TIIE DAILY" EVENING TELEGRAriT PHILADELPHIA, SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 18, 1871.
srzniT or srira muss.
Editorial Opinions of the Leading Journal
vponCurrentToplcs Compiled Every
Day for the Evening Telegraph.
"HUSH FREE TRADE" V8. PROTECTION.
From the Ckitago Bureau.
There is great power in a name, especially
in politics. The name "free trade" has been
popular in Ireland for more than a century.
It has there expressed one of the national
ideas which have inspired the Irish people in
their various movements in behalf of Irish
nationality and Irish freedom. The history
of England's sway over the Green Isle has
been made up of three elements, viz,:
1. Confiscation of the land, personal pro
perty, and political rights of Irish Catholics,
under the baleful plea of overcoming
ToperyJ" as Catholicism was styled.
2. Transferring all these to Protestant colo
nists from Great Britain.
8. Crippling, ruining, and prohibiting, by
penal laws, whatever industries in Ireland
seemed calculated to promote Irish wealth,
prosperity, and independence, and permitting
those only to be carried pn which would in
some way aid, and not compete with, Eng
lish industries, whether manufacturing, com
mercial, maritime, or agricultural.
'Making doe allowanoe for the disastrous
effects of persecuting the Catholios, stealing
their land, and absenteeism, we still believe
that neither of these causes tended so directly
to impoverish and starve out the Irish as the
interference of England with Irish industries,
the prohibition upon her exports, her manu
factures, her shipping, her fisheries, her
trade with other colonies, and even upon va
rious brauohes of her agriculture. It was
against this interference that through all her
struggles for national freedom Ireland pro
tested, and this protest was known in
Ireland as the demand of the Irish for free
trade, t. the emancipation of Ireland's
industries from British legislation. With
this meaning, the term free trade be
came as popular throughout Ireland as Catho
lic emancipation, Dublin Parliaments, or the
Irish volunteers of the days of Ourran and
Grattan. Our Irish fellow-citizens have been
in this manner prejudiced in favor of free
trade in America, where it means exaotly the
reverse of what it meant in Ireland, viz.,
the ascendancy of the British influence in
trade.
la proof of this we shall cite some extracts
from the "Combination of the Abbe Geohe-
an's History of Ireland from the Treaty of
limerick to the Present Time," by John
Mitchell. As John Mitchell has never acted
with American protectionists, he cannot be '
charged with having written to aid their
cause.
On page 128 of his history, referring to the
period of 1779 and 1780, he says:
"To force from reluctant England a free trade,
and the repeal, or rather declaratory nullification,
ot Poynlng's law, which required the Irish Parlia
ment to aubmlt the heads of their bills to the Eng
lish Privy Council before they eould presume to pass
them these were, in few words, ;tbe two great ob
jects which the leaders of tha volunteers kept now
steadily before them.
It must be here observed that the idea and the
term 'free trade,' as then understood In Ireland, did
not represent what tha political economists now call
free trade. What was sought was a release from
those restrictions on Irish trade imposed by an
English Parliament, and for the prodi of the English
people. This did not mean that Imports and ex
' ports ahould be free of all duty to the State, but only
. that the fact of Import or export itself should not be
restrained by foreign laws, and that the duties to be
derived from it should be Imposed by Ireland's own
Parliament, and in the sole interest of Ireland her
self. This distinction is the more Important to be
observed, because modern 'free traders' in Ireland
and in England have sometimes appealed to the
authority of the enlightened men who then gov
erned the volunteer movement as an authority in
favor of abolishing Import and export duties. The
citation is by no means applicable."
lie then proceeds to recite that at this time
many of the volunteer corps, as well as meet
ings of the citizens of Dublin, Waterford,
and other cities, backed by the women of
Ireland, adopted non-importation - agree
ments, to the effect that until the
; British laws prohibiting the . export of
cottons, woollens, and provisions from Ire
land should be repealed, they would not buy,
sell, or wear any article of British manufac
ture. These pledges became so popular, that
ladies of wealth and fashion made it a point
of honor to appear clothed exclusively in
Irish fabrics. The following resolutions of a
general meeting of the freeholders of Dublin,
given on page 128 of the same work, are a
sample of what the Irish people meant by
Irish free trade:
"Resolved, That the unjust, illiberal, and lmpolltlo
opposition given by mauy aelf-lnUrested people of
Great Britain to the proposed encouragement of the
trade and commerce ot this kingdom, originated In
avarice and ingratitude.
