2
SPIRIT OF IMS MESS.
Zditobial opinions or the leading journals
tTON CtJBRENT TOPICS COMPILED evert
DAT FOB THE EVENINO TELEGRAPH.
AN ILLUSTRATION OF GOVERNMENT
AT THE SOUTH.
From the A'. 1. tiation.
We had a discussion last Jane with the
Charleston (S. C.J Daily Republican, the offi
cial and leading radical paper of the State,
about the character of the State government.
We said a great many unpleasant things about
the State Legislature and State officers. We
accused them of gross ignorance and dis
honesty, and made open proclamation of our
belief that such a government aa they were
carrying on could not possibly last, and that
it was in its very constitution an
offense against civilization. We
challenged the Jiqmblicnn to tell
ns how many of the State legislators could
read the Tilgrim'a Progress" intelligently, it
being, perhaps, the easiest reading in the
English language, and they being the law
givers of a large and wealthy commonwealth,
Loset by some of the gravest social and politi
cal problems. It did not dare to answer the
question; but treated us, in reply, to one of
the usual bursts of rhetoric about the negro
members of the Legislature (a majority, we
LelieveJ having had a progress of their own
"quite similar to Bunyan's," and so on, and
informed us that "dozens and dozens'' of
them could write far bettor articles about
South Carolina politics than had ever ap
peared in the Nation.
We said, in reply to this sort of talk, that
we were among the number of those who ad
vocated the extension of the franchise to the
blacks as a means of protection, and as a sign
of their equality before the law, and that we
believed that this would in the long run have
proved sufficient for their protection. It
would have furnished the whites with a
powerful reason for conciliating them and
treating them kindly, and would have, in all
probability, prevented the appearance of race
lines in party politics perhaps one of
the greatest misfortunes that can happen
a community and it would not have
excluded from the service of the State the
great number of educated, experienced, and
honest native whites which every Southern
State contains, and with whose service no
Southern State can safely dispense. They
are "ex-Rebels," but they are not thieves.
They have owned slaves, and revolted in
defense of Blavery; but they are influential,
economical, and trustworthy in the manage
ment of State affairs, and it was of the first
- importance not only to the negro, but to the
whole Union, that, during the transitional or
reconstructive period following the war, they
should neither be driven into hostility to the
local government nor prevented from giving
it the benefit of their experience and ability.
Nothing would satisfy the hot-headed ma
jority in Congress, however, but to drive
these men into private life, and hand over
the Government to ignorant negroes and
worthless Northern adventurers; and the pre
text on which this was done was, that this
was the only w ay in which the blacks and the
Unionists could be protected in the enjoy
ment of their lives and property and in the
exeroise of the franchise. It was quite useless
to point out what anybody's experience ot
human nature might nave tola mm, even it
be knew nothing of the lessons of history,
how futile any such expectation was. Toe
whole American system of government and
society is based upon equality, conciliation,
and compromise. Everybody is allowed to
vote even the foreign rabble of this city
not because people believe tbeir voting does
no mischief, but because their exclusion from
the franchise, by exasperating an embit
tering them, would do more. The very exe
cution of the laws in a country where all the
officers of the law are drawn from the body
of the people and return to it, and where the
Government has no armed force at its dispo
sal, depends on the general sympathy of the
community with the legislation and its re
spect for the legislators. Iu all that relates
to the government of his own State, these
truths ' are familiar as household words to
every man at the North. Anybody who
proposed here to disfranchise even "Reddy
the Blacksmith" because he was a "bad man,"
and vexed his neighbors, and was disposed
to knock people down on their way to the
polls, would be laughed at. Nevertheless,
an expedient which, proposed as a remedy for
grave political evils in any btate lu tna Nortn,
would excite laugnter, ana does exoite laugn
ter. when the well-known "educated Ameri
can" who has "lived long in Paris" ventures
to hint at it, was solemnly applied to the
whole South at the close of the war.
Tho American remedy for bad government
i3 to give tho government the largest pos
sible popular basis, ana let tue majority get
out of their difficulties as best they can; but
the remedy applied in the South was a feudal
one. and consisted in Hitting trie population,
and letting nobody take part in the govern
ment who could not give proof of what the
Puritans called "constant good aueotion.
The republican cure for discontent is to call
the malcontents into the council-chamber and
hear what they have to say, and try to soothe
and conciliate them in short, to treat them
as brethren. The monarchical remedy is
to shoot them down, or lock them up, or
impose disabilities on tue in till they "re
pent" or confess they have done wrong, and
promise to do better till, in short, they kiss
the rod or lick the dust. Every American is
familiar with the former, and has always
practised it in politics and business and
society; nevertheless, the very first occasion
on which the country was called on to deal
with discontent on a great ssale, the mon
archical remedy was resorted to, and the
republican one unhesitatingly thrown aside
as worthless, and everybody denounced a3
"uopatriotio who said a word in its favor
Everybody knows, too, what a misleading
thing faction is, and how apt intense per
sonal feeling is to cloud the judgment, and
yet we see Congress listening witu deep at
tention and respect to the opinions of the
irantio unionists ana colored men who come
cp hot from internecine contests with their
neighbors as to what ought to bo done with
the South and their opinions, of course, all
run in me same airection; tneir enemies
ought to be kept down with the stranr haul
a J V : 1 . i
enu coweu auu uuuuuuiea a process we
tbould all of us like to see performed on our
enemies, but to which in sensible couiuiuni
ties we are not treated.
