THE DAILY EVENINO TELEGRAPH PHILADELPHIA, SATURDAY, APRIL 45, 1871. SriRIT OF. TUB MESS. EDITORIAL OITNIONS OP THE LEADING JOURNALS CTON CURRENT TOPICS COMPILED KVERT DAI FOB THE EVENING TELEGRAPH. WTIAT TO DO WITH THE SOUTH. From, Every Saturday. From the careful review we endeavored to make last week of what are succinctly and fairly enough called the Ku-klux outrages of the South, we think there will be no diffi culty in inferring their true charaoter, so far as BDy common character is discernible in them. In a word, they are the natural sequel of the War of the Rebellion, with its immense social and political changes as natural in their way as those disturbances we are now witnessing in Paris, or those milder ones which we know must exist in Alsace and Lorraine. Nothing could have prevented them, except the pre servation of the exact condition of the South before the war, and that was impossi ble. The Rebellion was not like heat light ning, which flashes across the sky without premonition or result. If, as one of its pioneers declared, it took thirty years to bring it about, we cannot expect it to wholly subside in six years or ten. Given, there fore, the almost entire white population of one section of the country, not only de feated in their 'great expectations" of set ting np a pro-slavery government, but com pelled to encounter the emancipation of four millions of chattels, and their endowment with all the rights of citizenship, the whites themselves in the mean while being sub ject to the always trying rule for Amerioans of "taxation without representation" and we have the very conditions precedent of a disturbed state of sooiety. Especially is this true when we consider the virulence of race antipathies, the domineering characteristics fostered by slavery among the late masters, and the indiscretions and occasional abuse of their privileges committed by the new black citizens of the South, abetted . by their white allies, the carpet-baggers, so-called. , On the whole we do not tbiuk that the future histo rian of this era will be at all surprised at the Southern disorders which he will have to set down for the years 1870-71, while possibly his surprise may rather be at their limited extent. The main question, then, is not as to the quality, but as to the quantity of the disturb ance complained of, for that determines the character of the remedies to be used. In the first place, do we have before ns the begin nings of another rebellion or anything in the nature of war? because if we do, the Govern ment ought to lose no time in drawing, in one form or another, upon the armory of the war powers of the Constitution. Vfe have shown in our previous article that the dis orderly events or "outrages" at the South are scattered, occurring mostly in remote and thinly settled districts; that there is no evidence of their having . increased during the last year; that they indicate no political combination, and that they are not formidable, unless there is some oomraon ulterior purpose working through them. That there is among any of the Southern leaders, acute enough to be dangerous, any thought of war against the Federal Government, cannot be possible. There is more wisdom on this subject at the South now than there was in 1801. With Lee dead and Longstreet a Republican office-holder, with the government of the Union manner by Grant, Sherman, and Sheridan, and stronger than it ever was at the most triumph ant hour of the late war, it would surely be absurd, if not cruel, to charge the South with the design of renewing the Lie bellion in these times. It follows, therefore, that the Government also may put up its sword. The exigency is not warlike. De plorable and extraordinary as it is, serious as it may be, it requires the exercise only of constitutional and legislative powers. It is to be remembered that the Government itself has voluntarily closed the war period, even while these outrages were going on, by re storing all the Southern States to their legal relations with the Union. This was an assu rance and a pledge that henceforth nothing but peaceful measures were to be employed, such measures as might be of permanent and general applicability. Let that programme be followed out. ' The Government is strong enough to be just, if not generous. So far as the Ku-klux demonstra tions are aimed against impartial suffrage or equal rights, there is to be no compromise with them. The faith of the na tion is pledged to the maintenance of all tke rights of citizenship granted to the freedmen, and there must be no failare in this respect. The fourteenth amendment appears to have somewhat widened the powers of the Federal Government to discharge this duty, and we should be glad to see some measure similar to Mr. Shellabarger 8 bill, divested or its clearly objectionable features, adopted by Congress