THE DAILY EVENING TELEGRAPH PHILADELPHIA, WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 31, 1870.
criniT or txxh mxms.
Editorial Opinions of the Leading Journals
upon Current Topics Compiled Every
Day for the Evening Telegraph.
'.THE PROSPECT OF THE WAU.
Prom the S. F. World.
We bave no definite intelligence
either of the operations going on in the
famous district of Ardennes and the Ar
gonnes or of the progress of the Frnssian
armies towards Talis. All manner of tales
reach ns from the headquarters of armies
which, as we know, permit no news to be sent
forth from their linos, and orer the wires of
telegraphs which, as we know, are absolutely
Controlled by one or another of the contend
ing Governments. It is worse than idle to
base either criticism or speculation upon such
information as alone it id in the power of the
most active and capable representatives of the
press to accumulate from the scenes of waste
and woe which all the able-bodied men of the
two foremost nations of Continental Europe are
now devoting all their energies to create.
Reasoning from what we -know positively of
the conditions of military success or failure,
of the resources of the two hostile powers,
and of the disposition of the now neutral
States of Europe, we may, however, with
some degree of confidence assert it to be
growing daily more and more certain that
this abominable war will last much longer,
cover a much wider area of desolation, and
inflict upon both the parties to it vastly more
suffering and disaster than either of them,
or, for the matter of that, the rest of the
world contemplating them, four short weeks
ago imagined. We ought, perhaps, to ex
cept the Emperor Napoleon, whom it is
just now so easy to vituperate and so fash
ionable to disparage that it is almost an act
of moral courage to say that he is the only
conspicuous publio man of either side who
went into the conflict believing and asserting
openly that it would be both "long and ex
hauBting." It is true that he expected the
war to be fought out upon German rather
than upon French soil, and that he paid his
antagonists, therefore, the tribute of antici
pating from them a resistance in defense of
their homes and their altars as determined
and as obstinate as that which they are now
destined to encounter from the invaded
empire of France. It is probable, likewise,
that he looked forward to a neutral attitude
on the part of the South German govern
ments, which would doubtless have facilitated
the progress of Frenoh arms in North Ger
many, without, however, much diminishing,
if at all, the persistency of the North
German resistance. But these miscalcula
tions cannot deprive the Emperor of
the credit, such as it is, of fully estimating
the gravity of the prospect which opened
before him when the bugles blew their first
rallying blasts on the banks of the blue
Moselle. On the side of the Germans, after
it became clear that France was suffering the
initiative of the attack to slip away from her,
other illusions unquestionably took posses
sion of the leaders' minds. It has been
quite evident throughout the campaign of
which a decisive act is even now passing in
one of the most famous battle regions of
Western Europe, that the Prussian com
manders have been pressing forward to
Paris under a notion that the appear
ance ef their armies before that mag
nificent capital must be the signal of
a grefft popular cataclysm in which the ad
ministrative system of France would go by
the board. Ail the signs of the time con
spire to demonstrate the fatuity of this
notion, and to make it plain that the Prus
sians are laboring under a misconception of
the political aspects of the present war in
France at least as profound as the Emperor
Napoleon's misconception of its political
aspects in South Germany. If the Emperor
exaggerated the significance in a great war
crisis of the deep and genuine anti-Prussian,
liberal, and progressive movement in Ger
many, the Prussian princes, who alone now
control the action of Germany, as surely ex
aggerate the significance in a similar crisis of
the equally deep and genuine anti-imperialist
and anti-bureaucratis movement in France.
That King William should fall into such a
mistake as this is natural enough; nor is it
unnatural that Count Bismarck should share
his blunder, for Count Bismarck has dealt
during his remarkable career with a people
much less practised in self-government than
the French, and much more patient than the
French of misgovernment. To bring the
people of Germany to such demonstrations
of hostility against a Government like that of
Prussia as France during the last year has
made against the government of Napoleon
III. it would be necessary that the Govern
ment should have inflicted what we may call
the actual cautery of oppression upon the
people. And when a German State is brought
to such demonstrations it is not far from
vehement armed revolution. This was true
of France a generation ago. We do not be
lieve it to be true of France to-day.