"Xetolvtd, That we will not, directly or Indirectly,
Import or use any goods or wares, the produce or
manufactures of Great Britain, which can be pro
duced or manufactured in this kingdom, till an en
lightened publio policy, founded on principles of Jus
' tice, shall appear to actuate the inhabitants of cer
tain manufacturing towns of Great Britain, who
have taken so active a pan in opposing the regula
tions proposed in favor of the trade of Ireland :
and until thev appear to entertain sentiments of
respect and affection for their fUor -subjects of this
kingdom."
At the same time the names of such traders
as oontinned to sell English goods were gra
tuitously published in the Dublin papers, for
the purpose of drawing upon them the indig
nation of the people. Commenting on these
acts as a retaliation for "the meanness of the
manufacturers and traders of England, and
for the measures adopted by the English
Parliament, at their diotation, to crash the
trade and paralyze the industry of Ireland,"
the historian says (p. 129):
"The retaliation was just, and no means that
could have been adopted could equal the atrocity of
the conductof the English towns to the productive
Indastry of Ireland. Englishmen had a Parliament
obedLent to the dictates of the encroaching spirit of
English trade the Irish people had hot as yet esta
blished their freedom, nor armed them
selves with the resistless weapon of
free institutions. They were obliged
to legislate for themselves, and were justified by the
exigency la adopting any means to enforce the na
tional will.
'it seems strange that It should be necessary to
defend the measure of holding no to scorn the
traitors who could expose In their shops articles of
foreign production, every article of which was a re
rres iiUUve of their country's impoverishment and
decay. But the English press denounced it as tne
policy of savages, and pointed out the Irish people
to the contunly of Euroae.
"At the same time the English manufacturers, ever
careless of present sacrifices to secure permanent
advantages, flooded the country towns with the ac
cumulated proancu oi me wooiien m&auraciure,
. which, owing to the ( American) war and other causes.
had remained on their bands.. Thev ottered these
goods to the small shopkeepers at the lowest possible
prices, agd desired them to name their own time for
paymeni; ana mey paruauy aucueeuea in inducing
many of the low and embarrassed servitors of trade,
through their necessities and by the seductive pro
mise of long credit, to become traitors to tha cause
of Irish lndustrv.
"lhe volunteers and the leaders of the movement
were equally active on their side. The preas. the
pulpit, and the ball-room were enlisted in the
cause of native industry. The solenttilo in
stitutions circulated, gratuitously, tracts on the
Improvement ot manufactures on the model
adopted in the contiueutal manufacturing districts,
and on tun economy of DroduoUon.
Trade revived; the manufacturers who had
thronged the city of Dublin, the ghastly apparitions
of decayed iuduntrr. found employment provided
for litem by the patriotism and sintit of the country ;
the proscribed goods of Fncand remained unsold, i
or only sold under false colors, by knitvish and pro
fligate retailers. The country enjoyed some of the
frnits ot freedom before she obtained freedom
Itself."
At the fame time Henry Grattan, the leader
of this movement for freeing Irish trade, in
proposing, in the Irish Parliament, an amend
ment to the address to the crown, said:
"The only effectual remedy that can be applied to
the sufferings of this kingdom, that can either invi
gorate its credit or support its people, is to open Its
ports for the exportation of all its manufactures;
that it is evident to every unprejudiced mind that
Great Britain wonld derive as much benefit from this
mrasnre as Ireland itself, but hat Ireland cannot
subsist without lb" '
Iluwy Burgh, speaking in the same inte
rest, said:
"It is not by temporary expedients, but by free
trade alone, that this nation is now to be saved from
impending ruin."
Henry Grattan, in another speech in the
Irish Parliament, remarked:
'The military associations have caused a fortu
nate change in the sentiments of this house. They
Inspired us to ask directly for the greatest object
that was ever set within the lew of Ireland a free
trade."
As the sequel to these measures of agita
tion, or rather as a means to hold the Irish
people in subjection while they crushed the
American ' Rebellion, then waging, nnder
George Washington and the Continental
Congress, Lord North, on the 13th December,
1779, introduced into the English Parliament
three propositions to permit,' first, the ex
port from Ireland, of glass; second, the
export of woollen goods; and third, a free
trade between Ireland and the English set
tlements in America, the West Indies, and
Africa. Inadequate as this remedy was, to
give free trade with America, which was then
nnder blockade, it was reoeived with great,
perhaps with too muoh, joy by the Irish
people.
