2
THE DAILY- EVENING fTELEGKAPH PHILADELPHIA, Fill DA f , SEPTEMBER 30, 1870.
oriRiT or tixs muss.
Editorial Opinions of the Leading Journals
upon Current Topics Compiled Every
Day for the Evening Telegraph.
TIIE STANTON CONTROVERSY.
from the A". T. World.
The quarrel over Mr. Stanton's character,
which his friends have provoked, is a very
Cretty quarrel as it stands. To us, who,
aTing our own matured opinions about Mr.
Wanton's character, are profoundly indiffer
' ent on the subject, its simple alternatives ara
equally satisfactory. Eitber, pending the
Buchanan administration, Mr. Stanton was
meanly and basely false to his patron and his
trusting friends', or else he was technically
, "disloyal," and actively engaged is cheating
. the Republicans. He may have been both,
' for Mr. Sumner tells us he had "an instino
' tive insight into men and things." Certain it
is that Mr. Stanton's fiiends claim for him
immunity because he is dead. Had they chosen
to pile up positive panegyric on his tomb until,
with the festive Mr. Seward, they made him
''almost divine," no one would have said a
word. Yet this did not suffice. His raven
ous shade had to be propitiated by richer
sacrifices. Take the case of Senator Wilson
' and his man Friday Hoar. The latter for
1 Stanton's sake made a dissecting-room of the
Supreme Court, and mangled a dead Presi
. dent in his honor, to the disgust of all about
. him. Rat as Hoar has had his reward, we
, say naught more about him. Senator Wilson
ateals away to Boston, and collecting all the
1 crisp faggots of its periodical rhetorio, the
yery rubbish of the Atlantic, he rears a huge
pile, like old Caxon's at Glenwithershins, and
, sets it on fire. Oreat and ghastly was the
. glare thereof. He laid upon it the dead Mr.
1 Buchanan, and the dead Mr. Toucey,
i and the dead Mr. Floyd, and the hide as
; smoke arid loathly smell of this frightful in
: cremation dispersed itself throughout the
land. Then was it that Judge Black, a friend
of at least two of these maltreated dead, in
dignantly came forward with his honest
words of vindication. ' He spoke strongly, as
he felt strongly. He knew that the accusa
tions were untrue, and he was loth to believe
(though by this time his loyal faith must be
a little staggered) that his pet Stanton (for
it was Judge Black who gave him his posi
tion) could be so false. Judge Black was
earnest in tone, and, as he is apt to be, vigor
ous in phrase, and his resentful defense of
the dead carried dismay into the nest of the
slanderers. This was in June last.
, It now seems (for this new Atlantic article
.tells ns so) that the whole fraternity was
. promptly called into council. Seward, and
Samner, and Hoar, and Howard, and Holt,
and Dawes (and Mrs. Dawes), dii mojores et
minoi ts of Massachusetts and Michigan, were
' summoned to Wilson's resoue, and all gave
.their testimony. The October magazine
. serves up to ns the dish of which there were
so many cooks. Its article blazes away at
our poor Pennsylvania! like the gun charged
i with trumpery which Major Gahagan fired at
the elephant. We have not had time to hear
' of its effect in York.
. With more than one peculiarity in this
'manifesto the critical reader cannot fail to be
struck. Though the memories of Stanton,
proving him to have been an original acrid
abolitionist of the Lundy school, go back
over many years, no dates are given of recent
' occurrences, so that they can be tested, and
everything rests upon the present hearsay. It
is what Mr. Sumner, or Mr. Dawes, or Mr.
Howard says Stanton told him, so that the
, slightest flaw of truth in either link separates
' and destroys the whole. Take the great overt
aot of Stanton's bullying the Buchanan
Cabinet, on a certain occasion. The Bostonese
conspirators seek to prove it by telling us
that Dawes told Wilson that Holt told
. him all about it; and this roundabout evi
dence is reinforced by an assertion that Mrs.
Dawes ("saint and martyr") "distinctly re
members hearing Mr. Stanton tell the story."
