THE DAILY EVENING TELEGRAPH PHILADELPHIA, FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 9, 1870.
orin.iT or txxb rnxsss.
Editorial Opinions of the Leading Journals
upon Current Topics Compiled Every
Day for the Evening Telegraph.
THE EMTOFSS EUGENIE -TUB EMPIRE
AND THE REPUBLIC.
From the y. 1. Il-rahl
The Empress Eugenie, but yeBterday tho
most brilliant, the mont powerful, the most
envied end apparently tho happiest woman
in all Christendom "the glass of fashion and
the mould of form" the Km press of modern
society and the chosen goddess of the gay
world in both hemispheres, is to-day crown
less and houseless a fugitive and an exile in
a foreign land. Her departure from tho
Tuilories and from France was a flight as
from the wild popular vengeance ef another
Reign of Terror, and doubtless in crossing
the Belgian frontier she thought less of her
imperial splendors swept away than of her
personal sufety secured. She was in no dan
ger; she might have retired with deliberation
and dignity; but in the midst of that fearful
commotion in Paris how was she to know it?
Twenty-two years before King Louis Philippe
fled as precipitately in his pea jacket from
the ominous tumult of a French revolution,
because he knew not that the horrible fero
cities of the first French revolutionary con
vulsion had passed away that the masses of
the French people, through that hideous car
nival of crime, had risen from the revenges
. of barbarism to the responsibilities of civili
zation. Yet it is hard to believe that Eugenie was
not in some degree prepared for this sudden
collapse of the Napoleonic empire and dy
nasty. She has been too active and too am
bitious as a politician in the affairs of the
empire, and too familiar with the reasons of
- Napoleon for every scheme of his, in his intor
nal policy and in diplomacy or war, not to
know the dangers that encompassed him.
Yet ehe was, doubtless, deceived by the delu
sions of the plebiscite, and satisfied that, from
the glory of this war with Prussia, the em-
ftire would be secured for her son, as its abso
ute despotism had been secured for her hus
band, by the will of tho French people. How
could she believe that the French people, in
ratifying the empire over and over again, had
spoken under the pressure', of an imperial
army, and that with this army removed they
would speak for themselves without the warn
ing of a single day?
It Is all over now, and, in the light of the
restored repnblio, it is only a matter of
amazement that the shadowy empire of Louis
Napoleon survived so long. For eighteen
years, with the skill of a conjurer in his do
mestic and foreign policy, he had managed to
, divert the public mind of France from the
outrages of his usurpation to the glories and
prosperity of his government at home and
abroad. But all this time, as we can now
see, the French people have only submitted to
the empire as a choice of evils, and that they
have been impatiently awaiting their oppor
tunity to replace the republic which he (Na
poleon) betrayed and set aside, bat which he
had failed to extinguish.
It may be that in the glitter and splendors
of her imperial court, and with emperors,
kings, and queens dancing attendance upon
her, Eugenie really believed the republic
dead, the Bourbons a mere tradition, and the
- empire needing only the glory of the rectifi
cation of the Rhine frontier to make its
transmission to her son a scene of popular
acclamation. But "how are the mighty
fallen and the weapons of war perished!"
We can hardly realize the stupendous events
of the last six weeks, or tnat, among them,
the Emperor Napoleon is a prisoner, his
Prince Imperial a wandering exile and his
Empress a fugitive from a back door of the
Tuileries, with only a single attendant, and
anxious only to escape with her life from the
surging revolution around Her. We can
hardry believe that this trembling fugitive
is that magnificent Empress who but
the other day was welcomed at Constan
tinople by the Sultan with a reoeption
excelling in its Oriental splendors the royal
Asiatic welcome of King Solomon to tho
Queen of Sheba. Can it be true that this
weeping exile on the Belgian frontier, plead
ing for information or Her unnappy Husband
and her poor sick boy, is the same person as
that glorious impress wno, in the grand
Eastern spectacle of the opening of the Suez
Canal, eclipsed in her radiant beauty the
charms of the gorgeous Cleopatra in all her
glory? Yes; the glorious Empress who&e
presence in her imperial travels inspired the
admiration and wonder of Europe, Asia, and
Africa, and the melancholy wanderer in search
of the sick boy and bis father, are one and
the 6ame person. It is only a change in the
character she is called to play; and such are
the ups and downs of crowns and dynasties;
and so it has been from the beginning and
will be to trie end.