"We have thus shown clearly that the term
free trade was used in Ireland in exactly the
same sense as the terms protection to home
industry are used in America. In this sense
it was the watchword and rallying cry of the
Irish people. Upon the cannon of the Irish
volunteers were inscribed the words free
trade meaning freedom to proteot Ireland's
trade, agricnlture, and manufactures from
England. In this sense, every Amerioan Pro
tectionist sympathizes warmly in principle
with Ireland's demand for free trade.
THE DIFFICULTY OF GETTING GOOD
MEN INTO POLITICAL LIFE.
From the IT. Y. Time.
We have already called attention to Mr.
Hoppin's excellent address to the members of
the Union League Club, but the subject which
be raised cannot be too carefully considered.
He said that "the practical withdrawal of
great numbers of respectable and intelligent
citizens of the United States from publio life,
and their growing indifference to publio mat
ters, is one ox tne most discouraging facts in
our history. We act as if we believed that
good government would oome of itself, like
the free air of heaven, without any effort on
our own parts to create it. We appear to
think we have the option to engage in politics
or not, as our tastes or temporary interests
may determine." The phrase "our duty to
our country," he added, "has beoome a sort
of commonplace expression which nobody
believes in, and which is chiefly useful for
orations and obituary notices, and yet it is of
as much binding force as the ten command
ments." 1
All this is melanoholy, but it is true: it is
the more melancholy because it is so often
said, and with bo little effect. It is said, in
substance, in all Thanksgiving sermons, and
in all the better class of Fourth of July ora
tions, in most addresses to young men, and
in a large majority of suoh commencement
orations as touch on politics. It is said in
newspaper and magazine articles, and in
lectures. Everybody admits it; but when we
come to talk of a remedy, most people turn
their eyes in pious resignation to heaven, or
shrug their shoulders. Now, everybody
knows we are not disposed to shield "edu
cated and respectable shirkers of their dutv.
but then it is but right, while condemning
them, to take aocount of the difficulties there
are in the way of their doing their duty.
We might if went into details show
these to be very numerous, but we shall con
fine ourselves to one, and that is the compli
cation of the political machine. The machine
which our fathers worked, and which the
English work to-day, was far simpler than the
one we work. The number of officers elected
in England is very small. . In faot, it may be
said that by voting once in four or five years
for one or two members of the House of Com
mons an Englishman exerts all the influenoe he
can exert in the Government. Through that
be pronounoes his opinion with regard to the
administration of justice in all its grades and
branches, the collection and disbursement of
the taxes, the state of the army and navy, the
foreign pouoy, tne condition and relief of the
poor, and so on. The consequence is that by
concentrating his attention on the character,
and history, and opinions of one or two men,
he discharges his whole political duty. If he
does cot like the judges, or the condition of
the finances, or of the State, or of the army,
or of the railroad system, he has only to
come down on the county or borough mem
bers of the House of Commons, and the
members come down on the Ministry; and
wnen a great many county ana Dorouga mem.
bers, feeling the pressure behind them, oome
down on the Ministry together, the thing is
set to rights. Nothing oaa well be simpler,
or easier to manage, or require less sacrifice of
time.
A state of things in some respects similar
prevailed in this State, and in nearly all the
Eastern States, before 1846. The number of
elective officers was small, and the responsi
bility concentrated on a few heads. To be
sure, the Amerioan citizen had two Legisla
tures to elect, and two "ministries" to look
after, where the Englishman had only one,
but still he was able to look to the Governor
for the proper administration of justice,
the proper regulation of the prisons, the
proper collection and outlay of the taxes, in
fact, for the proper working of the greater
Eart of the administrative machinery. He
ad, Indeed, only to concentrate his attention
at every election on one or two men, to make
sure that he was discharging his duty
to the State effectually. In those days, too,
the strain of business was not nearly ao
severe as it la cow, and men of respectability
and education had more time at their disposal.
There waa only monthly mail communication
with Europe. In this city, business with the
interior of the Bute, or what was then called
the West, was almost completely suspended
as soon as the frost closed the river aud
oanals. The community, too, in every State
was small, and the manners simple, aud the
demands of charity and society few and not
very exacting. The stream of lifs ia faot
flowed on ith a sluggishness of whioh we
have cow little idea. Merchant, and law
yers, -and ministers, therefore, had an amount
of time at their disposal of whioh they now
know nothing, and having it, they give it to
politics.