for that purpose. It should not stretch the authority of the Federal Government a hair beyond its constitutional limits, or trenoh in the least upon tne clear nents oi tne btates, for that, as we have shown, is not required by the facts of the case, and would establish a precedent prolific in abuse and full of dancer. Attending this measure, or standing by itself as the best, if not the sufficient remedy for existing evils, should be an act of general amnestv. To this, too, the Government is pledged as the natural, logical, and neoessary consummation oi uts reconstruction policy. Manifestly it is to come some time why not cow? The withholding it thus far has aggra vated every evil of the situation. The disa bilities rightly at first imposed upon the Rebels have come to be, with the avowed re turn of peace, not only a badge of disgrace, a constant source of irritation, festering and oisoning even where it is not breaking out n Ku-kluxism, but a denial of obvious jus tice to those who pay the taxes of the South and own the greater part oi the property, and are as deeply concerned as any in its interest, but are yet denied any share in the control of legislation. This is a wrong which drives the best element of the onoe rebellious South into the attitude of alliance with the Ku-klux miscreant. It is time that the Gov ernment withdrew the pressure. It cannot recall th carpet-baggers nor elevate their character, but it can give every citizen the full muniments oi legal right and self-defense. It can never allow the negro to be deprived of his ballot, but it can put his old master on the 6ame level with him. It cannot oorrect the evident abuses of the Southern State Governments, but it can let all the Southern people, like aU the Northern, order their own local government as they please. It cannot discriminate between the political parties of the country, but it can enable the loyally dis posed Democrats of the South to exert a most salutary influence upon the mischievous elements of tLeir own party. Rut it may be urged that it is not said to make this concession. Then the Government oucht not to have closed the war period, and returned to the conditions of peace involving this. If, however, the question of safety were really in doubt, it would still be by all means advisable in the Government to clear its skirts of wrong, to throw the whole responsibility on its assailants, and t make the issue clear to every right-minded man in the country ; - It . . - . . . . especially wnen, as we nave already saia. it is master of the situation. But it is on the very ground of safety, as well as of justice, that amnesty commends itself. If the Republican party cannot look at the matter in this light, it might at least consult its own interests in reference to it. As it is now. that party makes the twofold mistake of reinforoing its antagonists with a good grievance and of enabling them to act covertly. If there is to be any alliance between disloyalty and Democracy, the Republicans, in order to Bhow the scope and character of the alliance before the whole country, could well allord, in a party point of view, to let even Jefferson Davis return to the United States Senate. But no patiiotic Republican would thank us for seri ously arguing the question of amnesty on that low plane; it is essentially a national and moral question. "SIIPLIT UP OLD VAN PRONK." From the D. T. Tribune. Everybody knows the story of good Mrs. Dietrich Van I'ronk. She was a worthy Dutch wife, and very fond of Dietrich. When he died, she thought herself incon solable, and in her despairing loneliness hit upon the expedient of having a statue of an I'ronk carved in wood. This she kept in the guest chamber, visited it often, and tried to feel that her house was still not without a head. But before loner there came to see the Widow Van Pronk a handsome young shoe maker of the neighborhood. He came often; he came every day; it was plain what the young shoemaker intended. When this had cone on for two weeks, one morning the widow of Dietrich was told by her servants that the kindling wood was all gone. "Ach ! ach!" says she, "maybe it ish veil enough now to shplit np old an Pronk vat ish up stairs!" History kindly forbears to pursue the narrative further. We are not told whether the shoemaker turned out a good husband or not, nor even whether he mar ried Mrs. Van Pronk at all.' If he chanced to come in at the niement when the bits of poor Dietrich were piled up in the chimney-place to light the hre, he might well have hesitated about slipping into his shoes. But the inte rest of the story and its moral begin and leave on together, at the point of the widow s haste to make way with all visible sign and token of Van front. We have been reminded of this story again and again in tbe course of the last few weeks. by the reckless, hasty tone of