.
Armies, religious, military, or political, are never led
to victory by unbelievers like the World. It Is afraid
or its own cause ; afraid or the very truths it is most
profoundly grounded In. IIow can there be inspira
tion the u acr or triumph in the counsels or
the leadership ol such a Journal ?''
The Montgomery Mail of the 20th inst. also
denounces the policy of acknowledging the
results of the war as settled, and says:
"What if we so shape publio sentiment every
where that the World and its followers will
be in a minority in that (the next Presiden
. tial) convention? And that is just what we are
laboring to do nothing more, certainly no
less." It continues its argument thus:
"The great national objection to the fifteenth
amendment lies in the fact that so long as it occu
pies a place in the Constitution of the Unlcud
Mates, it is a standing admission on the part or the
whole people that the bayonet may be rlghtlully
used In overthrowing the old landmarks' of popular
and free Government. Can the World see no danger
in that admtBslon not worth, at least, an effort to
escape from? And who Is left to make that effort
If not the Democratio party 7"
We might multiply suoh passages to almost
any extent, but the lesson they teach is ob
vious. It will be well for the people at the
North to make up their minds without delay
that these extracts convey the true sentiments
of the Southern Democrats, and that the elec
tion of a Democratic President in 1872 will
mean a surrender of all the principles whioh
have been contended for since the close of the
war even if the old question of seoession is
not revived in a more dangorous form than
ever. The Democratio vote of the South can
only be obtained upon the terms indicated in
the above quotations. As the Mobile
EegUter says, the views expressed
by the World will prove to be those
of only a minority of the party. Republicans
wish to think that the "war issues" oan be
safely left to themselves now, but it will pro
bably be many years beforo the South aban
dons its belief that the objects of the Con
federacy failed through a series of accidents
which can never oocur again, and that the
next attempt to "establish a nation" will be
successful. Once let Republican rule be
overthrown, and we shall lind ourselves deal
ing afresh with the worst of the prob
lems which confronted us ten years
aeo,
No concessions to the South that
we can possibly
make will reconcile the
neoDle to the destruction of the only political
ideas which ever had any degree of vitalforoe
among them. Some of them are kind enough
to tell us so plainly now. Others set a guard
upon their lips, but cherish the same sinister
purposes in their hearts. What we gained by
the war we alone can keep. And it is for this
reason that we have always insisted that the
Republican party is as necessary to the coun
try now as it was in 1861, and that our differ
ences with each other are absurdly unimpor
tant, compared with the duty which lies be
fore us of preserving to the nation those
blessings which we were the means of win
ning for it.
Upon these very differences the Southern
Democrats build their hopes. In one State
they see personal quarrels absolutely para
lyzing the Republican party. A oontest over
offices blinds many excellent men to the perils
before the country, and leads them to be
almost willing that the Democrats should
once more obtain the upper hand. The worst
of these differences is that discussion evi
dently has only a tendency to make them ten
times more difficult of settlement than they
were before, by exasperating tbe adherents
of both sides. Whether the fight is between
Senators, or rival faotions, or office-seekers
and office-holders, the slightest refe
rence to it only adds fuel to the fire. In
such a state of affairs, there is nothing
to hope for except that the common
sense of the people will eventually crush
these discords, and perhaps the authors of
them into tbe bargain. This is a power
which the Southern people never did take
into consideration; and they seem to be now
more ineapable than ever of realizing its ex
istence. They suppose that local feuds here
and there between leaders will suffice in the
hour of trial to break up the Republican
party. It is one of their numerous "dreams
of delusion." When the real push comes
whon it has to be decided whether the con
tests of the last ten years shall be fought out
all over again, or whether the ltepubli
can settlement of past disputes shall be
upheld the people will take affairs into
their own hands, and the wranglers who
now occupy the field of politics will be
swept away as with a whirlwind. We oare
nothing for factions on one side or the other,
Whether this man or the other gets the most
offices is a matter of no oonoern to ns. All
that we are anxious to see is the Republican
party win in the next Presidential election,
and the selection of the man who is to be
placed in the foreground as our candidate, we
are well content to leave to time and the
judgment of the people. So that the party
conquers, the fate of individuals is of little
consequence. In this State or out of it, we
regard the strife of persons or cliques as
ephemeral, and, consequently, unimpor
tant. No doubt they seem to be very for
midable cow. Our weakness in this State
is to be traced to them. Whose
fault it is we should be sorry to have to de
cidehalf a dozen good Republicans would
give you as many differout reasons for the
misfortune. The publio must be very much
disposed to cry to the e mteatanu, witn
honest "Mercutio," "a plagua on both your
houses," and to wish that they aoulJ either
come to a cood understanding or get out of
a vat Ho(TAl.hfr. Ona or nfViA nt (tinu
results will certainly be brought about by the
1 residential election, ids people will not
allow the life of tbe nation to be placed in
jeopardy by the passions r follies of lead
ers who happen to have aoquired influence
or pawer, ana ao not Know now to use it.