Oae other curious departure from demo
cratic doctrines has been displayed in our
mode of dealing with the houtu. The demo
cratio theory of human nature is that it is, on
the whole and at bottom, good; ana that fo
social and political purposes you cannot d
better than trubt to its instincts, and that
where it has shown itself in a bad light, it
Las been due to the corrupting or ma JJouiug
innuence oi oppression. jsnt during the war
as was not woudcrf ul the belief sprung up
that human Bature among slaveholders and
rebels was hopelessly and incurably depraved,
and that the usual reformatory influences
might be .brought to bear on it
in vain; and that the only arguments
of any value in dealing with men
who approved of human bondage, or
bore arms against the United States, were
the baiter and the prison and the test-oath.
That this opinion should have held its ground
during the beat of the Rebellion was Dot sur
prising; that it should be allowed to influenoe
the policy of the United States in dealing
with se weighty a question as the pacifica
tion of the South six years after the war is
over, is, we do not hesitate to say, discredita
ble to our good sense. Southern human
nature is like other human nature. It is
affected in just the same way by the
Faroe influences. It loves life and
case and security, is grateiui lor Kind
ness, expands under confidence, rejoices
in the growth of civilization, and is mad
dened by injustice or hostility not, perhaps,
in all cases in the same decree as Northern
human nature, but in Rome degree; and when
we say this, we furnish the key to the houtn
ern problem. Slavery is a bad thing, and re
bellion is a bad thing; but, were they twice
as bad, they could not convert Southern white
men into fiends. Ihey may nave rendered
them exceptionally difficult for Northern men
to deal with, but this is no excuse tor re
fusing to deal with them by the ordinary
methods.
These were all a prion arguments when
used five years ago; they have now been justi
fied by actual experiment, ihe proscriptive
system for the protection or lite ana property
at the South has been tried and has totally
failed. The disaffected have not grown good,
and learned to love the blacks; they have
grown worse, and have taken to killing the
blacks wholesale, and society is on the brink
of disorganization in several States. The
remedy is still the same. We must still, if
we would end confusion, resort to the I
method to which we should have resorted
five j ears ago; we must hand the Govern
ment over to the people, and let the per
sons who have most influence and knowledge
and are most trusted by that portion of the
community whose co-operation is most neces
sary to the proper conduct or the Govern
ment, administer it if they will, and as best
they can. The notion that any permanent
good can come of martini law or proscription,
or that they prepare the way lor anything
but more martial law and more proscription,
is a dangerous and monstrous delusion, and
we are glad to have another opportunity of
denouncing'it, in the certainty that if allowed
to govern our preseut policy at the present
crisis, the next five years will illustrate its
folly still more strikingly than the last five
years have illustrated it.
As to its results during the last five vears,
we shall cite as a witness our old friend, the
Charleston Daily Republican, whose present
plight ought to be a warning to unscrupulous
party organs everywhere. The solemn con
fessions it is compelled to make now, at the
eleventh hour, in the presence of the misery
and disorder into which its friends have
plunged the State, is as striking an exposure
as we have yet seen of the mendacity and
charlatanry by which the work of reconstruc
tion at the boutn has been thus far, though
we hope not fatally, hindered. It thus enu
merates the evils from which the State has
been suffering, and which furnish excuses t j
the Ku-klux:
"1. In our State the superiority of numbers threw
the Government almost absolutely Into the hands of
the colored citizens. Thr late slaves practically
ruled their Ute masters. This was a calamity. It
was a repetition of the old curse of South Carolina,
nanii-ly, the ruling of one race by auother. True,
slavery had been abolished, but there are some
times oppressions Id the name of liberty, and thrie
real oppressions, and fancied oppressions too, the
whlltes keenly felt.
"2. The evil will be seen to bo greater if we look
at the real condition of tho colored people as the?
emerged from slavery. Their training hid certainly
not been of a kind to make theui statesmen. We
speak of the great body of the colored people. We
(peak kindly. There aro men among them well up
in statecraft, but the colored people, as a people,
were not only untrained In the schools, but un
trained in the commonest matters of politics and
government. They were ignorant and misled.
Their political Instincts were. It Is true, in the right
direction, that Is, on the side of liberty ; but tuey
had to truct some one as a leader, and uufortuna'ely
they too often truBted the veriest scoundrels simply
because these pretended to bear the dear name of
Kepubilcau. The Republican party had given to
thtm liberty, ami they were grateful to thai great
party for that great work, and implicitly trusted
those who bore the standard of that parly. They
are learning wisdom la this matter, learning that
some wolves go about dressed up as sheep."