If it is not true of France to-day, it will be
found, should the Prussians reach Paris and
invest the city, that, instead of attaining the
climax and consummation of their victories
in a brilliant and satisfactory peace, they will
be confronted with the ominous and dismal
prospect of a war only just begun, and
likely to be protracted long beyond the
period through which it will be possible for
the existing system of German and Prussian
administration comfortably and successfully
to conduct it. What was said by the ablest
of Prussian writers on the war of 180(, that
"disaster in the field was due to errors in
the cabinet, was perfectly true of the ronfc
of Austria, and not of the Austrian army
only, at Koniggratz. The same thing seems
to have been expected and to be now expected
by Prussia to be true of France. If it proves
to be false in regard to France, it is clear that
it will prove to be true in regard to Prussia
herself. Political misconceptions of the
actual condition of France threaten now to
counterbalance, in deciding the future of this
dreadful contest, the advantages won by
Prussia up to the present moment through
the perfection and accuracy of her military
organization.
PAltlS.
I'rom the K. T. Tribune.
The oatbreak of revolution in Paris has
been prevented partly by the energetio mea
sures or the military Directory, partly by the
practical resignation of power by the absent
Emperor, and partly by the pervading desire
among the people to offer a great show of re
sistance, if not a lively defense, against the
foreign invader. Republicans as well as
Orleanists, the Extreme Left and the old
Legitimists, bave joined hands with the Im
perialiaU in a common effort to justify
l'rench patriotism and courage during
period of general peril. While we hear of
I fee energetio w.y in which the old politician
M. Thiers, is instructing the military com
manders about the defence of Paris, we also
hear that the lied Republican Gambetta has
raised ten thousand workingmen to take part
in the struggle on the ramparts. It is true
we have beard that General lrocnu was
on bad terms with the Minister of
War. the Prefect of Police, and the Empress
Recent: but we have, at the same time, seen
him working with immense fervor at the
business of raising troops, executing spies,
strengthening the fortifications, expelling
German residents, garnering munitions ana
supplies, imprisoning "dangerous characters,"
issuing proclamations, and preparing to re
ceive the advancing enemy. laris( on the
whole, looks rather resolute; and if it fail
to make a vigorous defense against the army
of the Crown Trince, it will not be be
cause the commanders and newspapers have
not done their best to get the excitable popu
lation into fighting condition. We have no
doubt, however, that if the control of an airs
had been given wholly to one capable man,
instead of being divided among half a dozen
men, and if the newspapers, instead of being
frenzied and noisy, had been strong and self-
possessed, the chances of the city holding out
for a few days would have been even better
than they appear at present.
We earnestly hope there will be no neces
sity for the bombardment of Paris. It would
be utter folJy in lrocnu to compel tne tier-
mans to take this step or even to enter upon
a serious siege of the city. If the r rench
armies in the field are routed, if the regular
and organized military power of the empire
is broken, it is folly to suppose that Paris
can hold out for any length of time, or that
the trench Government can derive any ad
vantage by exposing its population to the
horrors of siege, bombardment, or assault.
Trochu would be justified, perhaps, in mak
ing a determined military defense of bis
fortified lines with the troops under his com
mand; but when, as a strategist, he saw the
impossibility of maintaining his position, ho
would have justifiable ground for capitula
tion.
In the case of a capitulation in this way
there would inevitably be a revolution before
the German troops entered the city. It would
be policy in the German commander to per
mit this, or at least to permit the establish
ment of a new Government with which nego
tiations could be carried on. The Im perialist
party might even then make an effort, though
it would seem that with the destruction of
the military power of the empire its political
pretensions would disappear. The Orleanists
will doubtless make an attempt to seize the
reins; but we have seen no signs of the growth
of any Orleans or monarchical party during
the weeks in which they have been trying to
call such a party into existence. One thing
must be remembered: It would be Paris
which, in the first instance, would have the
power of organizing and establishing the new
Government. Paris, as we have learned from
repeated votes, in anti-imperialist and
anti-monarchical. Paris is liberal and re
publican. THE EMPEROR IN FAILURE.
From the London Spectator.