DR. DOLLINGER'S TOSITION.
From the A. V. Tribune,
From a rumor that Ring Ludwigof Bavaria
purposes to support Dr. Dollinger in his op
position to the dogmaofjinfallibility, to make
him Minister of Publio Worship, and, as soon
as the necessary Liberal preponderance is
secured in the Representative Chamber, to
abolish the concordat which has regulated
the relations of Church and State in Bavaria
since 1817, the expectations of a new re
formation within the pale of the German
Catholio Church seem to have drawn a great
deal of encouragement. A schism among the
faithful, a liberal Catholicism with its head
quarters at Munich or FulJa, rivalling a cor
rupt and effete system whose court shall be at
Rome, a new departure for the ancient creed
which no longer meets the wants of civiliza
tion such are the consequences which are
looked for from the protest whose leading
points we published the other day, and
the excommunioatioQ which naturally fol
lowed it. We do not believe these ex
pectations are well founded. The deoision
of the Vatican Council has made opposition
to the doctrine of infallibility, or any other
dogma, new or old, impossible within the
Church, because whoever protests places him
self outside the Church by the mere act of
protesting. Defining an article of faith is
nothing but drawing the line between Catho
lics and non-Catholics; and nobody know
better than Dr. Dollinger himself that the
corner-stone of Catholic faith is absolute, un
conditional acceptance of every doctrine
which has been formally adopted as a portion
of the creed of the Church. Dr. Dollinger
may satisfy himself that the dogma of infalli
bility is contrary to reason and inconsistent
with historical facts; but then he must also
satisfy himself that the Charoh which an
nounces this dogma as an essential part of
her creed is a Church teaching error. To be
logical, therefore, he must renounce the
Roman confession and declare himself a Pro
testant. This inevitable consequence of bis present
course is so well understood in Germany, and
must be so plain to his own mind, that we
can hardly anticipate any serious attempt to
make his excommunication the beginning of
a new Catholio movement. What is com
monly called the Liberal Catholio party has
never had much theological significance, and
in a movement of this kind would probably
be found on the Roman side. It is a party
which has aimed to reconcile the discipline
and customs of the Church with modern
ideas of progress, and to promote harmony
between Catholicism and the principles of
political freedom; but in all matters of doc
trinal belief it has been Ultramontane in
its tendencies, and some of the bishops
who are accounted its leaders were among
the stoutest advocates of Papal infallibility
in the Council. The opposition to the new
dogma came principally from prelates who
held Gallican theories of the rights of the
inferior hierarchy and the civil power as
against the Roman Court. Since the defini
tion, there is no reason to believe that the
Munich professor will find many adherents
in this party. His followers must be drawn
from the few who, like himself, objected to
the dogma on theological and historical
grounds, and tbo miscellaneous multitude
who, for one reason or another, are ready to
forsake the Church on a Blight provocation.
If any serious movement result, therefore,
from Bollinger's manifesto, it is more likely
to be in the direction of r rotes taniisoi than
of a reformed German Catholio Church.
The attitude of the Bavarian Government
need not seriously complicate the situation.
Dr. Dollinger may be retained in his profes
sorship at Munich, but the bishops will always
have the power to refuse ordination to stu
dents who prepare for tne priestnooa under
his teaching, and any bishop who declines to
execute this power con be deposed. The Gov
ernment may indeed secure to suon reoaiot
trant ecclesiastics the physical occupation of
their places, and the revenue that belongs to
them; but this would be to try tbe ex pen
ment which Henry VIII tried in England, and
tbe result would be the same; tbe new Cburob,
which meant to be only a localized, indepen
dent Catholicism, would immediately become
distinctly Protestant. .There is no ground
for supposing that eitner the Government or
the people are ready for any suoh radical
change as this. Tne oonoordat may be
abolished, but concordats and all other forms
of union between Church and State are things
of the past, and botn priest and people get
along very well without them. What effect
the course of Dr. Dollinger may have in giv
ing fresh vitality to German Protestantism it
is too soon vet to prediot. liut it is unrea
eonable to suppose that it will modify the
character of German Catholicism, or inau
gurate a new reform where the Reformation
of Luther already meets the wants of every
bedy who is not content with the ancient
creed.
A SLAVE TURNED MASTER.
From the X. Y. World.