comment and suggestion all over the land in regard to the Kepublican party. We are told that it is dead; that it must be buried, and the sooner the better; undertakers, with and without references, flock to the front; administrators are ready to take caarge of the effects; the business, if carried on, must be carried on under a new name; and it is doubtful even then if it will thrive, etc., etc., etc., until we are heartsick of the inconstancy, shallowness, impatience, and folly of our own kinspeople. lhere was never a political party in this country which had so inherent a hold on the country was so purely and it may be said organically indigenous to it as the Republican party. There was never a political party in this country which bad a name so inherently representative of its name, its principles, its quality. Swarming bustlers aud greedy self, seekers may do their worst and their utmost; there will always be in this country a Repub lican party that is, a party that believes in not only a republic, but our republic: a party that believes in a democratic repnbho, and not an aristocratic one, like those which died on the Mediterranean shores, or like that which under a false nane struggles for life to-day in Queen Victoria's little island! a party that believes in a democratic republio which is a nation, and not a con federation! This central principle makes as eternal and unchangeable link, as eternal and unchange able barrier, as the mountain ranges which bind the solid earth of our continent. And it is disheartening and exasperating to see petty issues, petty alienations, rising into buch prominence, forced into such antago nism as to binder the working and imperil the success of the great body of faithful, earnest men who have at heart the welfare of such a republio. If the Republican party ceases to bear that name on its banners, it will bave to make a worse one, for there is none so good; 11 it allows itself to - be diverted from main aims, bullied, or caressed, or cheated into mistakes, it will simply double or treble its ultimate burden double or treble its years of hard service. . But its worst enemies are, as is always the case in life, "of its own household," and to such we say good-naturedly, but earnestly, we have not married the shoemaker yet; it is to be hoped we shan't; don't be in such a hurry to bhplit np Van l'ronlc ! lie would still be found an uncommonly lively sort of corpse. THE SOUTHERN IMPRAOTIOABLES. From the H. Y. WtUL There was a man In our town, Aud he was wo nil rout wise; Be jumped luto a bramble-bush And scratcned out both his eyes. Bat when he saw his eyes were put, With all his might and mala Be jumped Into another bush And scratched them in again." This marvellous reoipe for restoring the lost organs of vision, which excited the won der of infancy in that dawn of the faculties when nursery rhymes were choioe literature, seems to have been adopted as a model of political wisdom by a few fossil politicians and journals of the South. I he "bramble bush" which seems so picturesque to the wondering inexperience of budding patriots who bad just exchanged long-olotnes for pan talettes, prefigured Northern publio senti ment, into which the South jumped in 18C0-G1, and "scratched out both its eyes." And now, ten years later, it is proposed to jump into the same bramble-bush and scratoh tbe lost eyes in again ! It is the nearly universal opinion here in tbe North, that the Southern leaders made a mistake in jumping into the bramble-bush and getting the precious orbs ''scratched out." If they had not chosen to split the Democratic party in twain in tbe Charleston Convention in 1800, nothing could have been easier than to crevent the first election of Mr. Lincoln. Whether Mr. Douglas was a patriot and a statesman is a question which we will not discuss. We suppose it will not be disputed that he was ambitious; that he had set his heart upon the Presidency; or that he was a competent judge of the drift of publio sentiment in the Nortuern States, He knew that neither he, nor anybody, could be elected on an extreme Southern platform. What did the South gain by ro lectina him? Why, they insured the eleo lion of Linooln; and the practical result of their taction was to bring into power an avowed enemy instead of a judicious friend. It was tLo niobt btupeudous miatuka that Southern politicians ever made. The South jumped into the bramble-bush, and soratohed out both its eyes. In pursuance of the same blunder, tne ftoutn relinquished all its advan tages after Lincoln was elected. If the Southern members of Congress had not re tired there would have been a majority in both houses against the Black Republican President. War could not have been waged against the South, because it required an aot of Congress to raise and equip armies. Pre sident Lincoln could not have appointed