Besides which, Holt says that "several years
ago in the War Department" that is two
years after 1800 Stanton read him a letter
to Mr Schell, descriptive of the scene, which,
however, he dared not send, thinking "such
disclosures could not be justified unless made
with the consent of the parties to the Cabi
net meeting." In other words, as it is not
pretended such consent ever was given, he
went about retailing the story privately to
Mr. Buchanan's bitter enemies, and to the
. gossipping women of Washington, bat was
ashamed to put it ia writing and send it under
, his own signature to a high-spirited and hon
orable man like Mr. Schell. Really, this
makes the matter muoh worse.
To this is opposed the positive testimony
of Judge Black, who says he was present on
the occasion referred to, and that nothing of
' the kind occurred. As to the credibility and
personal integrity of this witness, we can
safely say there is not a respectable Repub
lican in the State of Pennsylvania, where he
is best known and most honored, who will
question the veracity of Chief Justice Black,
Massachusetts probably believes in Wilson
and company, just as it does in the realities
of spirit-iapping and the honesty of Hutler.
The evidence Senator Wilson adduces as
to Stanton's midnight, or rather after mid
night, visit to Sumuer for, like the ghost of
Alonzo the brave, be came
"When the bell had tolled one"
and the intrigue, carried on through the
agency of a pet patent lawyer, Mr. Peter II
Watson, with Seward, with that striking epi
' sode when they met hurriedly in the street
and "separated quickly" for fear of being
caught as to all these the evidence of the
cabal is more direct, and really tends very
strongly to Stanton's conviction. We have
not room for details, simply reproducing one
. paragraph taken from Dawes' communication
to the Boston Vongregationali&t, for these
people always have a religions twang and love
to mix piety and slander. We beg the reader
to observe tnat, aitnougn Mr. Toucey, now
dead, is clearly meant, tne writer shrank from
mentioning his name:
In an article written lmroedlateyl after the death
of Mr. Stanton aud published in the CongrjHn
mlist of Boston, he stated that soma ef the moat Im
portant aud secret plana of the conspirators became
, know a aud were thwarted by means of cominanlua-
tioas from Mr. Stanton to the committee. "One a
a member or that committee," said Mr. Dawes la
this article, 'Tead by the light of the street lamp
tlieae words : 'Secretary Is a traitor, depeud
upon It. lie declared In Oaitluet to-day that be dii
not want to deliver tlila Uoverunient mtaut into the
haada of the black Republicans. Arrest ultn in
stantly, or ail will be lost.' The paper went back to
Its nming-piace, tut tne secretary, though he
. walked the street unmolested, was watuhed from
, mat hour.'
And all this time Stanton was associating
'. with Secretary Touoey on terms of apparent
confidence and friendliness I
One other word, and we drop this fetid
snbieot for the moment. In Seward's certifl
' oate it ia expressly stated that Stanton always
' expressed "entire oenfidenoe in the loyalty of
' the President ana 01 tne Heads or tne depart
menta who remained in association with him
nutil the close of tht adminUtrntion." two
ui ttioui brting Isaao Toucey and Jeremiah 8
jUiack ! How long the patience and forbear
ance of those who are interested in the fair
fame of the late President Buchanan, of
whom the mildest phrase here nsed is "a
feeble, blind, broken-down old man," will
endure, we cannot sny. But this we have
reason to believe, that they have in their
possession evidenoc, in Mr. Stanton's own
handwriting, which shows that he was a pro
fessing friend and admirer of President
Buchanan to the last, that he thought most
disparagingly of the sainted Lincoln, and
that he despised the whole crew of the radi
cal leaders, including Seward himself. The
truth in this matter, also, will some day see j
the light. . . .
EARL RUSSELL AND INTERNATIONAL
LAW.
Frvm th tf. P. Times.
Our special correspondent in London tele
graphed us a few days sinoe that Earl Russell
had been commnnicating his views to the
publio on the questions of international law
now arising between Prussia and Ureat Bri
tain. The venerable statesman is reported
as affirming the position, on these grave sub
jects, which was originally taken by Washing
ton, undoubtedly under the especial influence
of Hamilton, expounded in our Neutrality
act of 1791, and subsequently confirmed and
amplified in the amended act of 18 18. These
views of - international obligation i
formed the basis also of the British
legislation on this important matter.