In 1868 General Blair said: "You under
rate Grant; be is a bold and dangerous man.
who will try to make himself dictator." Radi
cals sneered or railed. The prediotion was
ascribed to a selfish motive. General Blair
bore the penalty of speaking an unwelcome
truth a little too early. Now Charles Sumner
and Carl bchurz say the same thing, and
everybody listens.
l'ublio feeling was indeed alarmed, quite
early in tbe history of Grant s administration,
by his selection of mere favorites and per
sonai mends or tools lor nlgn station, in utter
disregard of the opinion of his own or any
other party. Men asked, "Does this soldier
really propose to import personal government
to tbis siae oi tne Atiantio f But the Fresi
dent presently found himself crippled in that
method of endeavor. He found that a hostile
Senate and House could thwart him. Utterly
ignorant of politics, he still learned quickly
one lesson that he must create a party of his
own before he could create a ooart.
Accordingly, he gradually yielded to party
pressure, first as to individuals, and then as
to measures. He surrendered to Boutwell
and the bank monopolists; to Cameron and
the tariff and railroad monopolists; to Ckand
ler and tbe manifest destinarians; to Morton
and Butler and the tribe of haters of the
South and defenders of the carpst-bag plun
derer. Originally inclined to a policy of
moderation towards tbe South, so ruaoh that
be meditated amnesty and looked not un
kindly upon suoh movements as those of
Walker and Senter, he suffered himself to be
whipped in by the radical leaders, allowed
tbe patronage to be used by Boutwell aul
others to crush out all liberal , Re-
pi'Llicanism, and ; surrendered unoondi
ticnally to the extremists. Pablio opinion
was thrown off the scent by hu
teeming subservience to party dictation
Teopte did not understand thnt this slow, Ob
stinate man, with a fixed idea in his head,
bad deliberately beoome the slave of a party
in order to make himself its master. Came
ron, Chandler, and the rest, whorejoioed at
meir capture oi tne president, little imagined
what a Greek horse they were taking within
their party walls; and Morton and Butler,
who fancied they were nsing Grant, did not
see in his stolid face the satisfaction with
which he suffered them to make him their
owner. Step by step. Grant has bo fastened
his grasp upon the radical party that to-d .y
ball the seats in the Senate are filled bv
his tools, hired by his patronage to fight
for him, no matter what mav become
of the party, and his hirelings ar con
trolling the party in more than half the
States. Demanding of the party the'decapita
tion of Mr. Sumner, against the protests of
shrewd leaders who knew the dancer to the
party, he then made that very danger a
pretext for demanding a bill giving him power
to use tne army wnerever ne pleased. To
Morton and others he argued that the bill
must pass ia order to save the party. Have
not Morton and others the sense to see that
the eame bayonet power will also be used to
control the party? Grant means to be a can
didate whether nominated or not, and to use
his power to elect himself, but calculates that
the apprehension of this course will force the
Republican nomination. He is probably right.
Morton, Colfax,. Blaine, Logan, and all the
rest of the Presidential aspirants will find
themselves compelled to act as the tools of
the man who came into the party as its slave
n order to rule it as its master,, and through
t to rule the nation.
Grant's character has one salient trait he
is a living incarnation of selfishness. Cold
and secretive as rolam, he has a much of
patriotism; he relive upon nobody, fuses with
nobody, knows frionds only as far as ho can
use them, and lives,-. moves, and has his being
soieiy tor ms own convenience. Tbe same
vulgar passion whish prompts-him to dis
grace the Presidency by taking, presents
makes him accept a party leader or a party as
his tool, ne becamo-a Republican' when that
party offered him the nomination, and a radi
cal when that fact ion offered him- the means
of power and mastery;, he would1 leave either
or both If he could rjain by it. The United
States Government he looks upon as his
farm,, to be managed- purely for his own ad
vantage. Its offices are part of the fruits
of his farm, to be sold or given
away, as may best suit him. Its parties are
mere Machines, to be employed in cultivating
that farm so that it may yield larger crops.
Statesmen like Sohurz, independent men like
Sumner, are merely inconvenient stumps, to
be pulled up and got outi of the way of his
cultivator. Laws are mere f enoesv cood when
they suit him, to be torn down when they do
not. The Constitution is to - him only a plan
of his- estate, to be made over whenever he
wants to add a new farm. This- is Grant's
idea of the Government.. Inoanable of re
fusing presents, he is also incapable of laying
down the sword; for with him, greed, whether
of power or pelf, will last as long as life,
and to him office is not a traat but a posses
ion TOE LEADERS OF THE. PEIS REDS.
From the X. Y. Herald.