If we contrast the state of things here now
with with the state of things here forty or
I fifty years ago, we must perceive that to get
good men back into political life we shall
have to adopt our Government machinery to
the conditions in which society now find
itself. The men of education and respecta
bility in this community are rarely men o
leisure; they are all as busy as they can possif
My be. Tbey have either to make fortunes, or
keep them, aud keening fortunes in the pre
sent state of our industry is nearly as diifl mlt
as making them. They have, too, to administer
nearly all the churches of the ooantry, and
to act as trustees for the vast number of
persons who are, in every community, inca-
f able of taking charge of their own affairs,
f, therefore, they are to concern themselves
in politics also, politics must be simplified.
But our politics are made as oomplioated and
bard to manage as it is possible to make
them. We have multiplied the number of
elective officers and the elections to suoh a
degree that to keep the ran of the candidates,
of the issues, and of the influences at
work in a Bingle district, takes the whole
lime of a healthy and active man. No man
who has other work can attempt to master it.
Then we have divided responsibility in snob,
a way as to take all heart out of persons of a
reforming turn, because co matter what we
do we can never feel sure that we have got
bold of the real author of any abuse, and as a
matter of fact we hardly ever do get him.
Considering the way in which a merchant or
lawyer must cow work, to keep pace with the
ordinary demands on him, it seems hard to
ask him to see to it that none but the best
men are nominated for Congress, and the
Legislature, and for the three city Superior
Courts, and for the Marine Court, and for the
Police Courts, and civil District Courts, and
the aldermanships, and the assistant alder
manships, and the Controllership, and
the Mayoralty, and the District-Attorneyahip,
and Corporation Connselship, and Sheriffalty,
and for the Governorship, an! Secretaryship,
and the Canal Board, and Prison Inspector
ship,! Ad so on. Why, the looking after all
these thingB has to be a profession, and it is
a profession, and in a community where all
decent men are oocupied by honest oallings,
it has naturally beoome a rascally profession.
No such system could be worked by the com
munity at large, unless it was a community of
large landed proprietors, with plenty of time
on their hands, like that of the South before
the war, or a community of free loafers, like
4-Via A iViArtinna whs nnaaarl tit Alia (ma f f H A
tut? TV UV (lOOUU tfuva vauav waw
market place discussing candidates and nomi
nations, every man knowing his neighbor.
ILLUSTRATED PAPERS.
Front the Boston Traveller.
Undoubtedly the popular illustrated papers
or the day might be of great servioe in tne
dissemination of oorrect art Ideas; but that
they fail to a great extent in this mission, is
an equally palpable and lamentable faot,
Lacking neither capital, brains, nor enter
prise, there is co reason why our American
publishers should cot send out papers in
every respect equal to tne best .European
prints. Nor ia it necessary in order to do
this to reproduce exaotly their pictures, as
has been done of late, to an extent that has
given to many of our most popular prints a
monotonous degree of uniformity in illustra
tion. If we are to have in Every Saturday,
Harper's Weekly, and Frank Leslie' Illus
trated Newspaper, precisely the same pio
tures as are in the Graphic, and Loudon
Illustrated News, why not subscribe
for one - of the last-named
papers at once and let the others go;
for certainly people buy this class of papers
more for the pictures than for the reading
matter, however excellent it may be. This
constant and servile copying of foreign
papers has grown to be an abuse. If only
one of our papers reproduced the pictures, it
might do well enongb, as a plan to cheapen
the foreign commodity, but when nearly all
of the papers take to the same policy, and we
have "The Last Bivouao" and "The Horrors
(of War" running through the whole line, we
'are inclined to believe that there is either a
pitiful lack of taste or sense, or a niggardli
ness in expenditure, at the bottom of the
w hole matter.
If the illustrations reproduced were well
selected, it would be better. But it often
happens that villainously bad pictures are
pubblished abroad, and these are as eagerly
seized upon as any. It seems that a pioture
has only to be startling to commend itself to
the borrowing propensities of our editors.
As a case in point, there are sketches, bet
ter called scratches, by one A, Boyd Hough
ton, which have been largely copied, in all
their bad qualities, by our papers. What
could be worse than the "Coasting in
Omaha," or the "Hunting Buffaloes, both
of which may be seen in Motryioaturaay r
Vague, to a meaningless extent, uncertain in
drawing, their figures unlike anything in
heaven or earth, they are given prominent
places in a publication which has talent
enough in its management to discriminate
between a good and bad pioture.