One would give a good deal for a single
hour's insight into the dreams of the dejected
ruler and commander who, whatever his
nominal position at Metz, is well known to
be in no state of health for any large amount
of active exertion. It is apparently true that
he still keeps the name of Commander-in-Chief,
which he has done so much to make a
name of reproach; but even in the hourly
expectation of his last trial in that capacity,
and with the enemy within a few miles of
bis great fortress, the Emperor's physical
condition must compel him to leave
almost everything to his subordinates
in command, and must secure for him in
this supreme crisis far more than can be
palatable of those hours of reverie which
have been the feeders at once of his power
and weakness, the secrets of his achieve
ments and his failures, of his political cun
ning and his military catastrophes. It would
be worth a great many biographies of great
men to have the chronicle of a single hour of
this certainly not great, but very singular,
man's reflections. M. Louis Blanc records
that when he visited him in the prison at
Ilam, Louis Napoleon, while attempting to
detail the particulars of his failure at
Boulogne, faltered, "struggled a moment to
repress a sob, and burst into tears so to
some extent verifying what the most enthu
siastic of his supporters, Mrs. Gordon, had
said of him, 'II me fait l'effet d'une femme.'"
We quote this not to prove that the Emperor,
feeble as he has often been, deficient in
courage, (for against this, despite Mr. King
lake, there seems to us the most
irrefragable historical evidence); but
to show that his temperament is precisely
of that bro ailing kind which enhances ten
fold the misery of failure, and accumulates
before its owner's imagination the riches of
the stake for which he had played, and the
minutest details of the ruin and ignominy
involved in its loss. For, Weissenburg,
Woerth, and r orbacb, with all the miscalcu
lation and shame they involve, can leave a
dejected dreamer like the Emperor, conscious
of complete inability to do anything himse'f
towards preventing their natural sequel in a
general defeat of his dispirited foroes, little
glimpse of hope how little, be himself be
trayed in the utter despair of that fatal ad
mission to France, "l'out pent se retablir,"
which is jnst equivalent to a physician say
ing, "While there is life there is hope." It is
impossible to pity the murderer of
French liberty and the successful
poisoner of European morality, when
he is but just beginning to taste the full bit
terness of the fruit he has sown; but it is
hardly possible to conceive, we think, of a
state of mind which, were it not m the
strictest sense the harvest of the thinker's
own bad deeds, would more dispose to pity,
than that which must haunt the Emperor in
the many hours of evil omen during which
M. Nelaton's orders and his own conscious
feebleness compel him to hold csmmnne with
himself. Next Monday is his fete day, and
a day about which he has always been wont
to be superstitious, as if it were a day of
destiny. The slow-footed hours will this
year have given him ample time for gloomy
memories and still blacker anticipations.
Without pretending to divine the course of
thought in one of the most inscrutable minds
of our generation, it is quite worth while to
conceive as distinctly as we can what trains
of political reflection are likely to be to him
at the present moment most inevitable and
most intolerable, for the Emperor is, in fact,
the impersonation of a political system, and
of a political system not without a showy and
seductive side. Yet now, with an exhaustion
both of illness and failure upon him, which
must aggravate, of course, that permanent
deficiency in vis and physical impulse to ac
tion which has made him the most hesitating
aad balf-hearted of great adventurers, he
must feel as if be had never really planned a
great and resolute action, but
only slyly plotted what he might do
if fortune and accomplices concurred. I bave
succeeded,' he must think, 'only when I pitted
myself against institutions with as little life
or vigor in them as myself. I succeeded
against the ltepublio only when the mass of
Frenchmen were scared by the : apparition of
a socialism that would nave destroyed society.
1 barely succeeded, with the aid of England,
in foiling a great Russian despotism rotten at
the core. I barely sucoeoded in Italy in in
flicting a defeat that was barely more than a
drawn battle on the most alien and worst-
organized government which ever earned the
curses of a nation. I did not even suooeed
against the barbarous anarchy of Mexico, and
the moment a great power threw its weight
into the scale, I had to retreat, and infamously
leave the ruler of my choice to a shameful
death. I woefully failed in curbing the de
crepit power of the Tope. I woefully failed
in setting limits to the ambition of Prussia.
And now that I have for the first time pitted
myself and my people against a power really
young, fresh, and full of vigor, I am staring
ruin in the face, and waiting helplessly for
the coup de grace. My main idea of internal
government, that you can give the form of
popular liberty while retaining, in an admi
nistiation which has a chronic fear of the
people, the means of undermining and plot
ting against its will, has turned out a failure.