Since the Republic was proclaimed on the
fourth day of last September the changes
which have taken place throughout France.
and especially in Paris, are such as excite
wonder and attract attention. The men who
in the young days of the new repnblio ooou
pled tbo loading pvtitious whose appeals
exercised an influenca over the populace and
whose republicanism was never for a moment
deubted, have nothing to do with the men
who now bid defiance to the government of
which M Thiers is the chosen head. During
the long days of the siege of Paris, while
Prussia held the capital of France within its
iron grip, these men, or the most of them, at
least, employed their time not in strengthen
ing the hands of the government by tbe en.
forcement of discipline and the development
of tbe military qualities of tbe National Guard,
but by encouraging the spread of demoralize
tion among the troops, cultivating dissensions,
and preparing the minds of those who were
foolish enough to be influenced by them, for
their grand scheme of the establishment of
the Commune. The republic was not suffi
ciently liberal for them they wanted some
thing more than what justice would sanction
or honest dealing between man and man
would warrant in enforcing, jfernaps no
better answer can be given to the- question
of why the army of Pans was not able to out
the line of the Prussian investment that oan
be deduced from the dissensions which now
exist, not only between the leaders of the re
public and the chiefs of the Commune, but
which actually exist in the ranks of the Reds
even now while fighting the repubho for the
idol of tbeir own creation. T he chief men of
the Commune, the leaders of the Reds, are
heretics from tne republic, radical In their
sentiments, impressed by one idea, and that
one which suggests a dangerous and an un
wholesome doctrine.
Among the noted if not the most promi
nent of the Reds of Paris previous to the war
with Prussia was uambetta, a man of won
derful energy, good talents, and remarkable
ability for organization. These qualities he
showed after his aerial trip from Paris to the
provinces. The influence wielded by this man
throughout the whole nation, outside of the
capital, np to the close of the war, was pow
erful; but wnen nostuities ceased be who ex
ercised tbe power of a dictator almost fell
completely out of sight. Other men came to
the surface men of experience and ability,
such as Thiers, Favre, and others we might
name. Peace was restored, and the prospects
of France began to grow brighter
until the cloud of Communism ia
Paris rose to obscure it. From heated
argument in the National Assembly at
Bordeaux and extravagant editorials
in the radical journals of Paris, conducted by
suon men as nocneiort, Yalliant, and others,
the opposition of the Reds settled down into
a recourse to arms in order to enforce their
. . A 1 1 II a .
doctrine not oniy in tne capital but all over
France. Communism, which up to this time
had been but a tneory, now shaped itself into
a dreadful reality. Men were not slow either
in choosing sides. Those who desired the
welfare of France, who longed to see her
free, who wUhed her prosperity, and sighed
for the day when she would again take
her position among the nations of Europe.
resolved to stand by tbe republio which was
proclaimed in September, and duly sustained
by the country when M. Thiers was eleoted
the exeoutive head of the nation; while, on
tbe other band, those who had little to lose
and were animated by a belief in a form of
government which has few qualifications to
recommend it, and which by thinking people
was and is considered impracticable, raised
the blood red flag of the Commune, and have
endeavored to enforce its principles on the
people of France. The fruits of the differ
enoes between the Republicans and tbe Com
ruunista are already plainly to be seen. The
nation is retrograding instead of advancing.
Capital Is soared from the country, industries
are at a Bianasuu, onurcnes are pilfered,
priests are persecuted, private citizens are
outraged, m urders are committed, and se
curity for person or property does not exist
in the once famous capital of France.
While the present picture is a melancholy
one to contemplate, tbere are, happily, signs
which augur tbe complete annihilation of the
elements which now disturb, perplex, and
threaten France with destruction. The cle
mency of the Versailles government, mistaken
at one time for timidity, Is beginning to pro
duce good effect; while, on the other hand,
the administration of the Cfetmnuna ii laps
ing into weakness. The Red fowlers, tor, are
passing away. Some of then have already
fled, others have met death by fighting against
the republic, a few have been iocprisoned by
their own companions, and cierrels for
supremacy are not uncommon if their own
ranks, linetave Ikmrens, one of the most
rabid of the Reds, and Generals Duval and
Henry, have all been killed. M. Amy. head
and front so recently of the Commune
in Paris, at latest accounts, while endeavor
is g to escape from tbe capital, was arrested
and thrown into prison General Bergeret is
also in tbe same fix. M. Blanqui, another
leading rebel, is mistruxtod, nnd is now coder
a cloud of suspicion. Citizens liano and
Parent, two others of that ilk with Blanqui,
are sick of the business in which they were
engaged and have resign edv and so the hst
might be extended. Already there are twenty
six vacancies in the Commune Assembly in
Pari. General Cluseret, taring advantage
of his position, rules with iron hand and
Eerseoutes with relentless severity those who
e baa- reason to believe are opposed to him.
If any conclusion clln be drawn from this it
is that even among the rebels-themselves the
approach of dissolution is perceived-and the
day is coming when the leaders of the Paris
Reds will pass out of eight and leave France
to be reconstructed, we trust, ay tbe govern
ment of an enlightened republio.