even his own Cabinet without the consent of a Democratic btnate. Every foreicn minister. every custom-house officer, every marshal, every postmaster, must bave been a man whom a Democratic Senate approved. Lin coln would have been utterly powerless, and the Republican victory in the Presidential election a barren triumph, if the Southern members of Congress had not insanely with drawn, and left a Republican majority in both bouses. Slavery would have stood to this day, if they had not jumped into the branjble-bush and scratched out their eyes. lbewarwas a consequence of their stu pendous folly and blindness. Instead of gaining their assumed right to carry slavery into the Territories, they caused its abolition in the States, where nobody, at the outset, disputed their right to maintain and per petuate it. It was the most egregious mis calculation ever made by Bane men. The re sult was tbe impoverishment and prostration of tbe South, the abolition of slavery, the subversion of State rights, military despotism, and negro suffrage. And why? Simply because the South would not admit that Xsorthern Democrats were competent judgtB of Northern publio sentiment. Mr. Douglas understood tbe North, and if the South had not foolishly assumed to be better judges of Northern sentiment than he was, it might have saved all it forfeited by soorning CIS advice. A few Southern ultraists who "learn no thing and forget nothing" fancy that they can scratch their eyes in again by leaping into the same bramble-bush in which they scratched them out. We cannot pretend to be very profound oculists, but we do not belibve that lost eyes can be replaoed by any buch process. We have outgrown the simple faith of the nursery. In the progress of in telligence there arrives a period when it be hooves men to "put away childish things;" and of all childishness none is more supremely billy than tbe expectation that the hands can be turned back on tbe dial of events. Why will a lew deluded Southerners persist in maintaining that we of the North are not bet ter judges than they can possibly be of the drift and tendency of Northern publio senti ment!' In lbOO, lireckinridge against Douglas was a simple mistake; it was not insanity. But in lbvl, it is tbe height of midsummer madness for a f ewSouthern ultraists to pretend that they Know the publio mind of the North better than the Northern Democrats. They are urging us to repeat the samo disastrous blunder which was committed in 1800; and we tell them, in all sincerity, that they cannot scratch their eyes in again by jumping into tbe same bramble bush. We ask them to look at New York, the strongest of all the Demo cratic States. Tbe Southern press receives our New York Democratic papers as ex changes; and if they have examined them with attention during the last month they bave found that they all, without exception, earnestly deprecate the revival of dead issues, and emphatically endorse the position of Governor Hoffman. Nobody in New York believes that New York could be kept Demo cratic on their platform, and if New York cannot be retained with such a platform, how can other Northern States be gained? Surely, the South cannot expect to elect a President without Northern assistance. We are impelled to make these frank statements by an article in the Montgomery Mail, tbe Southern journal to which General Blair addressed bis recent letter, and whioh replies with some warmth to our remarks on that spirited production. We are not dis pleased to find that the Montgomery Mail admits tbe force of our logic, and is quite of our opinion that it would be futile and ridi culous to direct the Democratic batteries against tbe new amendments to the Consti tution if the party does not mean to disturb negro suffrage. We copy the closing para graph of its article: "We certainly agree with the World that opposi tion to the ttiteenth amendment, so far an the South Ih concerned, would amount to but little It the Democratic party has made up its mind to accept negro suti'rage. The known opposition to that heiesy on the part uf the Northern Democracy was the strongest ligament that bound tbe South to that organ izaiioD, and we feel It to be our duty to warn the leaders of that party everywhere againBt the a anger uiey win incur ny cutting that ligament in twain." General Blair stated explicitly in his letter that he thought negro suffrage should have a fair trial, and that no attempt should be made to abolisn it unless experience should demon strate its incompatibility with civil order, The Montgomery Mail is quite correct in thinking that the Demooratio party would be illogical in making war upon the new amend ments and at the same time accepting the things for which those amendments provide. It evinces perfect clearness and precision of thought when it agrees with us that the pivot of this controversy