But the ferocious barbarism which paraded
the beautiful Queen Zenobia in ohains
through the streets of Rome, w hich brought
the head of the beauteous Queen of Soots to
the block, and the fair, accomplished and
courageous Marie Antoinette to the guillo
tine, we may nope nas ceased to be, or will
no more be permitted in popular or royal
revenges upon defeated kings and queens,
The exiled Empress Eugenie and her husband
and son have still before them a fair prospeot
of the quiet, philosophical retirement of Louis
Philippe and bis sensible family. Or Eugenie
may perchance now find some melancholy
consolation in sympathetic communion with
Queen Isabella, or in telling the story of her
Borrows to tne still more unfortunate Em
press, "poor Carlotta." Nay, the Queen of
England, untroubled by the fears of revolu
tion, is unhappier, perhaps, even to-day over
the untimely loss of her husband than is the
gay, brilliant, and ambitious Eugenie over
the loss of the French empire. The imperial
family, no doubt, as soon as permitted to
make their own arrangements, will settle in
England; for where on the Continent, save
in Switzerland, can they hope now to rest in
peace? They, too, have proved the uncer
tainty of the highest earthly glories. "Va
nity of vanities, saith the preacher, all is
vanity.
SOME CAUSES OF FRENCH DISASTER.
From the If. T. TimM.
The enormous sums of money which' had
been expended by the French for the purpose
of placing their army on a war footing, de
ceived very many, and the Emperor among
the ret, into tne beiiei tnat t ranee was ready
to core wltn any military power whatever.
and hence he was prompt in seizing an op-
lort unity for declaring war wito Prussia,
The result, however, has shown that the
French were actually unprepared, either for
an offensive or a defensive war, while the
plan of the Prussian campaign was such as
not only to take advantage of this want of
preparation, but also to Rain the benefit
which could be obtained from the weaknesses
of the French military system without afford.
Ing an opportunity for the display of any of
it well known good points.
One of the principal causes of the unvary
ing bucc8hps of the Prussians has doubtless
been their superior numbers. Wherever the
Prussian and French fsroes have met for
battle, the strength of tho former hw been
greatly superior to that of the latter, and tne
victory has as usual remained with the
strongest battalions. As a result of this
overw helming proportion of men tneirus-
sians have been able to follow up their vic
tories with vigor and premptitude. Had the
movements of the invaders been less rapid,
the French might have been able to bring
new levies enough into the field to remedy
their disparity in numbers; but on Moltke
was too sagacious a strategist not to appre
ciate the advantages of rapid action, and
ever since the first victory at Weissenbnrg
the Prussians have been incessantly pushing
the French. At the commencement of hos
tilities it was unoertain where the Prussians
would first strike, and the French army was
therefore distributed ail along tne frontier.
When, ; finally, MacMahon and Dazaine had
each concentrated his army, the Prussians
thrust a sufficient foroe between them to
prevent them from forming a junction, thus
effectually checkmating any attempt at co
operation. All the advantages which accrue to an army
wagiDgnn offensive wnr have been enjoyed by
the Prussians, and all the disadvantages of
continually acting on the defensive hare
fallen to the French. The Prussians have
carrried on the war upon a foreign soil, and
thereby saved their own country from the
devastation which has been spread over the
fair fields of France, end in addition, their
victories have elevated the morale of their
army, and have correspondingly depressed.
J1..1 - r it. TT1 . 1. 11-1 ! il . , .
that of the French.
hile the attacking
force has always
towards the point
been able to move
at which it has been
aiming, its antagonist has been confined to
efforts to repel continual assaults. The
French are not so well able to act long on
the defensive as their adversaries, for in their
military system they place far greater stress
upon the fortitude and clan of the individual
soldier than upon tne steadiness of the com
pany and regiment. The French chasseur or
zouave will exhibit a dash and spirit in at
tacking which are not surpassed by any sol
diery, but it requires other qualities than
theso to enable an army always to pre
sent an unbroken front to a conauerinc?
and advancing foe. The French pride them
selves on their freedom from tho stiffness
and precision which characterize the Ger-
man soldiers, but it is these very character
istics which have given to the latter their
great effective streugth While the .French
foot soldiers are chiefly organized to act as
light infantry, the Prussians still adhere to
the cumbrous three-rank formation, although
in battle the third rank act as tirailleurs, or
skirmishers, thus giving greater mobility to
the rest of the command. If the present war
is a test oi tne merits ol tne respective svs.
terns, tne old has more than held its ground
against the new. The modern tendency in
tactics is doubtless toward less stiffness and
precision in drill, but the French seem to
have gone so far in this direction that steadi
ness bas been sacrificed to dash and elan.
In all that pertains to logistics or the mov
ing and supplying of troops, the French
were greatly inferior to the Prussians. The
meat sausage with which the latter wore sun.
plied formed a good substitute for fresh beef
when tbe latter could not be obtained, and
was of great service during tne rapid marches
upon which the Prussian strategists so much
rely. In the matter of bread, too, the Prus
sians have made a valuable improvement.
Iheir army on the march is cow supplied
witn a Kind oi war bread, somewhat similar
to the 'hard-tack which the soldiers
talked about so much in our war, and which
was really a very good substitute for fresh
bread.
The Prussian staff officers, moreover, were
thoroughly informed as to the resources of
every town, village, and hamlet in France.