CURIOSITIES OF AMERICAN LEGAL
PRACTICE.
Frm tht'London Saturday Review.
The proceedings of American' eonrts of
justice have much of the interest; which be
longs to a foreign country, while they are as
easily intelligible as if they took place in
England. It is curious and instructive to
observe bow the law and practice of these
courts, derived originally from our own, have
been modified by national character or habit,
or by contact with systems of jurisprudence
from whiah our English system ha remained
unfortunately isolated. The law of Ainerisan
courts has been in general improved by this
contact,. but their practice haa- in some
respects deteriorated. . We spoke lately of
tbe extraordinary protraction of criminal pro-ceedings-in
the State of New York by suc
cessive appeals. A man having been tried by
a jury and found guilty of niurderyhis case
was heard and reheard by judges-who- bad
before them a printed report of the evidence
given before the jury, but not,, an we un
derstand, the witnesses themselves. The Privy
uouncii in England near Indian appeals oa
printed reports of tbe evidence of wit
nesses in India, and very unsatisfactory such
a method of proceeding is, but nobody
would dream of applying it to a criminal
case in which the witnesses were resident
in England. If the verdict of aiirst jury is
not conclusive as to a prisoner's guilt, it
might be placed in the discretion. of a court
to order nnu to be tried again, by another
jury; but, except on questions, of law, no
other sort of appeal would be deemed in Eng-
l&a Milaf Mtory. . Tkiim, hswntr. ia taihn &
grave discussion, and we will turn from it to
the consideration of some amusing features
of American courts which exemnlifv diversi
ties, not of legal systems, but of human cha
racter.
The love of startling effect and of tall talk
is much stronger among Amerioan advocates
and judges tnan with our own, and this pro
pensity is encouraged by the frequent alter
nations of tbe same praotitioner between
bench and bar. We are all familiar with one
example of Amerioan forensio oratory. "If,
gentlemen, tne defendants pigs are to be
permitted to roam at large over the plaintiff's
form, then, gentlemen,, ay, then indeed,
have our ancestors fought and bled and died
in vain." That this example is not a violent
caricature of the prevailing style is shown by
a cnarge oi an American judge wiiloa we find
reported in a recent number of the New York
JJirald. The ingenious gentlemen who
furnish reports to that journal from
courts and Congress have a fine sense
of the ludicrous, and a great oapaoity for
making the best of a good story. Nothing
could be more artistic than the last touch
which one of them put to bis description of
the triumphal arrival of the released Fenians
at New York. After drawing a gloomy and
harrowing pioture of the sufferings of these
Fenians in British dungeons, and remarking
mat tney looted uncommonly and sur
prisingly well under the ciroumstances, he
proceeds to Bay that the severity of the inoar
ceration to which they had been subjected was
strongly shown by the fact that they were able
to endure with equanimity the tortures of
New lork reception. But tbe report
to which we are now referring gives the very
words spoken by a judge, without any at
tempt at embellishment by the reporter be
yond a largo type beading whioh states that
Judge Bedford, in bis charge to the Grand
Jury at tbe Court of General Session for New
York, bad opened a campaign against the
"legal shysters." In England, although we
have not the term "shyster," we have the
animal thereby designated, and he is said to
be particularly rife at the Old Bailey. A
shy Bier is a tout, and touting may be prac
tised either by a barrister, or by his clerk,
or by bis past or future clients. It is said
that a barrister at the Old Bailey once made
euch an eloquent defense that, although
his client was convicted and sentenced to a
long term of imprisonment, the client's grati
tude caused him to tout bo effectually for
this barrister among gentlemen in difficulties
that tbe other barristers were obliged to
memorialize the Home Secretary to let him
out of prison, as they found that if he re
mained there the barrister for whom he touted
would set all the business of the court. In
general, however, touting ean only be prac
ticed in England with very great caution; but
in New York the "dishonest and unprincipled
members of tbe bar," otherwise called shys
ters, are, as Judge Bedford Bays, a growing
evil." It is net the custom in England for
the bar to be present while the J udge is
charging the Grand Jury, and therefore if
any Lnglibh judge ever compared the bar to
a garden of the fairest flowers, where
all are beautiful, but some,
meaning of course the Queen's counsel
and eerjeants, are more beautiful than others,
tbe bar would only reoeive tbis charming and
poetio compliment through the medium of
next day's newspapers. But in New York
both the compliment and tbe "scathing re
buke" of Judge Bedford were, or might be,
heard by all praotitioners in bis court, and
we may conceive that he actually coutem-
ijlated from his desk several rows of learned
leads, when be said that "he looked upon the
legal profession as upon a splendid garden
filled with the cboirwat flowers." We c.inot
help fancying that the Judge must have had
Catullus in his mind.