After, however, complimenting the negroes
on their social advance, it goes on to say:
"Butfiat they have made great mistakes must be
admitted. They undertook too much. They were
notlltted to do everything In ruling South Carolina.
And demagogues led them not Only to believe that
their late masters were la every case their foes.
and therefore to be excluded from every ottlce, but
also led them Into the fatal blander of putttng men
In cltlce simply because they were colored. This
matter of color has had much to do with our poli
tic, mine tasi election many oi tne men elevated
to ottlce were placed there for this one simple rea-
kod, that they were colored. Some of these had no
iitnt'ES whatever for ottlce.
8. Corrupt and Incompetent officers. This we
have too orten admitted aud condemned to need to
give a fresh admission and condemnation now. The
evil Is of startling magnitude. It only affects the
Legislature, but through other ranks, down to trial
justices, etc.
'4. Heavy taxation, in part made necessary by
bad measures passed by the Legislature.
"P. The militia, so organized that, as claimed, the
whites have not the same advantages as the colored
people."
Speaking of the Governor's appointees, it
says some of them "bad better hammer stone
in the penitentiary" than hold offioe; and
speaking of the elected officer', it says "many
are ignorant or degraded, and altogether sold
to the devil.
We might be told that phenomena like
these may be witnessed in New York, whioh
is true. But in New York no one is disfran
chised, and we may add that, were decent
people in New York hot-blooded, like the
same class in South Carolina, and did they
believe, as the South Carolinians do, that Ku
kluxing would work reform, they would be
busy at it day and night, and many a hard
ened ruffian would be yellieg for Federal
troops to save mm irom the consaquenoea of
his vinany. '
We say deliberately, too, that we believe a
community which sits down, as we do, under
some of the evils from which we here suffer
arid if which we hear every day, is doubtless
winer than the South Carolinians, but it ii
very doubtful whether it is healthier in spirit.
we seex neither to aeiena nor palliate Ku
kluxes, but we oannot allow the parsons who
sow the seeds from which Ku-kluxery
saturany springs to throw the whole blatna
en the men ho engage in it.
SPAIN.
From the London Saturday Jlwiew.
The King of Spain, whose electivia the
midst of the great war attract but little
attention in Europe, ha9 ulready reoeived
ample warning of the troublesome charaoter
and insecurity of Lis position. The first
tidings which met bii on his arrival in Spain
announced the murder of tho Prime Minister
who had selected him for the throne; and after
an interval of a few weeks ben or ZorrilU,
ho headed the deputation to Florence, hai
Lanuwly escaped assassination. Both riwei
U
probably proceeded from zealots of tha ultra
Kepublican party; but the King has not even
the consolation of relying on the sup
port of a united conservative majority."
Spain is not the only country which is di
vided by factions, or occasionally embarrassed
by unprincipled coalitions; but nowhere else
is opposition to the existing Government so
habitually regarded aa a sufficient bond of
union among those who are nevertheless
divided by mutual enmities. At present dif
ferences of political opinion are further com
plicated by dynastic preferences; and yet the
respective adherents of three or four rival
pretenders combine with the implaoable ad
versaries of monarchy to weaken or over
throw the existing Government. The Minis
ters have themselves to blame for an impru
dent act which has caused just disconte nt to
several chiefs of the army. An unnecessary
order that all general officers should take an
oath of allegiance to the King
has been disobeyed by im
portant members of all the malcontent
parties. The objections to all promissory
oaths apply with comparatively little force to
the military oath which since Roman days has
been used in almost all armies. No ceremony
of the kind ever impeded mutiny, conspiracy,
or treason; but tests, if they are in any case
useful or justifiable, would seem to be appro
priate methods of enforcing the duty of mili
tary obedience. A soldier is bound to ba
faithful, not only to the abstract State, but
to its actual rulers; and if he affects to
question the title of the reigning sovereign
he may be justly punished or dismissed;
but in Spain it might have been
prudent to connive at hesitating loyalty, in
stead of forcing it to assume the form of
disaff ection. It is notorious that the gene
rals of the Spanish army are politicians and
partisans, and some of them had the strong
est personal reasons for disliking the eleva
tion to the throne of an Italian prince. After
a time some of them might have been won
over, and the King would have been better
able to judge of his own ability to compel
unwilling allegiance.
The Ministerial order was probably obeyed
by the generals whose fidelity was already as
sured, but those who had disapproved of the
election of King Amadeo took the opportu
nity of expressing their hostility by a unani
mous refusal. By a singular indiscretion the
order was so framed as to include the Duke
of Montpcnsier, who holds the honorary rank
of Captain-General. It was at least indeli
cate to exact an oath from a prince who bad
recently been a formidable candidate for the
Crown. The Duke of Montpensier has no
legal or moral right to supplant the present
King, but as long as the maintenance of the
new dynasty is doubtful he may reasonably
decline to compromise himself by a personal
act of adhesion.