If in intrinsio qualities the above-named
pictures are bad, in testhetio qualities the
French war pictures are worse. No good can
come of a representation of a deserted battle
field, scattered with ghastly corpses and dead
horses. Such pictures breed nightmares.
They are horrible, but have no pathos. They
appeal to co other sentiment than that mor
bid craving for horrors, which is too muoh
gratified already by our tenth-rate papers in
their vivid and overdrawn scenes of murder
and sin.
It cannot be said that our publishers are
obliged to go abroad for their publications.
It might have been said twenty-five years ago.
But to-day we have artists who could, if in
ducements, pecuniary and other, were offered,
produce pictures in every respect equal to
those that that are brought from over the sea.
Every pietnre reproduced from a foreign
paper is so much money withheld from Ame
rican artists an injustice to them of which
they rightfully complain. There is both a
lack of patriotism and of sense in seeking
abroad what can be found at home. We are
constantly clamoring for more rapid progress
in art, and at the same time withholding our
aid. We are forever paying gold where we
might buy with greenbacks, and do better in
our bargain. To verify all we have said we
refer the reader to the last cumbers of our
most popular illustrated periodicals, and ask
their candid judgment as to which are most
pleasing, the foreign or the Amerioan pictures.
CUMBERLAND NAILS
8450 Per Keg.
These Mails are known to be the bet in the market
All nralU, no waste, and coat no
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Each keg warranted to contain 100 pounds of Nails.
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HEADQUARTER 8
REPUBLICAN
State Central Committee
or
rSXVJMSYZiVAXwXA,
No. 1105 CHE8NUT Street,
PHILADELPHIA,
FEBRUARY IS, 18TU
At a meeting of the Offlcersand the Philadelphia
Members of the
Republican State Central Commit'
tee of Pennsylvania,
Eeld this day,
On motion of JAMES W. M. NEWLIN, seconded
by THOMAS 0. PARKER, the following Resolu
Hons were unanimously adopted :
Wbeieas, It is well known in political circles that
a combination has been entered into between some
so-called Republicans and certain influential mem
bers of the Democratic party, to create by legisla
tive action a number of commissions to govern the
city of Philadelphia; 1
And whereas, Said commisssons are to be orga
nized in the same manner, and with the same ob
jects, as those now in operation In He York city,
whereby the property of all its citizens ia at the
mercy of Irresponsible official, and a large sum of
money has been raised by the leading Democratic
politicians of that clT to secure the consummation
of this scheme In order to carry Pennsylvania for
the Democracy in 18T2;
And whereas, The safety of the Republican party
requires the utmost fidelity of intention on the part
of its Representatives, in order to secure its titumph
in the next Presidential campaign,
Therefore Resolved, That the proposition to mis
govern the city of Philadelphia by Commissions, and
the attempt by legislative action to place the pro
perty of Its citizens at the disposal of person not
enjoj log . the confidence of the public, and to
deprive the people of the right of self-government,
meets with our unqualified condemnation, and we
call upon the Republican Senators and Representa
tives at Harrlsburg to vote against the same.
Resolved, That the people and the press be and
they are hereby earnestly requested to take active
measures to prevent the introduction Into enr midst
of the odious system of government under which the
people of New York City are now suffering.
MAHLON H. DICKINSON, Chairman.
ELIAB WARD,
, R. O. TIITERMAKY, .
WM. ELLIOTT,
CHARLES A. MILLER,
WM. R. LEEDS,
JOHN E. ADD1CKS,
DANIEL P. RAY,
WILLIAM B. CONN ELL,
THOMAS C. PARKER,
ALFRED C. HARMER,
JAMES H. PUGH,
HORATIO GATES JONES,
WILLIAM RITTENHOTJSE.
SECRETARIES,
GEORGE W.nAMEaSLY,
M.S. QUAY,
JAMES W. M. NEWLIN.
TREASURER,
HENRY H. BINGHAM. 1 l St
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CHANGES.
DEALERS IN MERCANTILE PAPER,
GOVERN ME N T SECURITIES, GOLD.Etc.
DRAW BILLS OF EXCHANGE ON THE
UNION BANK OF LONDON. 8fmwt
JOHN S. RUSHTOfl & CO.,
BANKERS AND BROKERS.
GOLD AND COUPONS WANTED.