They know just how many men could be
quartered in eacn town; now large a requisi
tion ot provisions and forage each section
could furnish, and they were prepared to be
indifferent to any plea of inability to furnish
w hat was demanded.
These are but a few points in which the
Prussian military organization has shown its
superiority, and whioh has been rendered all
the more prominent by the rapidity with
which action nas succeeded action.
CAPITAL, LABOR, AND TARIFF.
From the N. T. WorUL
If it were true that capital is hostile to
labor, the best and most conclusive evidence
of that hostility would be that while labor is
suffering capital should be prosperous. But
what are the facts? Labor is suffering, that
no one denies, ine worEingmen of the
United States Lave never before been as
badly off as they are now. For their nomi
nally higher wages procure for them less
comforts and necessaries, and those of poorer
1 i 1 . i 1 11 t -
quality, man uieir uommuiiv lower wages ot
ten years ago. How is it with capital? The
wazes of capital are tho interest it bears.
Capital is well oil when the rates of interest
are high; it suffers when the rates of interest
are low. And never sinco the foundation of
the repnblio has interest been as low as it
is now, and bas been for the last two vears
Leaving out of sight the occasional
"pinches in the money market, brought
about by gambling combinations, and by
whicn legitimate capital never benefits, the
rateB of interest have been for several years
past unprecedentetuy low so low, indeed,
that capital nas frequently lain idle, and per
sons depending for their income solelv noon
interest on their capital have actually suf
fered. Does this iook as though capital bene
fitted by the sufferings of labor ? Does this
look as though they were hostile to one
another ? They are, instead, joint sufferers
by the same evil. The radical monopolists
rule is ruinous alike to capital and labor. No
wonder their organs cease to foster the foolish
belief that capital is hostile to labor. No
wonder they seek to divide their victims to
fan their quarrels, and thus prevent them
from uniting against their common oppressor,
i When Congr ess tells the "iron ring" that
for every ton of iron that they make they
may charge oost, interest, a reasonable profit.
and sine dollars gold extra on each ton, they
give the iron ring a present of eighteen mil
lions of dollars gold annually. Where does
it come from? The entire product of the
whole country is annually divided or should
be between capital and labor. Capital gets
its interest, and labor whether the labor of
the manager, the foreman, or the poorest
workman, labor gets its wages. Out of these
two, interest and wages, tbe eighteen million
dollars gold of tbe iron ring nas to be paid,
There is nothing else to pay it out of. No
sophistry of the protectionists can alter the
fact, that every dollar legislated into the
pockets oi the iron ring has to be paid by
capital and labor jointly, has to be deducted
out of interest and wages. Laboring men
readily understand how they are made to pay
tleir share in the increaed cont of every
ll iDf' tl.ey buy. Bnt capitalists not much
wiser than the labor they affect to despise I
seem unable to comprehend cow they are
made to suffer. We propose to show them.
Prior to the tariff of 1861 and its success
ors, miuuns or aores of nrst-rate iron and
coal lands could be bought in Pennsylvania
and elsewhere for $100 an acre. When Con
gress decreed that the whole community
should be compelled to present the iron
manufacturers with nine dollars for each ton
of iron that they manufactured, the business
of manufacturing iron became very profit
able. Where $100,000 invested in a thou
sand acres of iron lands netted its owner
formerly 7 per cent., it now netted him 70.
In other words, his tnonsand acres of Iron
lands from $100 an acre soon became
worth $1000 an acre, which is just
about the proportion in which iron
nad coal lands have advanced in value
since 1800. The census of 18.ri0 gives the
capital employed in the manufacture of pig-
iron as $l7,.i.u,uMi, uut does not state what
proportion of this capital represented the
value of the iron lancis. laKing it at a lov
estimate, we will say it was $7,oor,00. In
1850, ri;o,000 tons of pig-iron were produced;
in l,.10,OOO touB, or three and a half
times as many, (supposing that the number
of acres of iron lands employed were in
creased in the same proportion, they would,
at the valuation of luf.O, which had not ma
terially chaDged by 1KG0, have been worth
just about twenty-five millions of dolUrs.
The $! gold, a ton, presented to the manufac
turers by Congress out of the pookets of the
feople, advanced too market value of these
ands tenfold, from 25 to L'.'O millions of dol
lars, and presented the Pennsylvania iroa
land-owners with the fritting smm of 22- mil
lions of dollars, in capital, in addition to the
18 millions gold of annual income. Let no
one say the lands are worth more because
they produce more! We know what they
produce. In 1K00, 2. millions of capital in
vested in iron lands produced 1)00,000 tons of
pig-iron. In ltfo't, !.,() millions of capital
invested in iron lauds produced 1,900,000
tons of pig-iron, nationally, the value of
the lands might have increased two or three
fold. But by Congressional legislation they
have increased ten-fold, so that at least seven
tenths of the increased value is an absolutely
noiKinal value, a creation of Congress, a de
lusion, a fraud upon the people. Bat while
this infamous tariff lasts, these 200 mil
lions of capital are a reality. They have
to earn interest. They do not aid one dollar
to the total annual product of the country, to
be nghttully divided between cupital aad
labor in interest and wares, but they demand
and receive their share of the interest never
theless. The total amount to be divided as
interest remains the same. But this nomi
nal, Congress-created capital steps in and
demands its share. Does real capital un
derstand now why it earns so little interest ?