In fact, before 1811. there were no
acts of Parliament to preserve British neu
trality. The legislation of Washington and
Hamilton, adopted by Congress, was copied.
inmost of iU feav ares, by-the- British ad
ministration, and appears in the famous
'Toreign Enlistment act of 1810, of which
we had such unfortunate experience during
the rebellion. The very articles in our own
acts which were omitted in the British no
doubt with design-r-would have saved all the
trouble which we had from British interfer
ence in our civil war. Had "the legislation
of Washington," of which Earl Russell speaks
now so admiringly, been exactly followed in
the Hritish acts, or even the spirit of it imi
tated by Earl Russell's own administration.
no Alexandra or Alabama would have escaped
from British ports.
Ibe Prussian claims, if they are correctly
reported, of which, probably, Earl Russell is
satisfied, would not be sustained by any por
tion of our legislation. The Prussian Gov
ernment is reported as being indignant that,
while Great Britain is professedly neutral,
she permits arms and contraband of war to
be sent over to the French and sold to them;
so that, in fact, a neutral is supporting or
arming one belligerent against another. It
might perhaps be a desirable improvement
in international law if neutrals were forbid
den to sell any material of war to either bel
ligerent, and the act were oonsidered a vio
lation of neutrality. Common sense, which
is the basis of international law, , teaches
that war ought not to be supported by the
aid of. neutrals.. Nor would it be enough.
from this point of view, to eay that the
merchandise is sent forth as a private ven
ture, and that the injured belligerent can
capture it if she is able. The belligerent
may be situated as Prussia is now, and not
able to command the seas, so that a war
might be protracted by the assistance of a
party, at peace with both combatants.
Moreover, our code teaches that a nation is
"bound by its own supreme authority to
execute international justice and law.
whether it has municipal legislation or not.
Were it the custom of nations to forbid the
export of arms as private merchandise from
a neutral port to a bellieerent, and were this
international law, Great' Britain would be
obliged to execute it towards Prussia, whether
her enlistment acts sanctioned it or not.
But, unfortunately for the Prussian demands,
it is not. All "the legislation of Washing
ton" the acts of 170t and 1818, and the
British act of 1819 expressly allow arms
and contraband of war to be exported by
private individuals at their own risk and
venture. They are liable, of course, to
seizure and confiscation by the Injured bel
ligerent, but that is all. The sending them,
or permitting them to be sent, by a neutral,
is not itself an act of war, nor an infraction
of neutrality. -
Ibe preparing of hostile expeditions in a
neutral territory is, of course, such an in
fraction; as is also the arming or increasing
the armament of belligerent cruisers, or any
purchase of arms for either .or those pur
poses. Hut tne purely mercantile or private
sale of arms or material of war by the traders
of a neutral or , the individual subieots of a
belligerent has never been forbidden. In
deed, according to international usage, any
English merchant might now build and
arm a vessel, and otter her for sale
in Liverpool to the French. He might send
ner out as a commercial venture, with regu
lar papers, to Havre, filled with rifles and
eannon, and sell her there, without violating
any neutrality legislation or any previous
custom existing between nations. The dis
tinction, indeed, would be a delicate one, in
such a case, between a "hostile expedition"
and a commercial enterprise, and the bellige
rent might reasonably object; but if "com
mercial intent" were proved, no British or
American court would condemn or detain
the vessel. Still more clearly is the private
export of arms, with the risk of seizure, per
mitted. But all international law must be formed
by reasonable precedents. The Prusiians
have reformed the art of war. They may
also change the code of peaoe; and they may
reasonably claim that such private protract
ing of war by a neutral shall in future cease.
and pledge themselves to a like obligation
when they in turn are in the position of neu
trals. They may demand in the name of jus
tice and common sense that a power at peaoe
should not equip and arm a power at war, and
thus lengthen the struggle. Such a demand
could not be deemed unreasonable by any of
the powers which may be engaged ia future
conflicts.
TIIE PRUSSIAN SOLDIERY.
From tUN.T.Tiibune.
The London Spectator, apropos to the aupe
rior material of the Prussian forces, says:
"We eonfess we cannot believe in educated
pawns. Educated soldiers will think more
critically about the military policy than un
educated; will be apter to discern if their
Uvea are thrown away to no purpose; will
necessarily feel distrust sooner, and this
criticising ana rationalizing spirit in the
naiads of the troops will be of a paralyzing
Kind, and tend to mutiny li tney nave not
full right to put perfect faith in the ability
of their leaders. The successes of the
Prussian soldiery, it urges, is no argument
in favor of culture among the rank and file
because they do have the requisite faith in
their leaders.