It would have been judicious either to ac
cept the excuse which was founded on the
peculiar nature of his military rank, or to
deprive him of his titular dignity; but the
Government unwisely ordered him to report
himself at the Balearic Isles, offering him at
the same time a passage in a man-of-war.
The Duke of Montpensier replied that, while
he would not refuse to comply with even an
irregular order, he would not put the country
to the expense of conveying him to his
piece of exile. General lilaser, onoe Minis
ter of War to Isabella II, General Calonge,
and the Count of Cheste, who
followed the Queen into France, aud
General Novalicbes, who commanded her
army at the battle of Alcolea, have reoeived
a similar order. Thev are all out of em
ployment, though their names remain on the
army list, and they find a plausible pretext
for refusing the oath in the absence of any
constitutional provision on the subject. As
General Blaser cod tends in his answer to tha
Minister of War, the King is required to
swear obedience to the Constitution; but
no law provides that either civilians or
'soldiers shall swear allegiance to the
King. It matters little whether
or not the legal objection is well founded, if
it is sulhcientiy plausible to serve as an ex
cuse. The supporters of an unstable throne
ought to have understood the inconvenience
of forcing its opponents, and especially the
generals of the army, to declare their hos
tility. -Lvcn the Progressist General Con
trtras, who advocated the pretensions of
Eppartero, has refused the oath, on the
ground of his disapproval of the choice of a
foreign prince. The assemblage of a dozen
military exiles of various opinions at Port
Mahon may not improbably lead to sorno com
biLation which may be dangerous to the Gov
ernment. The quarrel with the discontented generals
was especially inopportune oa tho eve of the
general election which is now concluded
The moderately conservative Cortes of 1801)
gave a steady support to the policy of the
powerful Minister who controlled both the
State and the army; but the death of Prim
has deprived the majority of its ablest leader.
nor was it certain that tho constituencies
would be disposed to repeat their former
decision. Many instances have occurred, in
fcpain and in i ranee, of the elec
tion of conservative Assemblies imme
diately after successful revolutions.
Moderate Libeials are at such times satisfied
with the results which they have achieved:
and the alarm which is caused by recent
events tends to provoke reaction. On the
eve of the overthrow of the Freucu Heoublio
in 18."1 careful observers anticipated that tha
next election would add greatly to the strength
oi tne uenioorauo party; aud tho Spanish
voters who in 18b! were contented with the
recent expulsion of the Queen may since
have probably accumulated grounds of com
plaint against the Constituent Cortes and
their elected King, berrano and Prim csuld
count on the support of all political parties
except the Republicans and C.alists, aud of
an tue partisans or. domestic or forfigu aspi
rants to the throne. The frien li of Espar
tero, of Montpensier, and of Alfonso
nave no motive, except p3rhaps
enlightened patriotism, for strengthening the
Italian dynasty. It is probable that two years
ui cauiuuiuu irom power and ot oocasio-'
persecution may have strengthened tluo'a
of the clergy on the rural population nad the
eloquence which some of th Hepublican
leaders have displayed io6 Cortes has
given prominence to tt-r Partv- Against
isolated sections the p-,lict hoiJ which may
support the K;w and. Beano would be
easily aMa-" "iutaia themselves.
Neither V Bepnblio nor Montpensier
is lik to command the majority,
it appears that, as on many
yoimer occasions, antagonism to the Govern
ment will form a sufficient bond to unite the
most discordant feelings. The Carlists and
Republicans throughout the country agreed
to coalesce for the purpose of tha elections;
and in Madrid, itb utter disregard of con
sistency and principle, they jointly selected
b their candidate tha Progressist General
Contreras, The motive of tho
combined opposition was tha same
with tLat of a beaten competitor in a
rare who determines to run foul of the
vinner. With a fresh start perhaps the luck
nu.y chaiige.auJ something may result from a
general scramble. Tha Republicans are pro- j
bably convinced that the future belongs to
themselves; and if the Carlists had any rea
sonable prospects of ultimate suocess they
might defend their tactics aa conduoing to
the triumph of the principle of legitimacy.
The supporters of the other pretenders are
inexcusably factious; for a candidate not
claiming by inheritance can advance no right
except the free choioe of the nation to a
constitutional throne. The Constituent
Cortes were expressly authorized by the
electors to appoint a king; and after impos
ing on themselves the voluntary condi
tion that the choice should be made by an
absolute majority, they exercised their power
in favor of Prince Amadeo. The legitimate
Duke of Madrid, and even the quasi-legitimate
Prince of Asturias, may affect to hold
their own respective titles to be indefeasible;
but it is strange that any loyal Spaniard
should withhold his allegiance from the exist
ing Government on the ground that the great
majority of the Cortes refused to elect Espar
tero or Montpensier. The evils of a tempo
rary coalition have been more than once felt
in England, as at the time
when Lord Derby was forced to
govern with a minority because Air
Gladstone, Mr. Cobden, and Mr. Bright had
assisted Mr. Disraeli to defeat Lord Palmer-
6t en; but the inconvenience of factious com
binations to a settled political community is
trifling compared with the anarchy which
may at any moment be produced in bpain.