The figures given may not be correct. We
think them very much underestimated. But
the actual advance in value is approxima
tively correct, and shows what a fearful rob
bery is perpetrated upon labor and capital
alike, on pretense of protecting domestio in
dustry. We have given an imperfect estimate
of the single item of pig-iron. Add to that
tbe fictitious capital value given to similar
amounts of coal lands, to existing iron fur
naces and rolling-mills, to railroads running
between tbe two, to Bessemer patents and
other schemes, and no arithmetician is
needed to show that the amounts thus given
away by Congress to the iron ring alone, and
on wbich tbe entire people are compelled to
pay interest, foots up thousands of mi lions
of dollars, without adiling one single dollar
to the value of the product of the country.
On the single item of iron and coal alone
Congress takes out of the pockets of the
people ot least fifty millions of dol
lars annually to give to the iron
and coal masters, and adds a thousand mil
lions of dollars to their notitious cupital,
which takes away from real capital a corres-
bonding amount of the interest to which the
atter alone is rightfully entitled. It is only
by putting these facts into figures that they
can be rightly appreciated; it is only by see
ing the figures that we can begin to under
stand the frightful enormity of the fraud
which a radical Congress seeks to perpetuate,
By the light of these figures we need no longer
wonder at the plethora of Republican treasu
ries, at tbe power which, in spite of popular
indignation, can still send the crew of
Schencks and Morrills and Kelleys and Ameses
to misrepresent tbe country in Congress; no
longer wonder at the seeming blindness with
which Republican leaders so pertinaciously
cling to the exploded dootrine of protection
Now, let there be a truce to the pretended
hostility between capital and labor. Bather
let them unite against their joint enemy,
for it will need their united efforts to defeat
Lim.
PEACE THE LAST RESORT OF FRANCE,
From the Ar. F. Tribune.
All the declarations of the French Ministers
are of war. All the acts of the French people
are or peace, raris rejoiced over Sedan as
over a great victory tbe triumph of repnb
ncanism over imperialism tbe nation over
the despot. All parties, in capital and coun
try, fraternized over the news of a crushing
defeat, and reproaches were uttered only for
the dead contemptible thing that was the em
pire. Its old officials gave place with
alacrity, if cot with positive pleasure, to the
new ones who represented tho rejuvenated
republic The new found no time from their
present duties in restoring the cation in
which to persecute the old officials for their
past offenses in destroying it. Palikao sur
rendered the war jviinistry of tbe empire
only to assume the command of a corps of
the army of the republic The Governor of
Paris under tho empire at once became the
virtual dictator of France under the republic
The National Guard fixed laurel sprigs, cot
bayonets, on their guns. The officers of the
uarde Jklobile ceased enrolling their recruits.
to resign their commissions; and the soldiers
of the reserves there are no longer
any actives mutinied and threw away their
weapons. Everywhere in France there was a
peaceful revolution, and with the republic
there was born the first hope of a peaoe with
the invaders.
It is only tne ministers who seem insane
enough to contemplate a renewal of the con
flict. The most remarkable declaration of
this purpose to resist the Prussian advanoe M
tbe circular of Jules Favre. It is the mani
festo of a Ministry which does not know the
state of the public pulse, and does cot feel
secure of its own position or certain of its
own policy. We do cot, for this reason,
attach the fullest importance to it. We be
lieve it to be the declaration of a temporizing,
cot a positive policy. It can never be a
policy so fixed that circumstance shall not
soon brush it away. No one knows half so
well as the author the vanity of the threats
he employs, the fallacy of the hopes he in
spires, the impracticability of the terms he
requires. The circular demands tnat the con
qnering army which holds France bound as a
captive shall turn back, abaudomng all it has
earned, on the Riiuriio assurance, by an un
ehtablihhed administration, that the policy of
the new government is peaoe. TheE npire
nude the phrase a oatire. It is forgotten by
the new Ministers that the first aot of the
hrpublio on taking upon itself the power of
the Empire wan to assume also its bad quarrel.