is negro suffrage. If the Democratic party do not intend to make that a leading issue in the next Presidential election, it would merely fight a shadow in opposing the fifteenth amendment. Gene ral Blair really dismisses the whole con troversy ' respecting the amendments by abandoning opposition to negro suffrage as an issue in the next Presidential election. It is precisely on the acceptance of neero suf. frage that the question hangs; and we must concede mat tne juontgomery Mail is more logical and consistent than General Blair. Every Southern journal which thus clearly distinguishes between the husk of this contro versy and the kernel renders valuable assist ance in bringing the onestion to a focus, Blink it and shirk it as vou mav. confuse it as you will by oloudy irrelevance, the real point is wueiuer me Democratic party will attempt to abolish negro suffrage in the Presidential campaign of 1872. When the question is thus nakedly put. not even Gene- ' ral Blair, with all his intrepidity, cares to face ii. no in iuu curreoi, a judge Dt publio opinion to entertain any hope that the Demooratio party could win on that issue. Now, if we don't intend to jump into that bramble-bush, let us squarely say si, and get the full advantage of the disavowal. At all events, the question must narrow itself down to tbibpoint, and insteadof "beating about the bush" let us discuss it on its real basis. If the party has made up its mind to fling this Jonah into the sea, let ns overboard with him at once, and then consult as to how we will afterwards navigate the ship. THE POLITICAL PROSPECT. From Harper' Wetkly (edited by Geo, Wm. CurtU). If the election in New Hampshire showed some apathy upon the part of those who usually support the Republioan party, the election in Connecticut shows as distinctly that the indifference ia checked. And the reubon is evident. The people of this c juu try, who maintained the Government during the war, have not forgotten their work, and do not mean to relinquish its results. They cherisn no vindictive feeling, but they are not fools. While their own party leaders sometimes displease them, so that they show their disapproval by letting an election go by default, the moment the enemy reveals his spirit and purpose, they spring to their feet. In 18G5-C(i Andrew Johnson was apparently seriously demoralizing the Republican party. But the massacres in New Orleans and Mem phis distinctly revealed the character of the opposition, and the consequence of Demo cratic success; and from that moment the Republican dominance was substantially assured. Tbere has been a corresponding situation within the last few months. There is, in deed, fortunately, no Andrew Johnson; but there have been difficulties and divergences of many kinds, and jealousies and embittered ftelings, until there seemed to be serious dis order among Republicans. There were doubts and questions and gloomy anticipations, and tbe New Hampshire election occurring in the midst of them all was hailed by the Democra tic party as the sign of a fatal breaoh, or the rising of a "tidal wave." We ventured to say of it, however, that it might prove to be an advantage, by leading Republicans to a better mutual understanding. And that this will be its result we bave now no doubt. For the same general restlessness and uncertainty wnicn lost teat election to the friends of the Union and good government, quickened the spirit of the Southern Demo cracy, which has naturally always been the controlling element of the Democratic party, and within a month the country has had a prophetic vision of tbe inevitable results of renewed Democratic ascendency. It has seen in the Southern States men and women, whose offense is their color, or their fidelity to the Union and to the Government, harried and murdered. This disorder, occa sioned by Democrats and levelled at Repub licans, has swelled to tbe proportions of insur rection, so that Congress and the country could not be deaf to the cries of citizens out raged and slain that others might be kept from tbe polls, and Democratic majorities assured by a reign of terror. In the midst of these events the country has also seen Jefferson Davis suddenly conspicuous, and in a publio speech declaring that the lost cause might yet be won. Mr. Linton btephens, brother of Alexander H. Stephens, and a respected Democratic leader in bis section, demands at Augusta the overthrow of all the reconstruction acts, and "a readjustment of our institutions upon re newed constitutions." Leading Democratic newspapers in tbe Southern States loudly eoho and applaud the demand, and acoept the New Hampshire election as a sign that the work of the war may be undone. The most represen tative of these papers remind their readers that tbe last National Demooratio Convention declared the reconstruction acts "unconstitu