The problem proposed by the Spect itor is
one that increases in importance with every
year, aa it is only the present century which
has produced the phenomenal spectacle of
great armies possessing individual culture
'tonal to those of Prussia, or our own during;
the civil war. War is, in essence, the appti
tatioa ol brute force to aubserro a moral par.
pose; the question become a vital one,
whether that force is more effective or not as
it loses its resemblance to mere machinery.
The fpeetn tor hardly meets the point at issue.
The educated soldier is not likely to be edu
cated in the art of war. The general conduct
of a battle is, as everybody knows, a matter
of whioh the subordinate officers even have
but the vaguest conception while it is in
progress. The printer, t,r lawyer, or mer
chant, serving in the ranks would have
certainly but little opportunity to oriticise the
tactic;? of their leaders, and, from the mere
fact that education teaches the necessity of
discipline and obedience, would not be half
ao likely to do it as the ignorant boor whose
only motive to subordination is fear. Be
sides, the better a man comprehends his own
business the more likely is he to resnent the
knowledge of another man which he has never
mastered. In any exceptional case. too. the
culture of the common soldier would un
doubtedly render him more effective.
An army fights no worse, surely, be
cause, when exigency requires (as was
so often the case with our Northern
trcops), it can produce from the ranks
architects, engineers, surgeons every prac
tical handicraftsmen if needed. The theory
that educated men without faith in their
leaders would be more apt to mutiny, can be
disproved by the unflinching patienoe with
which our troops, both in the North and
South, stood in the jaws of death while com
manders and policy were changed again and
again, and each time, as they well knew, for
cause. Our rank and file, too, unlike the
Prussians, were men, in ordinary life, not
only unused to discipline but accustomed
to make and unmake both their leaders and
policy.
"lhe educated pawn," no doubt, will be
the safest and boldest piece to play, provided
always that he, too, has his heart in the
game. Here comes the rub, which the Spec
tator does not seem to have seen. The edu
cated Prussian or American consents to be a
tool when the motive seems worthy of the
sacrifice; but the days of unreasoning masses
oi reel ciotn ana pipe-ciay, moving steadily
to death with no idoa of the why or where
fore, beyond a Vague notion of pluck and
glory and their pay, are well nigh over. It
would ue worth while to ask, too, whether,
when the pawns arc a little better educated
than now, they will not be inclined to ques
tion whether the game could not be pl.yed
in some altogether different fashion?
Whether brute force is the
fairest and most rational method
of discovering the justice of a moral ques
tion? We look with disgust at our grand-
lathers when they referred the defense of a
woman's honor, or a property claim, or a re
ligious truth, to the decision of a single com
bat. In our enlightenment we have done
away with the pistol and duello. But we
leave our national questions of right and
wrong not to tne arbitrament of common
Rense and justice, as represented by a con
ference of the wisest and clearest-sighted
among the people, but to the blind brute
force of masses of men, to the Chassepot and
the mitrailleuse. These be the cods who
decide for us. We have not much hope in
the plans of any so-called peace party, but we
have absolute faith in the growing commen
sense of mankind, and we believe that our
grandchildren will consult other oracles than
ours.
THE DIFFICULTIES OF THE NEW
REPUBLIC. .
tram. iMe W. Y. Hun.
France will soon present the spectacle of a
country beleaguered in all directions by
foreign armies, and Lyons will probably be
added veiy soon to Paris, Metz, and the other
cities besieged bv the Prussians.
Ibe great inequality in the condition of
France and Germany consists in this: that
while reverses could not considerably affect
the integrity of the latter country, even a
series of victories could hardly restore the
prestige of France. The German " soil has
not been invaded, and, the adult population
beiog all trained soldiers, there cannot be
any dimoulty in reinforcing the army. But
France has been overrun by the enemy;
some of her most important provinces are in
his possession; the masses of the people,
whatever may be their patriotio enthusiasm,
are novices in military discipline and science;
and, as we have experienced in this
country, it is muoh easier for an absolute
ruler than for the complicated and many-
headed machinery of free institutions to con
trol events in time cf war. , The Southerners,
without a navy, and with a comparatively
small army, but yielding obedienoe to the
one-man power of Jefferson Davis, were thus
enabled to hold at bay during four long years
the immense armies and fleets of the United
States Government. How much greater,
then, is the advantage of the Prussian mon
archists over the i renoh republicaas, since,
in addition to the greater unity of action that
belongs to autocratio governments, they are
numerically and strategically superior to the
shattered x renoh forceB.