Tbe defeat of the Empire was no more the
dishonor of France than America. Germany
baa really been the ally of the Repnblio the
ally that restored it by the destruction of the
Empire and the rejoicings at Paris should
have been thus interpreted at home as they
have been abroad. Bismarck was eager for
peace after Sedfin, but, like a wise Minister
as be is, he refined to treat with the Em
pire, because it was powerless to make
and guarantee a treaty. Had the new
minbters met the Germans at once
with declarations of the repudiation of the
emp re and of its unjust quarrel, a truce and
eaoe would have immediately followed. Will
he King of Prussia, M. Favre asks, face the
respoi sibility before the world and before
Listory of continuing the war, now that the
empire is dead ? Certainly he will, and if the
present Ministry does cot meet him with
ronp repudiation of past responsibility,
and asi-uranoes of future paciGo intentions,
he will crush the repnblio at Paris as he
crumbled tbe empire at Sedan. Dare? This
united Germany dares do any act it wills;
and it is the surest protection and the gre it
ct safety of France that this enlightened
nation dares do only that which its free
people feel to be just and honorable. Frauce
was owerless to prevent Napoleon and Ol i
vitr from robbiug, or attempting to rob,
Germany; but Germany is strong enough to
prtveut King William and Bismarck from
octroying France, as they easily might if not
restrained by German sentiment and their own
reason and bumntty.
The French people have seen all this before
their ministers have recognized it. They
have repudiated instinctively the responsi
bility for the war. They have seen, intui
tively, as it were, the utter hopelessness of
the struggle, and have abandoned it. If this
ministr) and this government does not secure
a peace and that soon, too it will be blotted
out by the indignant people as unworthy of
its high trust.
THE CONDITIONS OF TEACE.
From (he London Spectator.
Supposing the Germans to dictate peace,
either at Chalons or before Paris, what will
be its terms? It may be said that discussion
is premature, but it Is the universal topio,
and the first business of journalists is to give
their readers data for an opinion. In this
case, when so much depends upon an
individual will, and so much more on the atti
tude of Cabinets hitherto quiescent, a com
plete summary is impossible; but there are,
nevertheless, some considerations which it
may be worth while to state. Three plans,
which are also policies, are believed to be
floating about th Chancelleries, not as plans
under consideration, but as embodying in a
more or less brutal way the possibilities of
tho situation. The first, and, as we fear, the
most probable basis of peace, is the one
which was popular in Uermany before the
retreat of the French army. Tbe Germans
then, as cow, expected victory, but only after
a long and chequered campaign; and their
decision, freely announced in conversation,
and carefully suggested, though not
defined, in the official papers, was
to demand tbe banishment of tbe
Bonapartes now styled by thai name in all
semi-official papers the payment of the ex
penses of the war, and the cession of Alsaoe,
so as to restore the ancient mountain frontier
of tbe Vosges bet ween Germany and Frauce.
TLis basis, which is in one way moderate,
and btrictly accords with precedent, is open
to the immense objection that while it would
crt ate a terrible and permanent feud between
I ranee and Uermany, and would violate the
modern principle that populations are not to
be transferred to foreign rulors without their
consent, it would not greatly weaken France.
Tbe first object of any government that may
succeed tbe Empire would fee to recover
French territory, and if at all able or patient,
it would either so re-organize France or so
bind together the three Latin
races, that sooner or later it would
recover it. Moreover, all evidence seems to
show that although Alsace speaks a patois
which is nearer German than French, the
people, who have been French for two hun
dred years, and who therefore felt the fusing
beat of the Revolution, are still French to
the bone, and would be a source rather of
weakness than of strength to a German em
pire. At tbe same time, the loss of actual
strength to France would be almost imper
ceptible, France losing fewer people, than
she acquired by the cession of Savoy and
Nice, and obtaining a better frontier. The
first grand principle of modern diplomacy,
therefore, the integrity of the self-dependent
States, would be violated, only to deepen the
roots of enmity between the two greatest
States of Europe, and mating t. Petersburg,
when once armed, arbitress between them.
That is not a good result, either for Germany
or for tbe world.