TJt Dos In iptta secrctns nascltur nortls,
so grows a barrister into fame and profit by '
fears of unregarded toil in his lonely oharn
ers overlooking the Temple Gardens. And
then he is transplanted in full and glorioui
Moom to Court, "where boom flowers are
even more beautiful than others," and are
Jlaced on that Recount in the first row. Bat
f this fair flower should be dishonored, then
as Catullus says fgain:
Nulll ilium puerl nnllnt optavere pnellx;
or, in other words, the disgraoed counsel in
cut both in court and in society. THe flower
hangs his head and droops; the bud's light
cheers bim not, and the rain does not refresh
him. Having grown to his full heijht he
fades nnd falls away. To the brightues of
tbe morning star succeeds a dull tliht
which shall deepen inte dreary night. The
barrister who has rnii'sd his professional
projects by indiscreet tenting can apply to
himself the lines of an irovltttor of CatulluJt
1 tm a gavment worn, a vessel craex'd,
A out untied, a Illy trod ur-ony
A frafrract flower iropt by another hand,
Aly color Bulled, aud my odor'crmnged.
But eur feeliDgs have carried us a littia
beyond Sudge Bedford. The- comparison of'
the disreputable barrister to a1 trodden lily,
however beautifol and appropriate, is not his
but ourp. The Judge compares bim to "a
rank unwholesowe weed" which' one some
times finds "in the midst of ber.ety and cul
tivation," or,- i other words, among the
members of an eloquent and learnsd bar. "As
it is the duty of the faithful fa?dener to
uproot the weeds, so that the flowers may
longer rttaia their life and loveliness, and be
not contaminated or withered by tberblighting
influence of the noxxms poison," so is it the
duty in LDglandof beacbers to disbar a touter.
They may Teara-their own duty whily -observ
ing tbat liieir' gorelssers do their The
honorable practitioner is not to be annoyed by
tne presence ot me toat. Tbe life tmd love
liness of a leading counsel must not be
blighted by the influence of an Old 'Bailey
trickster. Virtuand innocence ought'not to
be exposed unnecessarily to temptation The
flower has grown and flourished in a garden
of which the fenoes onght to be as far as
possible maintained. But in New York the
shjster ventures upon proceedings from
which the English, tout would shrink- He
makes his way into- the prisons, and in
forms the prisoners committed for trial
that he has great influence, and in aome
cases "he coes so for as to sav
that be controls, ay, even owns the Court and
District Attorney. The indignation of Judge
Bedford fails to supply language adequate to
denounce tne iniquity ot tbe shyster who has
dared to whisper that herthe shyster,pulls the
BiriBg py wmcn dua-se ueniora moves when
he dispenses criminal- justice in the Court
of General cession of New lork. The
Judge proceeds, when he has partially re
covered his equanimity, todeclare his opinion,
mat ii tnere could d tnree or four convictions
of these shysters, and the convicts could be
sent to tbe State Fiwon for the full term fixed
by law, there to refieot ia their lonely cells
upon their many aets of turpitude, perpe
trated under the garb of professional honor
upon the friendless- and over-credulous, then
the profession of the law, being stripped of
those perjured wretohes, and being in the
hands only of high-toned, honorable men,
would indeed fulfil its noble mission, meting
out justice to an, injustice to none.
It appears tbat allegations of oonrta and
publio officers being under undue infiuenoe
are common in America. Thus, in the
reports of the next day to that on which
Judge Bedford delivered his vigorous charge
against say Biers, we reaa mat judge Curtis,
in a civil court, was greatly incensed at an
imputation on his integrity, which appears
entirely unfounded. The case was an ordi
nary one of assault and battery, and oounsel
for the defendant had made the usual aud
reasonable request that the witnesses might
be ordered out of Court during tbe trial.
Hereupon counsel for the plaintiff rose ex
citedly, and. said that there was too much
Eolitioal influsnce at work in that Court, aud
ereupon Judge Curtis said that oounsel
would have to substantiate his charge or
make it at his peril. Counsel, being thus
challenged, proceeded to state that, on
a previous day, when the cose then
pending was expected to come on, an
Af6erubljman entered the Court, and wrote
on a slip of paper, "Dear Judge, the defend
ant Is a friend of mine; do what you oan for
bim." The Assemblyman, who showed to
the counsel on the wrong Bide this letter,
which after all be did not send to the Judge,
must be a very clumsy wire-puller. But
perhaps other practitioners of the samoart are
more clever. The little scene ended by the
Judge writing a letter to the Assemblyman,
and reading it aloud ia court before he
sent it.