tional, revolutionary, and void," and claim that they are not less so now; and that they must, of course, be the issue in 1872. While thus the country sees that the de claration of the Democratic party in the Southern States is for overthrowing the great settlements of the war, it perceives also that the Tammany Ring, supreme in the Demo cratic party of New York, and aiming to grasp the National Government, confirms the monstrous fraud of the Erie bill, whioh strikes at the most vital right of the control of property; repeals the Registry law, to make cheating at the polls more practicable; and in the city of JNew lork assumes powers so imperially absolute that the better men even of its own party protest. Meanwhile the Demooratio declaration that tbe reconstruction acts are unconstitutional, revolutionary, and void remains. No State convention has withdrawn assent to such a statement; no authoritative leader of the De mocratio party has yet announced his entire acquiescence in reconstruction. The World, indeed, quotes Mr. Fernando Wood! But Mr. Wood's declarations carry no weight, and inspire no respect. It quotes Mr. John Quincy Adams. But Mr. Adams sneeringly says of the party which be has lately joined, that it must begin by being Democratic that is to say, it must discard all its policy and all its leaders. The Mobile Register is a much sounder and more generally acoepted authority in the Democratic party than Mr. Adams, and the lteginter insists that reconstruction is the issue. Nor can the World be acoepted as an authority in its party. It opposed repudia tion in 18C8, but repudiation was put into the Democratic platform. It favored Mr, Chase, but Mr. Seymour was nominated. It advised the abandonment of General Blair, and it was heartily cursed by its party. It opposed the Erie bill, and its Governor signed it, and its party has adopted it. It declared war against tbe ring, and the ring silenced it. The World has advooated the policy which its party has steadily rejected; and the deprecatory tone of its article npon General Blair's position, and its confession that "the Southern Democracy" is seriously divided upon the substantial issue for 1872, reveal Us consciousness that the issue is a foregone conclusion. Nor will any one who observes closely doubt it. If the Demooratio party bad car ried Connecticut, as it did New Hampshire , it could not long have conoealed that its national policy is reaotion. Its convention would have been more absolutely mastered by the Southern Democraey than it was in 1808. The Demooratio suocess would have been interpreted as a repudiation of the Re publican settlement of tbe war. lne iaots, therefore, apon which .good citizens must de cide their aotionin 1872 are already evident. The Demooratio party is tbe organization of all tbe elements of reaction, disorder, disoontent, and revolution. The same spirit which com pelled even its first convention after the war 'to denounce reconstruction, and to declare stealthily for repudiation, and whioh now ravages loyal sections with the Ku-klux, and demands an active reconsideration of all that has been accomplished, would certainly refuse to pay the pensions of loyal Boldiers, or would demand an equal payment of Rebel claims. The prospect of Democratic suocess is one of endless confusion, alarm, and anarcuy. ine passions of slavery and of the war are smoul dering, not extinguished firts. Whatever criticisms may be made of certain details of Republican administration, its general suo cess, tbe profound confidence that it is both honest and economical, ana tnat tne govern ment of tbe Union is safer in the bands of its proved friends than it possibly can be in those of all its enentioa of every kind, are more than enough to commend that adminis tiation to the heartiest support of aU good citizens. ... The vague talk of certain Democrats about "dead issues" need deoeive no one. The very issues that are described as dead by the ftible Nor'hern wing of that party are vehe mently declared to be tbe most vital of all by the controlling Southern element. In dttd, the force of tbe Democratic party has always been with its Southern wing, not only because of tbe greater general ability of its KuULrn leudfis, but because th great policy of tie party was a Southern iutcrtst. The Northern leaders have no policy to re place that of slavery, while the only positive movement in the party at this moment is that which is presned by General Blair and the Southern leaders, the effort to overthrow re construction. Let tbe Democratic party begin by being Demooratio, sneers Mr. John Quincy Adams, who clearly sees that tbe party he has joined is tbe party of privilege, of.class, of a section, and not the party of liberty, Union, ana tne people. It is because we believe the situation is sud denly clear to the honest and loyal people of the