No doubt, as in the days of the first Re
public and its conflicts with the thrones of
Europe, Trochu or some other great mili
tary leader may come to the rescue of the lm
perilled nation, and convert the present hu
miliation into transcendent glory. But if it
be true that history tends to repeat itself,
there must be, to begin with, some analogy
with the events whioh paved the way for the
triumph of the great Napoleon, and this
analogy does not exist. Un the contrary,
instead of being overrun bv foreign nations.
the first RepubTio was the invader, and no
monarchical soldier denied the Boil of Repub
lican France while Napoleon was oarrying war
into the heart of monarchies. It was only
when the uncle, as in our times the nephew,
proved faithless to the Republia and donned
the imperial livery, that fortune began to
desert him, and the invaders came to dictate
terms of peace in Pans.
But while the first Napoleonic Empire de
rived its glory and 6plendor from the victo
ries achieved during the. previous repuouoau
era, the republia of 1870 inherits all the
calamities and has to contest against the
invading enemies brought upon her by the
infamies ef the Second Empire. The republi
cans of 1870 cannot, like those in the begin
ning of thiscentury.strengthen their oause by
spreading terror in the ranks of kings, and
by sending out their legions to belenguer the
capitals of monarchs. Alas! they begin the
work of freedom while engaged in a hope
less conflict with the mightiest King of the
age. Instead of having armies to spare to
besiege Cologne and Berlin, they can hardly
gather sufficient force to save Paris and
Lyons. The republic begins, therefore, with
misfortunes and difficulties whioh will only
cover it with the greater glory if it should
prove able to sustain itself, and save the
country that has been demoralized and ruiaed
by the one-man power.
OUR CREDIT IN EUROPE.
Firm the Cfctago Tribune,
The American Register, a weekly journal
of 1 aru, dovolod, iw ia wail kuowu, to Auto-
licona aud their, interests, la aa article oa
American bends abroad in its .issue of Sep
t ember 10, has this paragraph:
in spite or the strata upon financial affairs tn Ea
rope, tn consequence of the war, I tilted States secu
rities rise in European markets. Toe tram is, bstn
capitalist! and the people who have any money f
invent igia w ape mat we not only pay a higher
Interest than any other great power on the national
debt, but that realty there are no securities safer, if
kh safe, aa oar. While other nations can scarcely
mane ooin enua meet, wnue tuey nave little or nt
prospect of paying their debts, and while every et
trarrditary strain upon their finances adds to their
inuemeaneBS, our country is paying off Its debt at
the rate of a hundred millions and upwards a year.
In fact our debt, large as the figures nre, U but a
bagatelle when compared with the vast resources
and wonderful growth of the country. It la not sur
prising, men, mat our uonas rise in tne European
markets It ia more surprising, indeed, that they
have not rlen much higher thau the nreaent Quota
tions. Whatever may happen la Europe, tin wealth
aru inngiiiucrni ni'ure oi irte American republic
are tuch that it will be no dlrheultv to meet its liatn
Itttra, and to pay oil' within a few yeara the principal
of the debt." . .
One of the very remarkable phenomena of the
war in Europe is theslight disturbance in finan
cial affairs that have taken plaoe. There have
been some dajs of panic in Paris, but every
where else throughout Europe, with but the
slightest exceptions, financial affairs have
gone on about as usuaL No such thing ever
happened under similar circumstances be
fore. For there is not only war, with no sure
prespect of its speedy termination, between
two of the great powers, but civil commo
tions are threatened in many parts of the con
tinent, inpsin is in the condition of a vol
cano just preceding eruption. The temporal
power of the l'apacy has just been thrown
suddenly and ridiculously down. A lowering
war cloud has airtady appeared in the East.
England is nearer civil war than she has been
before for two centuries. And there has been
no general financial crisis whatever, whilst
United States bonds are steady in the market,
improving rather than declining in price.