My main idea of foreign policy, that you can
gratify the sentiment of patriotism and of
unity of race without conceding the power
which makes patriotism and unity of
race formidable to neighboring am
bit ionp, has proved a drearier
failure still. My scheme for
freeing Italy from the foreigner, and yet not
givmg it to the Italians, was but the first and
greatest blow against my own throne. My
hone of gratif ving the federal instinct of Ger
many without raising anew rival to France was
a futile dream. nether in foreign or home
policy, the limits which I plotted to assign to
the lionular ideas I recognized have been
mre threads round the arms of a giant.
And the very advantages on which I counted
from imposing those limits, the advantages
of a strong administration beyond the med
dling of popular criticism, have proved disad
vantages instead. My personal government
has turned out not only corrupt but
feeble, unable even to bring a strong army
into the field, and to sustain the glitter of
the Imperial name. I had thought that I
could at once give a certain satisfaction to
great popular ideas, and yet prescribe to them
boundaries which they should not pass. But
I failed conspicuously abroad, where every
step I took towards satisfying the popular
yearnings of Europe recoiled upon me, and
made my own throne unstable, and now at
last I have been driven to menace unsuccess
fully, by arms, the extension of the very
ideas which I first authoritatively intro
duced into the Cabinets of Europe.
My best ideas are subverting my worst,
and find me, at the close of my life, at
the head of an army, fighting for my worst
ideas, and ready to be subverted by them.
Melancholy and exhausted myself, and with
out the elasticity of a genuine creed, I have
always believed that human nature was to be
governed through its weakness, and that its
best tendencies needed very partial satisfac
tion; and now I find whole peoples fanatically
inspired by that one of my beliefs which was
nearest to a creed, and raging vehemontly
against me for supposing that that creed
could be confined by the conditions conve
nient to me. The men I have exiled, the
men I have murdered, the men I have sent
to Cayenne cause me no remorse. They
were
in my way, and I
could never
a vagrant
have been anything but
gambler if I had not put them out of
my way. But for those popular ideas which
I bave so cautiously encouraged, and which,
after clipping all their bonds, are coming
back to destroy me those, which I have
called my best ideas only because they have
been the most living tor the stimulus 1 have
given to them I do feel some remorse. Might
I not have stifled instead of forcing their
development ? Should I not have kept my
hard-won throne longer if I had ? My only
permanent success has been the support of
the Pope against the revolution. Had I but
supported Austria against Italy first, and
against Prussia next, could the new
foreign policy of Europe have grown so
far beyond my power to guide it as it
has? Surely it would have been wiser to
keep my secret which was really the secret
of the power most hostile to me to myself,
and use it only to teach me what to fear.
That I, who have never had the animal spirits
for a great initiative, should have myself set
in motion popular foroes which it would
require the most peremptory and commanding
initiative to restrain even for a moment, was
surely the blindest of plots against myself.
A dreamer like me, who not only does not
enjoy action, but feels like the paralytic
whose nerves will not obey his volition even
when he resolves on action, ought to
have put the drag on every popular
movement in Europe, tne passions
ot his own people included, rather
than have sown broadcast forces which, as he
could give them neither prompt guidance nor
prompt resistance, are burling him to ruin
It may perhaps bo the easier for me to lay
down power, mat i cava never enjoyed it.
but I am not sure that it is so. It is hard to
think that if I had held my own counsel as to
national ideas, and used more freely and
persistently the instruments by which I
gained my throne, l might at least have died
as powerful and as inscrutable as I had lived.
and never betrayed to the world the lassitude
of nature and paralysis of will whioh, though
they wholly unfit me for military
command, are not entirely without their ad
vantages for dampening the enthusiasm of
nations and maintaining the dignity of a
leaden crown. I suppose I have been a bad
man, though I hardly know the meaning of
the term. But as I feel that I should be less
miserable now if I had been a worse man.
there can hardly be much in the superstitions
which it has been my most successful and
only consistent line of policy to support
We do not suppose that such exactly have been
the Emperor a reflections; but he has given a
very unfair view of himself to Europe, if
they have been in any great degree either
more hopeful, more manly, or less tinged
wun tne com cynicism ot a prostrate mind.
THE OVERTHROW OF NAPOLEON
WHAT NEXT?
from the X. Y. Herald.