Seeing this, and seeing also that their vic
tory, if obtained at all, will be of the com
pletest kind, many Uermans begin to argue
that it would be better to remodel tbe map
altogether, and, as they must incur French
hatred, to reduce the effective power of
France till that hatred becomes on ordinary
political calculation innoouous. lo effect
this end, these reasoners propose a second
plan, known apparently in Germany as the
"Burgundion" one, under whioh Belgium
would be aggrandized by a great slice of
Northern Fiance; Switzerland by Savoy
which is by nature part of the Alpine Repub
lic; Italy by the restoration of Nice and Cor
sica; and Uermany by the cession of Alsace
and Lorraine. France would then be re
duced to a second-rate power, incapable of
maintaining a great war alone, and Uer
mary would be surrounded by allies
dependent on her guarantee for the safety of
their territories; while the danger of firm alli
ance between Paris and St. Petersburg would
be immensely reduced, probably removed, for
Austria, which Germany can, if she likes,
always conciliate, and, indeed, as we believe,
has conciliated, would alone then be a match
for France. This arrangement, if successfully
carried out, would undoubtedly make the
Hobenzollerns arbiters of Europe, and there
are ugly symptoms abroad that some plan of
the kind has passed through Count Bis
marck's mind. We do not like those bints
in his papers that it will be necessary after
the war to reward the fidelity of his allies to
give, that is, territorial rewards to Bavaria
and Baden. That points to a policy which U
one adopted, may, for the sake of safety, be
made ruthless. Fortunately for Europe,
which dreads the rise of an almost
universal monarohy, there is reason
still in German councils, there is a fear of
tempting fate too far, and there are enormous
political obstacles in the road. All utterances
attributed to the King show a spirit of mode
ration; he is known to detect war on its own
account, and to him, as to bis people, the
campaign bas reveuled one immense and
hardly -foreseen truth. Germany, under its
present organization, is as strong for oil'eu-
five war m France, has no reason f weerk-
nefts to dread invasion, can inflict for inva
sion a terrible retribution. This revelation
will of itself inspire moderate counsels;
while, on the other hand, Germany, if she
tmsht-d her advantages too far, might be met
y a coalition. France would fight to the last
against auoh a peace, and difficult as it is
under the conditions of modern life to main
tain a popular war, the pooplo of France,
with England to draw upon for aid, and half
Enrcpe sympathizing, would be a most ter
rible foe. Germany is a nation in the field,
a tid ioi a cot want long wars, or wars with
powers from whom she has received neither
itijnry cor insult, who, indeed, are cot indis
posed to regard her rise as a new and power
ful security for the repose of mankind. There
would always, too, be the risk of the propa
gandist force which Franco, as a free Repub
lic, is certain to exercise, and of that alliance
of Latin races under republican institutions
wLich Geimany, if she is carried too far by
the exnltai ion of triumph, is certain to pre
cipitate. France, moderately treated, maybe
Orlsanint; ruthlessly treated, she must be re
publican; and France republican must be, in
Southern Europe, as a fuss burning down
in an open powder barrel.
There is therefore a chance, and, as we
deem, more than a chance, that the Emperor
of Germany, if completely and rapidly vic
torious for a long struggle would embitter
all sides may set a magnificent example of
magnanimity; may by an effort of tran
scendent self-control declare, as he has de
clared, that his enemy is not France, but only
tbe Empire; may decline to dismember
France, and may content himself with the
full and formal recognition that Germany is
one, with tbe glory of a victory beyond all
precedent, with a fame which fills the world,
and tbe payment of the expenses of the
war. The latter, though not a generous
demand, is not an unfair one,
there being no reason whatever why a Rhenish
peasant should be taxed because Napoleon
for bis own purposes chose to endoavor to
turn him without his own consent into a citi
zen of France, and no reasonable estimate of
tbose expenses could injure France so much
as tbe expenses which will be involved in a
continuance of the war. A treaty of this kind
would not rankle more than the treaty of
1815, while it would leave Germany in a mag
nificent position, mistress of her own desti
nies, conspicuously unaggressive, but so
powerful that in all regions where
she has pressing interests, as in the
valley of the Danube, her voioe would be
almost final; and with full possibility
of an alliance with England which, if it could
be carried out honestly and thoroughly,
would for half a century guarantee the peace
of the world. It is certain that the neutral
powers will press towards this arrangement,
and it should not be forgotten that they have
in their hands at least one consideration to
offer namely, Luxemburg, which was Ger
man up to 18((, tbe lung-Duke sitting in the
Diet by his representative which is of the
highest value to Germany, and which would
still retain its autonomy, entering the fede
ration under a new duke, say, Prince Frede
rick Charles. The inhabitants, it is true,
wish for neutrality; but that is only to avoid
military service, from which they have no
right to be exempt at the expenso of other
powers, and which the Belgians do not at
tempt to shirk. Luxemburg is not guaran
teed for itself, but for the general good of
Europe, and as the King-Duke is willing to
give up bis rights, such as they are, the gua
rantors may, for the gonerol good of Europe,
withdraw from their position, and
replace Luxemburg in ber recent
place as one of the States of Germany.
There is one point in all the disoussiou ou
the terms of peace whioh, we confess, greatly
perplexes us. It is repeated on all hands,
in Germany, in Paris, and in England, that
King William insists upon seounng some
guarantee other than his victories against a
renewal of the recent attack. This guarantee,
it is clear from all published statements, is
cot to be territory, which, unless taken on
an enormous scale, would be no guarantee at
all, but a change of some kind in the inter
nal organization of France; and it is difficult
to tee what that change is to be. Ia France
to pledge herself, as Prussia once did, to
keep her army below a certain fixed point ?
Tbe result oi that would inevitably be t
repetition of Hardenberg's plan, an army ap
parently below the strength fixed, but
incessantly changed until even7
man in the country bas passed
through tbe military mill, and .trance would
be better armed than she is now. Or is
France to abolish tbe conscription? That,
no doubt, would bo a subtle, and, it might
be, a terrible blow at her power, for it would
delight the peasantry, and if they were ex
empted for five years, it may be doubted if
any Government would be able, in the teeth
alike of the German armies and its own sub
jects, to reimpose so terrible a burden. The
result would be to compel Frauce to adopt
the Swiss system of defense; but there is
still a question whether that system, ably
managed by a Ministry at tne head of a will
ine people, and wielding the resources of t
country like Franco, miht not be made at
any moment a terrible weapon of otlense.