If we search for the reason of this remark
able financial situation, we shall find it in the
very fact of the presence of United States
bonds in te markets of Europe. The natu
ral effect of war in a country is to make
money scarce, un account of the uncertain
ties of the future there is a tendency to
hoard cash. Creditors call in their debts as
rapidly as possible, and put a stop to further
credits. Money that is owing abroad passes
out of the country. Hence great disturb
ances and fluctuations, end not seldom, on
the outqreak of war, disastrous panics.
Heretofore, in Europe, all debts were paid
in gold and silver coin, which passed aud
repassed from country to country, making
successive stringency and redundancy. But
now there is a substitute for coin, more
convenient, and hardly less popular, with
the advantage over coin of bearing interest
and increasing in value. This substitute is
composed of American securities. More
salable than any other kind of property, they
have served to pay debts between the ditierent
countries, so that violent disturbances in the
circulating medium have thus been prevented.
And so it happens, singularly enough, that
the debt ef the United States has prevented a
calamitous financial crisis in Europe ! Ameri
can securities have thus done a service,, or at
least been . chiefly instrumental therein,
scarcely lass beneficent to the people of
Europe than would be the prevention of war;
for the miseries resulting from a general
financial crash are only less than the miseries
resulting from war.
lhere is much to demand profound reflec
tion by financiers in this notable situation.
It is quite the reverse of what wai genarally
Supposed would b the reaolt 'of tho war. It
was believed that our bonds would forthwith
be returned to the United States and sold for
what they would fetch in gold. On the con
trary, it would appear that had the amount
held abroad . been much larger than it is,, it
might have been used to the great benefit of
the countries directly or indirectly auected as
to their finances by the war. We may readily
conclude that the result will inevitably be to
improve the price of our securities, in the
futnre, abroad, and also, of course, at home.
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An election for Ten Directors, to serve during the
ensuing year, will be held, agreeably to charter, at
the office of the Company, on MONDAY, October 3,
1870, between the hours of 11 A. M. aud 8 P. M.
19 lat J. W. MCALLISTER, Secretary.
car NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN THAT AN
application will be made at the next meeting
of the General Assembly of the Commonwealth of
Pennsylvania for the incorporation of a Baok, la ac
cordance with the laws of the Commonwealth, to be
entitled TUB BL'LL'd HEAD BANK, to be located
at Philadelphia, with a capital of one hundred thou
sand dollars, with the right to Increase the same to
Ave hundred thousand dollars.
tS-' T. W. BAILY'b
va' Old-established WATCH AND JEWELRY
Store, No. fit MARKET Street, six doors oeiow
Seventh street. American and Imported Wa'ohea,
Diamonds, and line Gold Jewelry and Stiver Ware,
In every variety, at reasonaole prices, and warrauted.
W. B. Please call and examine our smew. No
trouble to show goods. 9 ilni
QUEEN FIRE INSURANCE COMPANY
LONDON AND LI V Kit POOL.
CAPITAL. i:.lMM,KH).
bABlNJk, ALiiikd t bUljL&d, ArftfUU,
g rii lU aud WAJUUI tttris.
SPECIAL NOTICES.
8ar ORAND MASS MEETUU!
TIIE CONSTITUTION A3 IT IS !
HONESTY.
ECONOMY.
"AS GOES MAINE SO GOE3 PENNSYLVANIA."
THE REPUBLICAN CITIZENS OF PHILADEL
PHIA, THE FRIENDS OF OU
NATIONAL AND STATE ADMINISTKATIONS,
and who have sympathized with them in
MAINTAINING TIIE UNION
and in settling
FAIRLY AND PERMANENTLY
the questions which threatened Its destruction, an t
all who
ACQUIESCE IN THEIR SETTLEMENT
as necessary to the
PEAC E AND PROSPERITY OF THE COUNTRY,
and to the
AVOIDANCE OF FURTHER CONFUSION AND
TURMOIL,
WILL MEET IN
MASS MEETING
AT
BllOAD AND MARKET STREETS,
ON
SATURDAY EVENING, OBTOBEU 1,
to seek means to Insure
SUCCESS AT TBE APPROACHING ELECTION,
TO PROVIDE AGA'NST FRAUD,
and to announce and discuss the measures which the
GREAT REPUBLICAN PARTY,
HAVING SETTLED RECONSTRUCTION,
now propose for fOBterlng the
BUSINESS INTERESTS OF THE COUNTRY,
for the-
PROTECTION OF AMERICAN INDUSTRY,
for the
REDUCTION OF TAXATION
and a simultaneous
REDUCTION OF THE NATIONAL DEBT,
for securing a
SOUND BUT PLENTIFUL CURRENCY,
and an eventual
SAFE RESUMPTION OF SPECIE PAYMENTS,
and for effecting a thorough
REFORM IN THE CIVIL SERVICE,
THAT
ECONOMY AND INTEGRITY
BhaU supersede
EXTRAVAGANCE AND FRAUD
In every Department of Government.