So far as the result of the elections is
known, it appears that the present minis
ters may count on the support of the Cortes.
If the majority had been hostile to the
Italian dynasty, it would have impossible
for the King to maincain himself, and all
the laborious web of Prim's policy must
have been woven acain. No other chief of
the monarchy would obtain more general
acceptance; and the republic is odious to the
resectable classes and to the majority of the
nation, ihe Uarlists perhaps hope that des
potism and priestly supremacy may at last
be adopted by a nation weary ot contusion,
but their present alliance with the enemies of
all kings and of every kind of Church is
nevertheless monstrous. The form of gov
ernment in bpain may probably be influenced
by the failure or the permanence of the repub
lic in r ranee; but a revolutionary policy
which depends on the uncertain course of
events in a foreign country is a mere gam
bling speculation.
REAL AND SHAM POLITICS.
From the N. Y. Times.
How much longer are the people going to
stand this perpetual uproar from Republican
Senators over their miserable wrongs and
grievances? When, for instance, will Mr.
Summer and Mr. Schnrz make an end of their
lamentations? Every day one or other of
those Senators seems to feol himself under
the obligation which afflicted iEneas infan
dum renovate dob-rem whereas what people
really want is that they should bring their
waitings to an end, and come to the plain
matter-ef-fact business of the nation. We
appeal to Mf. Sumner, a3 a man of distin
guished abilities. Is it not time that he
summoned up patriotism enough to put
aside bis "wrongs," whatever they may be,
end think of the perils which lie before his
country? lie has now had a good inning
at General Grant, and might give a few dajs
to national questions. He must have noticed
that the growth of a depraved and
utterly unprincipled section of the Democratic
party is prodigiously rapid. He must have
seen it stretching out its arms from State to
State, and aiming, as it has done before, to
subveit the National Government itself. Can
be gozo on this phenomenon without the leant
interest? Has be no word of encouragement
to offer to Republicans who are endeavoring
to fight with the giant which boasts of its
power to strangle civil liberty, and place a
degraded being called "Boss" over the nation
instead of a President ? Granted that Mr.
Sumner has been as ill-used as he aud his
friends assert. Surely a man of high prin
ciple and character would rise superior to his
own wrongs at a moment like the present,
and use bis influence for the preservation of
all that a nation of freemen hold dear.
To btand by the wayside and scold may ba
effective enough for a certain time, but it is
not an occupation adapted to make or pre
serve the reputation of a statesman. If we
teke the records of this and last session, aud
carefully examine them, what shall we find
attached to the names of Mr. Sumner and
the rest of the "irreooncilables ?" What
have they originated except fault-finding?
They have neglected all the really great
questions of the day, and wasted their
time and energies on their great bugbear,
San Domingo. Take a single case. The
condition of the South cannot be deemed
satisfactory by any discerning man. It is
not the existence of violent conspiracies here
and there which awakens uneasiness, so
much as the permanent discontent whioh
appears to be settling down upon the people.
No one can read the very careful abstracts of
Southern opinion which we have prepared
and published recently, without perceivg
that the South only regrets the Rebellj be
cause it was a failure, and that the aetiments
now being nursed within it must, ia the natu
ral course of events, lead to another outbreak
sooner or later. A large section of the Re
publican paity is practically confessing that
its Southern policy is a failure. It calls out
now for a "general amnesty," in the
teeth of the seditious cries which are being
raised from almost every part of J,e
South. The moment seems inopp'-'an8
but at least the subject ought to be-soa88ed
with the gravity which it is well calculated to
inspire. Now that Thad. 6r-'MW no more,
there are few living .- who have better
claims to be consi.f f? the author of the
policy pursued i-elation to the South since
the war than carles Sumner. Does he forget
how he w- from ctamber t0 chamber urging
his v-iklican associates to vote for this
or .cat repressive measure? Does he forget
cow Senator after Senator fell under his lash
because they were not disposed to go far
enough to please him? Some who ventured
to recommend those conciliatory measure
which Republicans now say we oucht
to have adopted, were expelled from tha
party. Tinio seems to have brought the
bulk of the party where these men stood in
180C a barren triumph. IrreparaWe injus
tice has been dose to some; others are be
yond the reach alike of our pnn'se or re
proaches. They care nothing for the vindi
cation of time. And now, with Jeffersoi
Davis proclaiming that the cause for white
the Southern people fought is destined o
triumph, we have no inconsiderable section
of Republicans demanding a policy wUch
would instantly put Jefferson Davis )aok
into the Senate. Five years have wrcpght
great changes. ... L
What is Mr. Sumner s opinion on these
subjects ? We submit that nothing an be
more natural tbsn fur us to look fo some
expression of opinion from the vhiof author
of the policy which Mr. Sumner's owl friends
ere now proclaiming a failure. We have
dvult vpou 0U9 example o'i the utter
nreleRflnesn of Mr. Sumner ia opposition,
although any other of the questions before
the people revenue reform, eoonomioal ad
ministration, civil servioe reform would
have brought out tho fact in an equally
striking manner. Ia Mr. Sumner doing his
part, as becomes an eminent pnblio man, to
settle any of these questional' is be acting a
part worthy of an eminent servant of the
pf ople? No he bates Gen. Grant as much an
Mr. Garrett Davis hates the "stony stare"
of General Butler; and he follows him with
bitter revilings whenever he gets a chance,
and seems to care very little what becomes
of his tjarty in the meantime. A great hatred
will blind some men to all other objects or
considerations. What valuable time has been
wasted this session over San Domingo! and
yet the President undoubtedly acted within
bis duty in recommending the purchase of
that island. Having done that, he will,
doubtless, be quite contented to let the mat
ter rest there, and thus give the best possible
answer to those who have ascribed to him all
kinds of degraded motives. After that, will
Mr. Sumner and his allies condescend to pay
some attention to practical politics, and rise
above their own personal grievances, as men
ought to do who occupy so prominent a place
in the councils of the people ?