The Germans may have some third plan
of which we have no conception, but
any interference with internal laws
tends to make war inevitable, and Germany
needs no guarantee beyond ber own strength,
now consolidated, manifested past all doubt,
and increasing with every decade. We are
not blind to the grand danger which her
statesmen see ahead. that whenever en
gaged in the war with Russia, which, sooner
or luier, in lucYuauiu, i rui w, iu ididuo i
1870, may, in American phrase, "jump upon
her back;" but that danger will be increased,
not diminished, by a clause in the treaty,
wbich every Frenchman would feel, and
rightly feel, to be an affront to her indepen
dence. SPECIAL NOTICES.
nils- Tn PENNSYLVANIA FIEB IN8CK-
ANCE OCMl'ANY.
At tbe Annual Meeting of the Stockholders of this
Company, held on Monday, hepteinoer 6, is;t), the
following gentieuien were duly eieoiea Directors for
the ensuing year, tlz. :
DANIEL SMITH, Ja., i HENRY LEWIS,
ISAAC HAZLEilCKST.'J. ! LLlNtiHAM FELL,
THOMAS ROBINS, I DANIEL H AD JOCK, J K.,
JOHN DEVEKKUX, FRANKLIN A. COAILY.
1HOUASSM11H, 1
And at a meeting nf Directors on the same
day, DANIEL SMITH, Jk., Esq., was unanimously
re-elected President.
9 1H WILLI A V G. CKOWELU Secretary.
tiiv NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN TH4.T AN
cv application will be uide at tbe aoxt meeting of
the General Assembly of tne Gominouweiliu of
penn)lan.a for the incorporation of a Dank, In ao
uordaace with the laws of the Commonwealth, to be
entttledTHB BKIDESHURi DANK, to be located
at Philadelphia, with a capital of one hundred thou
sand dollars, with the right to Increase the kuue to
6e hundred thousand dollars
Sy BATCH ELOR'S HAIR DYE. THIS SPLEN.
did Hair Dve is the bent In the world, tbe only
true and perfect Dye. Harmless Reliable Lnsiau
Uboous no disdjipolntuiont no ridiculous uata-
"Ims lift (biUu'ti LfaduMfanti 'ilalio J'oimii ro i.
jure tli Uair vr frist'm." Invigorates the Hair and
leaves It sort and beautiful ; Black or Brown.
hold by all lirutrifintts hui dealers. Applied at the
1 aclvry, No. it! BuNUh'ivei, New York. 1 1 imvfj
BPEOIAL. NOTICES.
gy- THE TRNNSTLVANIA
niNi'i' nnuiiK-v
FIRE IltSU-
KKrTRBH B. 1ST0.
Thf tttrectora linv this flay declared ilrilea4
Of SEVEN DOLLARS AND FIFTY CENT per
share on the atot-k or the Company for the laat six
niontbn, which will be paid to the stockholders or
th rlr lesai representatives, after the icth tnat.
6Pt WM. it. CKOWELL, Secretary.
tfS NOTICE 19 IIEREBT UIVKN TUAf AN
application will be male at tho next mtmf
of the -( neral Assembly ot the Commonwealth ot
PennnTlvauia for the Incorporation of a Hank, la uo
cordHnee with th lawn of the Commonwealth, to be
entliifflTHK Bt'LL'S HEr BANK, to he located
at 1'hlladelpbla, with a capital of one hundred, thou
aaiid dollars, with the rljrht to Increase the tame to
five bnndred thunand dollars.
NOTICE IS HEREByT OIVEN THAT AP.
plication will be made to the Treasurer of the
City of Philadelphia for the tsane of a new certifi
cate of City Loan In the place of one which has
been lost or mislaid, viz., No. 1S,1S9 Bounty Loan,
No. 8) for Five nundrcd Dollars, In the name of
Buaanna Orr, Executrix. JAM ES W. FAUL,
6 84 6w Attorney of Pnganna Orr.
gy NOTI:K IH IIEREBT OIVEN THAT AN
application wtll be made at the next meetlnr
of the Wetieral Aaxeriibl.T of the Commonwealth of
1'eniiR.vlvania for the incorporation or a Hank, lo ac
cordance with the laws of the Commonwealth, t
tie entitled TI1K AMERICAN EXCHANGE ll.VNK,
to be located at Philadelphia, with a capital of two
hundred and fifty thousand dollars, with the right
to lncreaaet ne same to one minion noiiara.
WW WUTICIS i iui.hb.ui uiiica 111 AT AW
application will be made at the next rueetUifr
of the General Assembly ot the Commonwealth of
l'eniioyivania ior tne incorporation or a limit, in
accordance with the laws of the Commnnwea'th, to
be entitled THE NATIONAL BANK, to be located
at l'hiladeipnia, with a capital or one hundred thou
sand dollars, with the right to increase the same to
one million dollars.