LET TfllS MEETING BE AN OVERWHELMING
ONE!
Let our citizens show by their p resence that they
disapprove all
WRANGLING ABOUT RSCONSTRUCTION,
now that It Is a
""" FIXED FACT,
and when our
MATERIAL INTERESTS DEMAND ATTEN
TION!
ALL ARE INVITED TO LABOR FOR THE GOOD
OF ALL!
NATIVE AND ADOPTED CITIZENS,
THE RICH AND THE POOR,
THE CAPITALIST AND THE ARTISAN,
THE MERCHANT AND TUB MECHANIC,
THE MANUFACTURER, THE LABORER, AND
THE PROFESSIONAL MAN, ARE
ALL INTERESTED!
Let al' come ami strive for the general welfare.
LET THE PEOPLE SUPPORT THE FRIENDS
OF TUB PEOPLE.
The following iUttiwjtiishtd and eloquent speakers
will address the meeting:
Hon. J. A. J. CRESWELL, Postmaster-General
l lilted states.
Hon. Jos. R. HAW LEY, ex-Governor of Connec
ticut.
Hon. JOHN SCOTT, U. S. Senator.
Hon. SIMON CAMERON. U. S. enaor.
Hon. JOHN W. GEARY, Governor of Pennsylvania.
Hon. H. DIUHEK fcWUr-ii
Hon.JOHN W.FORNEY.
Hon. WILLIAM D. KELLEY.
Hon. CHARLES O'NKILI,
Hon. LEONARD MYERS,
linn. HENRY 1). MOORE.
Hon. JOHN COVODE, Chairman State central Com
mittee. Hon. JAMES POLLOCK, ex-Gavernor of Penn
sylvania,
General HINRY H. BINGHAM.
non. JPORTON Mcmiunau
BENJAMIN Hl'CKEL, Esq.
ALf RED C. HARMEH. Eo.
Hon. A. WILSON HENSZKY.
General JOSHUA T. OWEN.
1 olonel WILLIAM B. MANN.
General HORATIO u. bICKEL.
AMD OTUKK8.
A GRAND AND MOST MAGNIFICENT
DISPLAY OF FIREWORKS,
under the superintendence of
PROFESSOR JACKSON.
will be given
PREVIOUS TO AND AT THE CLOSE Of THE
MEETING.
By order of the Republican City Executive Com
mittee.
JOHN L. HILL,
President.
JOHN MCCI'LLOUOH, )
V Secretaries.
Marshall C. Hono,)
3;UJ CHARLES W. RID J WAY.
Vlialnu&u of ConiailUee oa ru'jllo Meetings.
SPECIAL NOTICES.
gSy C N I O N.
REPUBLICAN TICKET.
JUDICIARY.
ASSOCIATE JCDOKS Or TUB COURT OF COMMON FMA9
EDWARD M. PAXSON.
THOMAS K. FINLETTER.
AR30CIATB JCDOK OF TH DISTRICT COURT!
JAMES LYND.
COUNTY.
sbiriff:
WILLIAM R. LEEDS.
BI0I8TBR OF WILLS:
WILLIAM M. BUNN,
Late private 78d Regiment Pennsylvania Voluuteera,
CLERK" OF THR ORPHANS' COURT!
SERGEANT JOSEPH C. TITTERMARY.
CITY.
KKCRITER OF TAXR4:
ROBERT H. BEATTY.
ornr commissioner:
CAPTAIN JAMES BAIN.
CONGRESSI0NAL.
1st District BENJAMIN HUCKEL.
Sd " nON. CHARLES O'NEILL.
8d " HON. LEONARD MYERS.
4th " BON. WILLIAM D. KELLEY.
Bth " ALFRED C. HARMER.