JESSES CARD.
From the X. T. Sun.
Mr. Jesse R. Grant, tho President's father,
and Postmaster at Covington, has published
a card respecting bis relations with Mr.
Horace Greeley Stoms, Assessor of Internal
Revenue in the First District of Ohio. In a
letter to President Grant, written on the 10th
of January last, Stoms made the following
statement:
"Mr. Jesse R. Grant requested of me ihe reap.
polntmentof a removed gauger (displaced for mal
feasance In onice'i, accompanied with a proposal that
I sincerely trost that I may never be compelled to
dlBclose to any but yourself, lie, Mr. Grant, in con
versation with me, made use of these words sub
stantially: 'So and so has oitered me 500 if I can
get you to recommeii'l his reappointment; he Is a
rapcal. but I will take his money aud divide with
jou.1''
In reply to this, the venerable Jesse makes
the subjoined explanation:
"About the middle of April. 18C9. I told William
Stoms that several merchants In the bottom had
asked me to speak to him about two of the oldest
and most experienced gaugers In the city Taylor
and VYeithorT. lie sahl Taylor was a drunkard, worth
f 7r.0CU, and Welthon" was a rascal, 1 told those who
had poken to me what Mr. Stoms said. Everyone
said Wcltbctr was an industrious, hardworking
Dutchman, who did his work well, and was not
a rascal, one of them. In talking, said that he would
give $roo to have Welthon appoiuted. I went again
to William Stems' store, and tolJhimalll had beard;
that I knew Tajlor was not a drunkard, aud that
every cne gave Welthon a good name; that he ought
r ' : :li r because of what that man said, and
t it i.r ,td better take tUm fl00 and give it to the
poor, ui.d try Welibotf, nad if he ever did anything
wror.g, to turn him out."
The substantial difference between these
two statements is nothing at all Stoms says
that Grant proposed to him to appoint
Weithoff in consideration of a bribe of five
hundred dollars, to be divided between Grant
and himself. Grant admits that be made tho
offer of five hundred dollars for WeithoiT's
appointment, but says he wanted Stoms to
receive the whole of it and give it to the
poor. But when he confesses that live hun
dred dollars wero offered by him for the
appoint ttetit, he admits the whole case.
Whether the money was to bo divided be
tween himself and Stoms, or whether Stoms
was to keep the whole of it, or apply
it all to charitable purposes, makes no diff er
ence. The fact is established beyond further
question that the President's father made to
the Assessor of the First district of Ohio a
proposal to appoint a ganger in consideration
cf a bribe of five hundred dollars. This fact
he admits and attempts to justify. He sees
nothing wrong in it. Taking pay for the
appointment of a publio officer does not, in
bis iudement. constitute anv offense against
law or morals. Nor does it constitute an oi !
ferse in the eyes of the President, for hes'u
keeps the old man in office as poslniasrer
This explanation from Mr. Grant rf aat,3
indirectly for many things in the prudent a
own conduct which have been tai f or his
former friends and admirers t uerstand.
It shows that in his youth General jrant can
net have been trained to that scrupulous re
gard for the publio honor and phorrenoe of
bribery and corruption whioh, indispen
sable safeguards for the purit-of republican
institutions. The father thka there is no
thing wrong in taking mone for th appoint
ment of a gauger; and wjf should the son
think that there is. anymg wrong in ap
pointing men to Cabin ouioes who have
given him presWi or, A forcing vipon the
country such gross twludlo as this annexa
tion of Sa Domingo' in consideration of
money to ue received by his favoritos and
cronies ' e 'v'ce m1B -n t-ie blood; it is a
f amil' failing. But tty most melanchply fact
about the affair is that a large portion of the
Republican prty ajd aost of tha .Republi
can press. a continuing to hold up (Jrant as
their fremost representative, subsimtially
just-7 ftDi adopt fyis unblushing coruptioa
for their own. j j
CONNECTICUT.