Bismarck has again proved himself too
much for Napoleon, lie has achieved a tri
nmph greater than that of 18(50; for his suc
cess then only set aside every obstacle to
Prussian ambition except France, and as
I ranee was the greatest obstacle of all, the
success that had bo other effect upon her but
to excite irritation and enmity was not com
plete. It is the glory of Bismarck's latest
achievement that it removes the last and
greatest obstacle to Prussian policy. It sets
aside France, the only remaining power com
petent or likely to stand in Prussia a way.
Napoleon was inveigled into this war by the
acts of the Prussian Premier just when
I'russia was ready lor it, and wnen the Em
peror had lulled himself to a false seouritv
and faith in his power by the great political
nostrum, the plebucite; when he had deceived
bimbelf by the device that in his stronger
dnj-s he used only to deceive others: and the
same acute politician who secured his inac
tivity in 18GG, who by shrewd -contrivance
of appearances duped him to stand still when
be should bave done his utmost in moving.
finally lured him into the blunder of moving
when he should have stood still fooled him
into declaring a war whose least doubtful re
sult must be his own downfall. Ilia last
appearance on the throne of Franoe is
scarcely in a more dignified character than
that of a puppet worked by the Prussian Pre
mier. He was tempted in ISfifi by the allur
ing bait of the Rhine frontier. It seems to
be a monomania with the French nation that
it will never be happy till the commonplace
Rhine is its eastern limit. Because that was
once the limit of France, and France lost it,
the nation's pride is bent on its recovery;
and Napoleon saw the prestige it would give
to bis reign and reflect on the dynasty if he
could restore that glory. With the hope of
the chance to seize it, or the promise that he
should bave it, he stood still; and the war
ended and the promise and the opportunity
slipped away for ever. But in 1870 he saw
slipping away not only the chance for a
Rhine frontier but the glory of keeping intact
the dignity and honor of France. He saw
the nation humiliated in his reign, and the
nation, skilfully initated by the arch enemy,
Raw things the same way, and thus he was
tbrnst and duped into war.
Napoleon s vanities and peculiar position
uncovered him to the arts of Bismarck. His
intellectual furniture is made up in great part
of the splendid rubbish left by the resolute
soldier of fortune, his uncle. Napoleon knew
how to utter on occasion things that seethe
with the spirit of democracy. He never
suffered himself, however, to be controlled
by them. The nephew treasures these utter
ances as a dynastic goppel, and does not dis
tinguish between what the hrst Emperor be
lieved in and what he said to humbug others.
lie is thus involved in continued incon
sistencies, and it is because of the prac
tical application of one of these pretty
Napoleonic theories that he is now in
imminent peril. It is because there is a
united Germany that France finds herself
in the bands of an overwhelmingly pow
erful foe; yet Louis Napoleon tried to
excuse to Fiance his inactivity in 18(50 by
taking a position for the Bonapartes on a
political formula that assumed to reconstruct
Europe by the aggregation of peoples accord
ing to nationality. This would do many
things in Europe that France might contem
plate without displeasure. It would give all
Italy to the Italians, and so prove a fair stroke
for the Latin nations. It would rend Austria
piecemeal. It would put the British empire
in liquidation. It would disturb Russia. It
would take from Prussia her half digested cut
of Poland. All this would be satisfactory in
a Napoleonic view, perhaps. But there is
one other thing it would do, that in its danger
to l' ranee would infinitely overbear all self-
complacent views of the disasters of
others: it would give her a great German
nation for her next door neighbor a nation
of people hostile by tradition, opposed in
character and sentiment, and havinor centurv-
long scores of humiliation to revenge. It
would at one step forfeit that supremacy
through the division of others that the politi
cal policy of every French dynasty has built
up. Committing himself to this philanthropic
blunder, .Napoleon made it easier for Bis
marck to assimilate all the Northern German
States, and to approach the States of South
Germany with the conditional alliance that
now puts Bavaria, Baden, and Wur tern berg
side by tide witn rrussia in arms. And who
doubts that the Emperor has at last helped
the l'russian over ins most dithcult ground
by furnishing the war whose fire shall fuse
these all into one nation.''