We knew that in the United States a bar
rister was also an attorney, but we did not,
until lately, know that he was also an attor
ney's clerk. It is rather surprising to hear
Judge Bedford discoursing so eloquently
upon the nobility and dignity of the bar
when it 6hall be purged of shysters, and
almost on the same day to learn that the
wife's counsel in a divoroe suit had
Eeived process on the husband,
and offered himself as a witness to prove
the identity of the husband with a man who
was known to be cohabiting with a woman
other than the wife. The counsel stated that
he callad on the defendant and found him in
bed. He took with bim the wife's sister to
identify the defendant, and a policeman, "to
prevent any little unpleasantness." The
counsel, supported by the policeman, ven
tured to take a moral tone by asking the de
fendant whether he was not ashamed to be
living with a woman not his wife, to whioh
the defendant answered, "None of your bust,
ness." The counsel then served the defen
dant with an order of Court for alimony.
Having thus given evidence "on the
stand," tbe oounsel resumed his plaoe at the
bar, and proceeded to pour forth such a flood
of eloquence that the judge, as the only
means of stopping bim, ordered the court to
be adjourned, and what became of the case
we do not know. We end as ws began, by
remarking that where American legal praotioe
baa departed from the English model we do
not in general find that it has improved. As
a barrister may possibly become a judge we
do not think that he ought to be a prooess
server. CROOERIES, ETO.
JONDON BKOWN STOUT AND
SCOTCH ALE,
In glass and stone, by the cask or doaen.
ALBERT O. ROBERTS,
. Dealer In Fine Groceries,
Comer ELEVENTH and TINE Bta.
AFE DEPOSIT COMPANIES.
PENNSYLVANIA C0MLPA8T
FOR INSURANCES ON I.IVE3
AND
GRANTING
ANNUITIE6.
Office Ne. 304 WALNUT Street
INCORPORATED MARCH 10, 1313.
CHARTER FERPETUAL.
CAPITAL 91O0O.OOO.
tTHlPLUS UPWARDS OF $750,000.
jx'ecv' money on deposlt,rtar.n U ou demand,
for wii.'ch iuttreBt is allowed.
Ant under appointment by individuals, corpora
tion, a d conru, actaa
ItXECll OlfS. ADMINISTRATORS, TR TESTERS,
OrAKlUANS. ASSIGNEES, 'O I M ITTKHS,
KBCKfVKHK. AORNTS, ttMXKCTOKS, ETC.
And far tte faithful performance of its duties as
sura all Its a wets are liable.
O HARLE8 DTJTILU, Pjesldent.
M'lM.lAJlK- iix, Actnarv.
DIRECTORS.
Char'wf A)n fl5W .losliua Tt. Mpplncott,
llerirjJV Wrt!:ois, , Charles II. Hatchlnaon,
VCllllnw Is. VwiX jMndlny Suijth,
John 1 V ncJwvt r, .Oeorjre A. Wood,
Adoiph K. Bojli, lAnthony J. Antelo,
Alexanvter'BkliU; Charles 8. Lewis,
ncnryLewla.
OECUiaTY JK)M LOSSlir BURGLARY
R03BEK?, 1'IRE, OR ACCIDENT.
The rirtelity Insurance, Trnst., and
Bf& Iepi'sit Company
OP" PUn.ADBl.PUIA
in Tnam
New Marble -Fire-proof Building-,
Capital aulit:tir)eo.MXjO,coo; peM, ITOO.OOO.
COUPON BVH-DB, JWOCKS, WiClTBITIES.
FAMILY PLATJt, tCOI, UB.ns. bthT STaLUABLKiJ
o; 'every dencrip'A recwJ for aae-irjejrtng, under
guarantee, at vtsiya odewtae rates.
Tbe Company r)mO Tetit- SAFKH f NSIDB THTEIB
BtJJiGLAJt-riiOOP VAULSat priced Vftr!o irom
teto 7C a year, awordlfig: to- alee. An e"xtra ilze
for Vorporattoiis af Bankers. Rooms R-id XewkJ
adjrtntag vaults pivvlded far Safe ttenters.
CSfOSITS OB" JX)BV E3CEIVBD 0 INTJB
RBST at three per tvat-t, payable by check, wltha
notice, and at four jot cent.r ptiyabla by check, o
ten daya' notice.
TIH.-ST FUNDS LNO INVESTMENTS fcentt
8FKAT AND AlAJiT I r unoMetg of Company.
raaoXK COLLECT!!) and remitted for one- De
cent The Company act e EXEOXTKNK8, ADMINi.
THANKS, and GUAK1IAN8, &dKKUElVE &n9
EXKOtiTK ThUSTB of very deefftpUn, fromt&fft
Conrtai Corporations, aad individual..