From the A'. 1'. Tribute
On the eve of tjoir last election certain
Democratio wire-wkers caiue down from
Connecticut, and, bf a fearful tale of peril to
the tippling intereij from a Republican tri
umph, induced the Ijuor dealers of this city
to give them $13,00 wherewith to elect the
Democratio State tcket. That sum would
net have helped then out but for the severe,
inclement weather of election day, whereby
thousands, two-thirds at them Republicans,
were kept from the polls. The Democratio
strength is larjrly concen'.rated"in the cities
and villages, vhere it can Ye called out with
little effort; hereas many cf the farmers
must travel ten to fifteen miles in going to
and returnng from the polls. This ought
not to dMnhh the vote, but it docs. Too
many stf. "One vote will make little odds;"
but dv average of five in each township often
ciecirVB the result in the State. And thus
waf Connecticut thrown away last year.
lie Senate district nearest this city is Rf
pubfican by three to five hundred majoriiy.
Lat year the experiment of buviner it was
tried by the sham Democracy. A Tammany
pjlitician, who had been colonized into that
tistrict, was put up for Senator, and put
through by a lavish disbursement of money
stolen from our tax-payers. Men who were
never caught in felonious proximity to their
neighbors' hen-roosti took their quota and
voted the "Ring" satellite Into the Senate of
their State. The gane is to be repeated this
jeer, but we trust wthout success. There is
not a voter in the district who does not know
that this Senator muafc be re-elected by out
right bribery 'if re-eected at all; and the
Twelfth district cannck all'ord thus to disgrace
herself a second time. We toel confident that
she will not.
The Democratio mnagers hava made a
much larger draft on their confederates ia
our State this year than they did last, know
ing that they won then, no by accessions to
their larks, but by the hefvy vote then uu
j oiled which is coming outj this year. They
must poll three thousanf more to win than
they called out then; and Ins requires heap
of money, which they have petitioned for and
received. But there is not money enough
in our city treasury to save them if the full
vote is polled; and the Republicans are do
termined to poll it. Only give ns so fuU a
vote as that of 18(10, and we cannot be
beaten. Republicans of every city and town
ship I make arrangements to bring your last
man to the polls to-day,
SAFE DEPOSIT COMPANIES.
THE PENNSYLVANIA C0HPAHY
FOlt INSURANCES ON LIVES AND
G IVAN TING
ANNUITIES.
Office No. 304 WALNUT Street
INCORPORATED MARCH 10, 1812.
CHARTER PERPETUAL.
CAPITAL 1,000,090.
6UBPLUS UPWARDS OF $750,000.
Itccclve money on deposit, rcurnable on domand,
for which lntcreHt ts allowed.
nd under apnoiiitmcnt by Individuals, corpora
tion, bti'1 conrt, art as
KXECl'TOUS, ADMINISTRATORS, TIU'STEBS.
GUARDIANS, ASSIGNEES, COMMITTEES,
KLl'EIVBKS, AUSNTi COLLECTORS, KTO.
And for the faithful peormance or Its duties as
such all its assets are lijole.
CIIAKLF3 DTJTILU, resident.
William B. IIill, ictuarv.
K1KECTORS.
Charles Dnttlh, Joshua B. Ltpptncott,
Henry J. WMlamft Charles II. Hutchinson,
William 8. Vaux. Llnctley Smyth,
John K. Wuchenr, Oeorire A. Wood,
Adolph E. Jtorle, Anthony J. Antelo,
Alexander BlddF, Charles 8. Lewis,
Henry Lewis.
gECTJIUTY FROM LOSS BY BURGLARY
ROBBBY, FIRE, OR ACCIDENT.
The FidHty Insurance, Trust.. nd
&fe Deposit Company
' OF PHILADELPHIA
IN TUB IB
Hew Marble Fire-proof Building,
, NOB. 829-331 CUK8NOT Street.
Captal enbscrlUea, tl.wo.ooo; paid, TOO,000.
COTJJON BOND8, STOCK8, SECURITIES,
FAMIiV PLATB, COIN, DEEDS. and VALUABLES
of ever description received for Bafe-keeplng. under
guara-tee, at very moderate rates.
Th Company jjlso rerit SAFES INSIDB THEIR
BURdl'AU-PIiOoF VAULTS, at prices varying from
lie t8 a year, according to size. An extra slisa
for Corporations and Bankers. Rooms and deals
adjolV K vaults provided for Safe Renters.
DE'OSITB OF MONEY RECE1VBU ON INTO
KKbTat three per cent., payaulo by check, wlthoa
notice and at lour per cent., payable by checfc, o
ten dija' notice.
TRTST FUNDS AND INVESTMENTS kept
fcEIMlATE AND APART fr m assets of Company.
1NC04E COLLECTED and remitted for one pe
cent
Th3 Company act as EXECUTORS, ADMINIS
TRATORS, and GUARDIANS, and KEUEiVE and
fiXCUTK TKUSTB oi every description, from the
Coirts, Corporations, and Individuals.