United States that we also believe they will now fall into line and move unitedly forward to victory. They have perfect faith in the honesty of the administration, and they know that dissenters have now expressed their dif feiences and dissatisfactions. They will not, indeed, hesitate yet to do so; but every man wno comprehends the disasters sure to follow Democratic control of the Government will insist that Republican criticisms of our own party shall be friendly, and not helpful to the common enemy; for it is only by friendly criticism that tbe party policy is made truly wise. To all that we have done and are doing let us add a general amnesty, that the intelligent classes who are disfranchised may have an interest in the preservation of order. A little sagacity assures our triumph. And it is not party prejudice it is the perception of an obvious situation and a simple calcu lation f probabilities which assure every thoughtful man that the continued asoen dency of the Republioan party is indispensa ble to the peace and consequent prosperity of tbe country. SPECIAL. NOTICES. 3f NORTHERN LIBERTIES AND PENN mw TOWNSHIP RAILROAD CO., Oillce No. 827 8. FOURTH Street. Philadelphia, April 11, 1ST1. The Annual Meetlnir of the (Stockholders ot this Company, and an Election lor Oillcers to serve for the eusuiDg year, will be held at the Office of the Company, on MONDAY, the 1st rtav of Mav next, at o'clock A. M. ALliEUT FOSTER, 4 11 17t Secretary. ?- SCHUYLKILL AND SUSQUEHANNA RAIL- OAD COMPANY, Oillce, No. 82T South FOURTH Street. Philadelphia, April 10, lSTl. The Annual Meeting of the Stockholders of this rompany and an Election for President and six Malingers will take place at the Oillce of the Com pany on MONDAY, the 1st d:iy of May next, at 13 o'clock M. 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THURSTON'S IVORY PEARL TOOTH POWDER la the best article for cleansing and preserving tne teetn. f or saie oy an Druggiats, Price 20 and 60 cent oer bottle. 11 26 stuthly Mrs- DR. F. R. THOMAS. No, ll WALNUT ST. formerly operator at the Colton Dental Rooms, aevoiea hib entire practice to extracting teetn wild, out pain, with fresh nitrous oxide gas. 11 n DISPENSARY FOR SKIN DISEASES, NO, 816 8. ELEVENTH Street. Patients treated gratuitously at this Institution ciauy at 11 cciock. i 14 NEW PUBLIOA1 IONS ft ELL'H ENCYCLOPEDIA, DICTIONARY AND UAzari'jtaK is jnuvv uuu.ri.jf tic, w 59 PARTS, AT 50 CENTS PER PART. ZILL'S HEW DESCRIPTIVE HAND Atlas of the World, First two Parts now ready, to be complete In 88 fans, at do cents each, juperienced Agents Wanted, T. EL1VW00D ZELL, Publisher. Nos. IT and 19 South SIXTH 8treet, 3 23 tun3m PHILADELPHIA. H OOVEIl'S MEW CHIIO.UOS. "The Changed Cross," size 22x23, the finest ever offered to the public "Mary and St. John," size 82x23, a most sublime cbromo. "Tbe Beentlful Snew," size 16x22, a very lmprea slve picture. "The Holy Family," size $5x28, a real gem. "Delhi, Del. Co., N. Y.," size 32x29, a beautiful au tumn scene. Published and sold, wholesale and retail, by J. HOOVER, No. 804 MARKET Street, 8 IssmwSm Phlladelphia,2econd floor. LOOKING CLASSES, ETO. NEW ROGERS CROUP, "RIP VAN WINKLE." NEW CHROM08. All Chromes sold at S per cent, below regular rates. All of Prang's, Hoover's, and all others. Send for catalogue. Iooklnfj! lasses, ALL NEW STYLES, At the lowest prices. All of our own manufacture. JAMES 8. EAR LB & SONS. No. 818 CHESNUT STREET. TOBACCO. LEAF TOBACCO. 100 OASES CHOICE CONNECTICUT WRAPPERS. ' Crop ise. For aale by f DAVID L. KETLER, Nos. 60 and 62 South FOURTH street,, 4 T lrnrp Philadelphia. WHISKY, WINE, ETC CAR8TAIR8 & IttcCALL, So. 126 Walnut and 21 Granite Bti., IMPORTERS OF ran did. Wines, Gin, Olive Oil, Eta, WHOLESALE DEALERS IN : PURE RYE WHISKIES, IN BOND AND TAX PAID. S3) OO AU. R P. OWEN CO., . COAL DKALE1W, FILBERT STKEi;T WUARF, KOHUYLK1LL. HlOly s NOWDON A RAIJ'S COAL DEPOT. COttNEH DILLWVNaud WILLOW Streets. Lehigh aud Schuylkill COAL, prepared expressly for faimsv ue at me luwuu cot) incu. it- EDUOATIONAL. II ARVARD UNIVERSITY, .. - . CAMBRIDGE, MASS.. Comprise! the following Department : Harvard College, the University Lectures, Divinity School, Law School, MelicaJ School, Dental School, Lawrence Sclentlno School, School of Mining and Practical Geology, Buss?y Institution (a School of Agriculture and Horticulture), Botanio Garden, As tronomical Observatory, Museum of Comparative Zoology, Peabody Museum ef Archeology, Episcopal Theological School. I The next academic year begins on September S3,! 