N. B. IVUOWNK, Pwldent
O. U CLARE, Vlw-Resident
ROFJJBXT PATTKBHOri, 8crtarytl Treasurer'.
DlKKeTOKH.
N. IV. Browne, . Alexandra Henry.
Clarnce II. Clark,
Htepnen CaldwolL
fl-pnrcrA V Ttihi
jona weitta,
Chafees Macalngter,
Ocoree FJ. Trier.
Henry O. Oibson,
J. umiDxaam eii.
Henrv Pratt MtKoan,
B 13 fmwt
Til 3 PEHADElPnU TRUST..
SAFE DEPOSIT-
AND
INSURANCE COMPANY,.
aVriCB AND BURGLAR-PROOF V A ITT ITS Ttf
TEA! PHILADELPHIA BANK BliUJJLNO,
No. 421 CIIE8NUT HTREKT;
CAPITAL, f800.000.
For Sate-kkkpiko of Govkhkmsnt Bonds and
other. Sjtct'Kniss, Family Plats, Jbwilkt, and
other Valuables, under special guarantee, at the
lowest rates.
The 'Jo id pan y also offer for Rent, at rates varying
from $4 5 to 175 per annum, the renter holding the
key, MrtALL 8AFES IN THE BUKOLAR-PKOOF
VAULTS, ailorulng absolute Hhoukitt against Fwi
Theft, Burglary,' and Acciobmt.
All aduciarj obligation, sucii aa Trusts, Guar
DiAhcaiHB, ExKcnousnr. ; etc., will be undertaken
and fotthfnlly dlw.hftrfied.
Ail trvnt inventmenee are kept- separate and apart
frim Ut Company'e aeta.
Circulars, giving full details, forwarded- on appli
cation. D1KEC a ilia.
Thomas Robins,
Amuwtus Heaton.
Lewis K. ABh hurst,
J. Livingston JKrrtnger,
K. FvMcCullagh,
Edwin W. Lewis,
Jsmes L. ciaghorn,
Beaiamln B. corner? s.
F. Katoiiford SUmt,
Daniel Haddoclt, Jr.,
Jtrtward Y. Townsenl,
John D. Taylop,
Hon. William A. Porter.
taowara s, liaady,
Joseph Carson, M, D.
President LEWIS B. ASUHORST.
Vice-President J. LIVINGSTON ERUINGER.
Secretary K. P. McCULLAGH.
Treasurer WM. L. DUBOIS. Straw!
UOOKINQ OLA8SES, gTC.
NEW ROGERS GROUP,
RIP VAN W1NKLB.
NEW CUROM08.
All Chromrs sold at 95 per cent, below regular rates.
All of fiang's, Hoover's, and all other.
Send for catalogue.
L.olAliij lnstsea,
ALL NEW STYL33,
At tbe lowest pilcea. All or our own manufacture.
JAMES 8. CARLE & SOftS.
No. 818 CHKSNUT STREET.
WHISKY, WINE, ETQ.
CAR&TAIR& & IttcCALL,
So. 126 Walnut and 21 Granite Sti.,
IMPORTERS OF
Eras diet, Wines, Gin, Olive Oil, Etc.,
WHOLESALE DEALERS IN
PURE RYE WHISKIES.
IN BOND AND TAX PAID. 985
OK r Aa
Thla wonderful medicine cures all Dlaeafca aad
Palp, including
RUEUMATIBM, NEURALGIA,
ST. VITUS' DANCE,
UU1LU AMU r tsviitt,
by electrifying and strengthening the entire Nor
vous System, restoring the lustnsiole perspiration,
and at once giving new life and vliror to the whole
frame. ONE TBASPOONFUI WILL CUKE THE
WOhSr HEADACHE IN A FEW MINUTES.
Nsw Yobk, March 1, 1ST0.
Having teen the wonderful curative effects of
Watts' Ntavors A ntidoti In cases of approaching
Paralysis, severe Neuralgia, Debility, and other
nervons diseases, I most heartily recommend Its use
as a most valuable medicine. Yours truly,
b. M. MALLOUV, M. D.. '
No. 41 Fourth avenue,
4 19 wamtf 8p Comer Thirty-second street.
Com E7chairBagr(lanufactonf.
JOHN T. BAILEY,
S. S. Cor. WATER ant MARKET Sta.
KOPB AND TWINE, BAGS And BAGGING, fot
Grain, Floor, bait, bupcr-fhoepoaie of lima. Boa
Dust, Etc
Large and small GUNNT BAGS constantly oa
laud. Ahw. U itoL BiCiia
10HN FABNCM & CO., COMMISSION MEIt
ti chants and Manufacturers of Couestoga Tick
ing, etc. etc., No. ta cilliSMT buect, I'uila4ol
puia.
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