SENATOR THIRD DISTRICT!
BENJAMIN W. THOMAS.
ASSEMBLY.
IstDlstrlct-SAMUEL P. THOMSON.
Sd " WILLIAM H. STEVENSON.
8d " WILLIAM KELLEY.
4th " WILLIAM ELLIOTT.
Bth " WILLIAM DUFFY.
6th COL. CBARLE KLECKNER.
Tth ROLERT JOHNSON.
8th " WILLIAM L. MARSHALL.
9th " WILLIAM H. PoRTJER.
10th " JOHN E. REYBURN.
11th . " SAMUEL M. H&.GER.
12th ' JOHN LAMON.
13th " JOHN DUMB ELL.
14th " JOHN CLOFD.
l&th " ADAM ALBRIGHT.
16th WILLIAM F. SMITH.
17th WATSON COMLY.
18th " JAMES MILLER.
By order of the City Executive Committee. '
JOHN L. HILL, President.
fSOTl Sccretaric-
14 WfinHfcd9t
NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN THAT AN
application will be made at the next meeting
of the General Assembly of the Commonwealth of
Pennsylvania for the incorporation of a Bank, In
accordance with the laws or the Commonwealth, to
be entitled THE SCHUYLKILL RIVER BANK, to
Im located at Philadelphia, with a capital of one hun
dred thousand dollars, with the ngnt to increase
the same to five hundred thousand dollars.
ggy TREGO'S TEABERRT TOOTUWASH.
It Is the most pleasant, cheapest and best dentifrice
extant. Warranted free from injurious Ingredients.
It Preserves and Whitens the Teeth I
Invigorates and Soothes the Gums!
Purines and Perfumes the Breath I
Prevents Accumulation ef Tartar I
Cleauses and Purities Artificial Teeth I
Is a Superior Article for Children!
Sold by all druggists and dentists.
A. M. WILSON, DrHggist. Proprietor,
3 3 10m Cor. NINTH AND FILBERT Sta., Phllads,
t- TIIE UNION FIRE EXTINGUISHER
COMPANY OF PHILADELPHIA
Manufacture and sell the Improved, Portable Fire
ExtlBgulbher. Always Reliable.
D. T. GAGE,
B 80 tf No. 118 MARKET St, General Agent.
WARDALE G. M 0 A L LISTER,
Attorney and Counsellor at Law,
No. 8t BROADWAY,
New York.
fS- HEADQUARTERS FOR EXTRACTING
Teetb with fresh Nitroas-Oxlda Gu Absolutely
bo pain. Dr. K. B. THOMAS, formerly operator at the
Oolton Dental Rooms, derate hie entire praotioe to the
Sain lea extraction oi teeth. Offioe, No. U WALNUT
treat. IM
HOL.ITIOAL..
tX$- FOR SHERIFF,
WILLIAM K. LEEDS,
TENTH WARD.
7 11 tf
Q FOR REGISTER OF WILLS,
1810,
WILLIAM M. BUNK,
SIXTEENTH WARD.
Late Private Company F,
Tlltf
WHISKY, WINE, ETQ.
QAR8TAIR8 A McCALL,
No. 126 Walnut and 21 Granite Sti
IMPORTERS Of
Brandies, Wines, Gin, Olive Oil, Eta,
WHOLESALE DKALKBS IS
PURE RYE WHISKIES.
IH BOHD AMD TAX PAHJ. t8let
f-URNITURE, ETQ.
HOVER'S
PATENT SOFA BED.
All old and young bachelors, as well as ladles who
keep old mail's hall, are now buying HOVER'S
CELSBRATE9 PATENT SOFA BSD. This U the
only Eoa Bed that can be taken apart to cleanse It
the same as a bedstead. All others are unsafe and
liable to get out of repair. To be ha4 only of the
manufacturer and owner,
II. I 1IOY12H,
i
No. 230 SOUTH SECOND STREET.
BMturem PHILADELPHIA.
COTTON SAIL DUCK AND CANVAS, OF ALL
Dumber and brands. Tent, Awning, Trunk,
and Wagon-cover Duck- Also, Paper Manurae
tuieia' Drier Felta, from thirty to eeventy-eU
im hes, with Paulina, Belting, 811 Twlne etc.
Ho. 10 CLIURCU ptreet (CUj BiorcsW