1871. ! The first examination for admlnston to Harv&rA College will bcg4n June 19, at 8 A. M The second examination for admission to Harvard College, and tbe examinations for admission to the Scleutldo and Mining Schools,; will begin September 23. The requisites for admission to the College have been changed this year. There Is now a mathematical a'lematlve for a portion of theclanslca. A circular describing the new requisites and recent examina tion papers will be mailed on application. I NIVERS1TY LECTURES. Thirty-three courses In 1S70-71, of which twenty begin In the week Feb ruary 12-19. These lectures are Intended for grada ates of colleges, teachers, and other competent adults (men or women). A circular describing them will be mailed on application. Tlllt T.AW Sf'IlOOT. h hon nnmmlMil thla year. It haa seven Instructors, and a library oft 18,(00 volumes, a circular explains the new course! of study, tbe requisites for the degree, and the cost of attending the scliool. The second half of too' year begins February 13. For catalogues, circulars, or Information, ad dress J. W. HARRIS, 6 8m Secretary. Jj D G E U I L L MEKCHANTYILLK, N. J., SCHOOL Four Miles from Philadelphia. The session commenced MONDAY, April 1871. For circulars apply to Rev. T. W. CATTELU rpflE REV. DR. WELLS' j BOARDING SCHOOL FOR LITTLE B0T8 From Six to Fourteen years of age. Address the Rev. DR. WELLS, S 28 tuthB2m Andalusia. Pa. FOR SALE. Q F O R 8 A I Jin Elegant Hesidsnco, I WITH STABLE, AT CHESNUT HILL. Desirable location, a few minutes' walk from depot. D. T. PRATT, No. 108 South FOURTH Street 8 84Sm m It. T . DOBBINS BUILDER, OFFICE, NOS. 8 and LEDGER BUILDING, offers for sale the following properties at reduced prices : Io, 1. Handsome four-story Brown Stone ReslU dence, with side-yard, situated No. 1917 Ghesnutl street, finished with all modern conveniences. Bully by the day without regard to cost. Lot 4i by 178 feet deep, to a back street. Clear of all incumbrance;1 will be sold a bargain. No. 2. Elegant three-story Brown Stone Rest dence, with Mansard Roof, situated west side of Broad, above Master street. Very commodious; finished with all modern conveniences. Built In a very superior manner. Lot BJ by 20 feet deep to Car lisle street. i No, 8. Neat three-story Brick Dwelling, with aid yard, No. 1413 North Eighteenth street, above Mas-, ter, containing ten rooms, with all modern convent' ences; will be sold below cost. No. 4. Lot west side Broad, 60 feet above Vine, 73 feet front, 193 feet deep to back aireet; wlllbesoldJ do on w jjujr wen tor luveBtuieut. Also, lot west side of Broad, above Thompson, 96, feet front, 200 feet deep, to Carlisle street, with brick stable for four horses. No, e. A Cape May Cottage, located on the beach i la larfPA anrl rnmmnr1lnna If tint ns1r1 will k nnfA No. 6. A good Farm In Richland township, BuckJ county, containing 93 acres, with good Improve ments. 4 7 tf 1 SALE OF THE ATSION JBSTATE.1 I AliOUT 88,000 ACRES OF LAND, TO BE SOLD AT PUBLIC AUCTION, AT THE WKST JEKSttJ HU1&L, KjAwiicn, n. d., uiN juai e, lsil. A 1 O'CLOCK, P. M. -TO SPECULATORS IN LAND. PROJE'TTORS O TOWNS AND CAPITALISTS GENERALLY, A RARE OPPORTUNITY FOR INVESTMENT IS riiHSlUNTJiD:! A FARM of about TOO acres, with extensive Im provemeniB, is iuciunea. SEVERAL MILLS and additional mill and mano.4 facturiDg Bites are on tbe property. If Ba.iii.VAUO inverse uio cui.ua mugui ui laa tract. j ATSION STATION la the point of Junction of two railroads. I TOWNS and SETTLEMENTS may be favorably locaieo. , THE CEDAR TIMBER Is of considerable value, CRANBERRIES, GRAPES, SWEET POTATOES, nors. etc., can ie very But-ceimiuiiy cumvaiea. GOOD TITLE will le nmde to the purchaser. SEND FOR A PAMPHLET containing partleu- lara, and apply personally, or by mail, to UKORUE M. DALLAS. Aislirnee. 8 84 87t No. 29 S. FOURTH St., Philadelphia. FOR SAL E A BARGAIN! ELEO ANT FOUR-STORY BROWN STONX RESIDENCE, WITII SIDE YARD, No. 1917 CHESNUT STREET. Also, the FURNITURE, which Is very handsomt'i and new, will be sold for gsooo less than cunt. . II. J. DOBBIXS, 419 4t Ledger Building. TO RENT. FOR RENT. FURNISHED COTTAGE AT LONG BRANCH, Situated on CHELSEA Avenue, within a short! distance and bat-lug a riuo view or tne ocean; UDlfcbed In the beHt stjle, with all the modern lm-i proveuients bath-room, hot and cold water, Btal' tionarv waih. stands on second flour, and gas In ait the rooms. The furniture i of the best character) with velvet and wprstry carpets, and everything nereggarv to commence housekeeplug at once. Apply "to CHARLES 11 MASSON, ' No. 829 N. SIXTH Street, Philadelphia, or No. IM W. FOURTEENTH Street, 4 19 4t" New York. II If I) It A IJ L I C J A C It AND . MACHINERY. PRICES REDUCED. GREATLY IMPROVED PUMP, Tnrlnaed from diifct. and Dlston truided ton and bottoiW ,nl' ' rrnuimg wear iui;r uue-uuu. jacks on hire, from 4 to loo tons. PHILIPS JUSTICE. Shopa SEVENTEENTH and COATES htreew. I OUH-.e No. UN. HFTU Street. 8 1Stuthlin A I L 8 O N ' S CARPET CLEAN INQ ESTABLISHMENT, 4 1 8m No. 611 South SEVENTEENTH 8treet lOUN FARNUM & CO., COMMISSION MER l chants and Mniiufa' turerg of t'om-HU;ira Tlck-l lug. etc. etc., Jo. sua Cllti.MT btreet, l'UUadol-1 f