N. B."bkoWne, President
O. II CLARA, Vice-lTesldent.
ALBERT PATTRBON. Secrotarj an4 Troa8arcr,
I. B. Browne,
Alexander Enn
Clarence Ii. Clark,
Jjhn Welsh,
(hur'.es MacalPStcr,
Stephen A. CaidWBii
Cleorge F. Tyler,
Henrv C. Gibson.
Jdward W, uiarrs,
J. omingham Fell.
Henry Pratt McKean.
IB 13 rmwf
rri H B PHI L A P up n I A TRUST,
X rAF-E DEPOSIT '
AND
INSURANCE COMPANY,
0FnCK iKf BUKOTjAR-PKOOV VAULTS IN
Tifi PHILADELPHIA BANK BUILDINQ.
Ko. m OHESNUT STREET.
I'IPlTjr uui nnn
OH 8AFK-KHE.'lKa Of UOVBI
other SEcniiTiKS, Family Pla
other ai.vableh. under special
Icrrst rt. h. 1
01t 8AFK-KKE.'la Of GoVBKNMBVT nnvna on
Plate. .Iksbki.w an
special guarantee, at the
r m ?5a.nJ.aW0 c,Tcr for Rent ftt rat8 varying
m Em aj 1 ' PE.W7!?m' th0 renttr holding the
t7i' iMuALr bAFE? K7 T1,E BUKQLAR-PROOF
VA L LI H, airoruing absolute Skccrity against Fihk.
Theft, Iit'itdLARv, and Accident OB'"UO,' r mB
All fiduciary obligations, bwh as Trusts, Gcab-
lii trust investments are kepi separate and avart
from the Company'! aset.
Circulars, giving fuU details, forwarded oa aprll-
. 7
DIRECTORS.
Thomas Rnhtnn.
Benjamin TV
Lewis it. Ashhnrar,
J. Livingston Erriiigcr,
Ii. P. McCnllagh,
Edwin M. Lewis,
.ltmin I.. Clnohorn.
Angnstus Heaton,
'F. Ratchford Htarr,
Daniel Haddock, Jr..
Edward V
John D. Taylor,'
Hon. William A. Porter.
lUIlCJbl.
President LEWIS R. ASHHURST.
Vice-President J. LI VINCJSrON ERRINQEK
8ecretaryR. P. McCULLAGH. I""JUBH"
Treasurer WM. L. DUBOIS. a SfrawJ
LEQAL NOTICES.
IN THE ORF17ANS' COURT FOR THE CITY
AND COUNTY OF PHILADELPHIA.
Estate of GEORGE JONKS, deceased.
The Auditor appointed by the Court to audit, settle,
and adjust the account of SARAH JONES. Execu
trix of the last will and testament of GEORGE
JONES, deceased, and to report distribution of
the balance In the banas of the Accountant, will meet
the parties Interested for the purpose of his appoint
ment on TUESDAY, April 4, 1371, at 4 o'clock P. M..
at his ofllce, No. eot CUESMJT Street (room 1). in
the city of Philadelphia, JOHN F. YOUNG.
8 ii4 fmwet Auditor.
TN THE ORPHANS' OOURT FOR THB CITY
1 AND COUNTY OF PHILADELPHIA.
Estate of MARY C. McGUIGAN, a minor.
The Auditor appointed by the Court to audit, sottle.
ani adjust the account of BERNARD OWE-4, guar!
?i,of the person and estate of MARY C. MiUUI
GAf, a minor, and to report distribution of the
paiajce in the hands of the accountant, will meet
tr e duties Interested for the purpose of his anpolnt
ment n MONDAY, Aprll 8. at 3 o'clock P. k, at
No. 3!fs0uth THIRD Street, In the City of philadel-
KILTHARP.
.LfLM Auditor.
PlOrv.giNO, Q AS FITTING, ETO.
PANCO AST & MAULE,
Till III) and PEAK Streets,
Plain Mid Galvanized
Wrought ani cast Iron Pipes
Tor Gas, Sfcarii,ni Water.
FITTINGS, BRASS VoBK, TOOLS,
E0ILIR TUlEs.
Pipe of all Sizei Cut and Fitted v Order
CAItO.
Having sold HEBRY B. PANCOA8T and FRan.
CIS L MAULE (gaitlemen in our employ for s.
ral years ptst) the Stock, Goodwill and Fixtures nt
our RETAIL ESTABLISHMENT, locate at U
corner of THIRD and PEAK Streets, in this clt
that branoh of oni business, together wiu tnatol
HEATjNO and VINTI LATINO PUBLIO and PKI
VATK BUILDINliS, both by STitAM and HOT
WATER, 'a all 1U various systems, will be urrlet
on under the tirra Mine of PANCOASI'A Mauxh,
at the old stand, aid we recommend them to tha
trade aud buHiuesi publio as being entirely comw.
tent to perform all work of that character-
M'Uuas, TAsiliKK & CO.
PhXadelphla, Jan. 22, 1370.