TREGO'S TEABEliRT TOOTHWASIL
It Is the most pleasant, cheapest and best dentifrice
extant, warranted five from injurious tngreiUeata,
it Freacrvea and Wiutens the Teeth t
Invigorates and Sooiuca uie Uuma 1
lurllles and Pi rfumes the Hreath!
Prevents Accumulation ef Tartar J
Clean bob and Purities Artlnv.tol Teeth I
Is a Superior Article for Children I
Sold by all dnigRlsta and dentists.
A. M. WILSON, DniMlst, Proprietor.
S S lOra Cor. NINTH AND F1LBEKT Stt., Phtlada,
y- NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN THAT AN
application will be made at the next meeting
of the General Assembly of the Commonwealth of
Pennsylvania for the incorporation of a uank, in
accordance with the lnws of tho Commonwealth, to
be entitled TUB SCHUYLKILL KlVKlt BANK, to
te located at Philadelphia, with a capital of one hun
dred thousand dol'ars, with the ritrht to Increase
the same to live hundred thousand dollars.
Tuft UNIVERSITY Ob' PENNSYLVANIA. TIIK
College Year will open on THURSDAY, Sep
tember 15. Candidates for admission will present
themselves at 10 o'clock on that day.
rUAISClS A. JAUhWK,
9 B int Secretary.
gy TUE UNION FIRE EXTINGUISHER
COMPANY OF PHILADELPHIA,
Manufacture and sell the Improved, Portable Fire
Extinguisher. Always Reliable,
D. T. GAGS,
6 SO tf No, 118 MARKET Bt, GeneralAenU
fcyQUEEN FIRE INSURANCE COMPANY',
LONDON AND LIVERPOOL.
CAPITAL. X2,000,l0n.
SABINE, ALLEN fc DULLES. A (rents,
85 FIFTH and WALNUT Streets.
fiy HEATQUARTERS FORJEXTRAUTLNO
Teeth with freeh Nltroo -Oxide Gas. Abeotatoty
no pain. Dr. . R. THOMAS, formerl operator at tte
Oolton Deetal Rooms, derotee his entire prulioe to the
Bainleae extraction of teeth. Office, No. ttll WALNUT
treot. t Mt
stir
JAMES M.
LAWYER.
8 C O V E L,
No. 113 PLUM STREET, CAMDEN, N. J.
Collections made anywhere Inside of New Jer
scy. s 1 Sot
War
V A K D A L E G. McALLIBTEK,
Attorney and Counsellor at Law,
No. 503 BROADWAY,
New York.
HOLITIOAL..
Uaj- FOR SHERIFF,
WILLIAM li. LEEDS,
TENTH WARD.
T U tf
gj- FOR REGISTER OF WILLS,
1310,
WILLIAM M. BUSS,
SIXTEENTH WARD.
Late Private Company F, T8d P. V.
fTll
SUMMER RESORTS.
noncREss hall
CAPE MAY. N. J.,
Open June 1. Closes October 1
Mark and Simon Hassler'a Orchestra, and tul
Military Band, of 120 pieces.
TERMS 13-80 per day June and September.
per day July and August.
The new wing la now completed.
Applications for Rooms, address
415 J2t J. F. CAKK, Propriotor
rpiIE "CIIALFONTE,' ATLANTIC CITY, N
-A J., Is bow open. Kailroaa from tne nonie to tn
bearb. KL13UA BOHKKTri.
i 11 3m Proprietor.
FIRE AND BURGLAR PROOF 8AF
J. WATSON & SOW,
Of the Ut firm of EVANS WATSON.
FIKB AND BUKGLAK-PROOF
B A F STORES
No. 63 SOUTn FOURTH STREET,
8U
A few doom boe Chesnnt at. Pbilada,
WHISKY, WINE, ETCU
QAR8TAIR8
& McCALL
No. 126 Walnut and 21 Granite Str
IMPORTERS OF
Brandiei. WLnet, Gin, Olive OIL Etc!
WUOLXSALX PKALKR3 V
PURE RYE WHISKIES
IN BOSD A-KD TAX PAH). Ktpi
ILT.IAX ANDERSON fc CO., DEALERS 1
r ice weaves.
No. m North SECOND Street,
Philadelphia.
fr fiHUHf 1ylr LfUjU IA b"l (A K JLV CcuH
i . . i-. e.U' ' i - -. J
3Jll,.Xnflrl,n,,V-!linl.xJ
T OHN FARNUM & CO., COMMISSION ME1
1 1 ehAiita endiM naf eotarera of Ooneinej Tioklnc. etJ
- itu LjlULBaui reel rtiiuuivu- wm
"VNE DOLLAR GOODS FOR l5 CENT
U UUfUl DlXOM'b HQ. SI S. ElUUl'U bUeetJ
i