City Warrants
BOUGHT AND SOLD.
No. 00 South THIRD Street.
tM PHILADELPHIA.
FINANCIAL.
OFFER FOR SALE, AT PAR
THE HEW MASONIC
TEMPLE LOAN,
Bearing 7 3.10 interest,
Redeemable after five (P) as within twenty-one (91)
years. ;
Interest Payable Iflnrcli and Sep
- tember
The Bonds are registered, and will be Issued In!
sums to suit.
DE HA YEN & BROh
No. 40 South THIRD Street.
11 Philadelphia;
Stocks bought and sold on commission. Gold and
Governments booght and sold. Accounts received
and Interest allowed, subject te Sight Drafts.
a legal irjvssTracrjT
Haying sold a Urge portion of lbs r I
t
Pennsylvania Railroad General Mort
gage Bonds,
ins unuermgDeu puer me owanue ror a limited pe
riod at 95 and Interest added In currency.
These bonds are the cheapest investment for Trus
tees, Executors, and Administrators.
For further particulars, inquire of
JAY COOKE k CO..
E, W. CLARK A CO.,
W. H. NEW BOLD, SON A AERTSEN
C. A H. BORIE. a l im
Bowles Brothers & Co.,
PABIS, LONDON, BOSTON.
No. 19 WILLIAM Street,
N o v Y o f lc,
issue:
4
Credits for Travellers
IN EUROPE.
Exchange on Paris and tne TJnio
Bank of London,
IN SUMS TO 8UIT. U T 8m
B. K. JAMISON & CO.,
SUCCESSORS TO
P.F.KELLY &. CO,
BANKERS AND DKALEUH IN
Gold, Silver, and Government Bouds
At dosses' Market Bates.
X. W. Cor. THIRD and CHESNUT SttA
Special attention given to COMMISSION ORDERS
In New York and Philadelphia Stock Boards, etc.'
eta . . '
530 C530
vtawnvnnnwr r t I
a J 1 ft 1 ifcili a MMWM -rTf-- f MAiAAAr j
BANKER..
DEPOSIT ACCOUNTS RECEIVED AND INTER
EST ALLOWED ON DAILY BALANCES.
ORDERS PROMPTLY EXECUTED FOR THE
PURCHASE AND SALE Off ALL RELIABLE SE-
UUKiTiJca.
COLLECTIONS MADE EVERYWHERE.
REAL ESTATE COLLATERAL LOANS K.
TIATED. 18 il em
No. 630 WALNUT St., PhlLsda.
Q I T Y O y BALTIMO. BR.
$1,300,000 six per cent. Bonds .of the Western
Marjland Railroad Company, endorsed by the City
of Baltimore. The undenlgned Finance Committee
of the Western Maryland Railroad Company offer
through the American Exchange National Bank
tl,SOO,000 of the Bonds of the Western Maryland
Railroad Company, having 80 years to run, principal
and interest guaranteed by the city of Baltimore.
This endorsement having been authorized by aa
act of the Legislature, and by ordinance of the
City Council, was submitted to and ratified by an
almost unanimous vote of the people. As an addi.
tlonal security the city has provided a sinking fund of
200,000 for the liquidation of this debt at maturity
An exhibit of the financial condition of the city
shows that she has available and convertible assets
more than sufficient to pay her entire Indebtedness.,
To investors looking for absolute security no loan
offered In this market presents greater Inducements.
These bouds are offered at 81 and aocrued inte
rest, coupons payable January and July. 1
WILLIAM KETSER,
JOHN K. LONG WELL,
MOSES WIE3ESFELD,
1 e eott Finance Committee.'
OORDAQE' ETO.
CORDAGE.
Hanilla, Sisal and Tarred Cordage
AILowm Raw York FHoMaad XraUhta.
EDWIN II. riTLJCK CO
tMterf , T&BTH Si. tad eSBMASTOWM Imu.
Store. Ho. U . WATKB It Ud S3 R DKXAWAE
AToae
1112m PHILADELPHIA!
JOHN S. LEE A CO., ROPE AND TWINE
MAN I FACTl'KHttS.
DEALERS IN NAVAL 8TORK3,
ANCHORS AND CHAINS,
SHIP CHANDLERY OvIJS, ETC.,
Nos. tt and H NORTH WH A RVii 8
JOHN FARNUM A CO., COMMISSIOiTmER
tJ akinta and MuaMinn i' Oocoa Ttakinc, u
i