Yet what are all these events but so many
lessons teaenmg tne peoplo tueir power.' Ins
marck and the Prussian monarchy move in a
whirl of success and supremacy just now.
because their purposes coincide with the na
tional development and tendencies of the
great German people. They assist and give
the opportunity to this development, and in
so doing they encourage, beyond all calcula.
tion, its further progress. What is naturally
tne ultimate aim oi tms progress f Mot to
satiate the ambition of a few Prussian
princes, but to emancipate a great people
ireni all tyranny, and enable tnem to work
out their destinies, subject only
to such a rational control by
Government as they may then in their
own intelligence and freedom choose to
submit to. In other words, the tendency in
Central Europe to-day is towards a grand
uerman republic, in setting tree tne forces
that have enabled them to conquer Franoe
and overthrow Napoleon, the men who now
direct the Prussian policy have st free the
forces that will drive them out that will
tumble the Prussian throne, with other
thrones, and by which the people can conquer
their right of self-government. In the brain
of universal Germany this idea has come by
such imperceptible steps that it may be called
a growth first to be, next to be free; first to
be assured of oxistence, next to
qualify the modes of that exist
ence. Germany is now essentially one. The
people of all her States have fought siJe
by side for a common German purpose, ex
cepting only tne people of the Austrian
States, who have, however, given their aotive
sympathies and open encouragement. Thus
the first great stage is secured, and the second
is not far away, for we live in a time of rapid
transition. The next study of the Prussian
King and his Minister may be not bow to
further develop and wield the power of the
uerman people, but how to control and sup
press it. The Austrian monarchy and the
French monarchy are two foes the German
nation has crushed. The Prussian monarchy
must be me next victim.
THE FRENCH COLONIES.
Fnm the S. T. Timet.
There are other ways in which France may
be amerced by way of penalty for beginning
and losing tne present tremendous conflict,
besides depriving her of Alsaoe or Lorraine,
or otherwise curtailing her home territory.
She possesses colonies inconsiderable, truly.
both in area and population, when compared
with those of England, but which might prove
of great value to a nation like Prussia, having
so limited a seaboard, and ambitious of adding
naval power to her magnificent military re
sources. . In Asia, Africa, America, and
Oceanica, France governs dependencies
wnien, considering ner own navy,
might be difficult - to win - from
by the sword, but which might
it
her
be
readily acquired by her successful enemy
as conditions of a new treaty of Paris. Should
Frussia be as conclusively triumphant in the
pending war as now seems probable, it may
be presumed that the importance of acquir
ing facilities for maritime development will
not be lots sight of. it is undeniable, as the
World has pointed out, that the blockade of
the Baltic and the North Sea by the Frenoh
fleet chores the trade of a dozen great Ger
man cities, and stints supplies to their vast
sui'Mdiarr populations, thus inflicting great
if temporary, injury. To guard agMust such
an evil in the future, or eVan partially to
cope with it, Germany needs outlying colo
nies where fcer snips can gather in safety,
can coal, refit, and victual, and sally forth aa
occasion serves, to meet the enemy on the
high seas, and to break or run the blockida
of her home ports.
xsow, in America, France possesses Mar
Unique, Guadeloupe, aud Guiana, besides the
little islands nf St. Pierre and Miauelon.
these colonies having an aggregate popula
tion of about 8.10,000 souks. In Asia the
French possessions include, besides the pro
vinces of Cochin China, with a population of
about a million, the valuable points of Pon
dicherry, Chandernagore, Karikal, Mahe, and
Yanaon. In Africa Franoe has holds in
benegambia, Gaboon, the Gold Coast, and
the inlands of Reunion, St. Marie, Mayotte,
and Mossi-Be, with peoples exceeding a mil
lion; and in Oceanica, New Caledonii, and
the Marquesas and Loyalty Islands. Added
to uiese actual sovereignties, trance wields
a protectorate over the kingdom of Cambo
dia, Porto Novo in Africa, Tahiti, Gambier,
and other islands of the Polynesian groups
that substantially augment her influence,
and prospective, if not immediate, naval
strength. These places do not, to be sure,
like the colonies of England, constitute ele
ments of power by furnishing immense mar
kets for home manufactures, but as marine
depots several of them are of serious import
ance, and for an inland country like Germany
they might in time become of incalculable
value. Other European powers may object
to any material absorption by Prussia of the
area of Alsace and Lorraine; but a diminu
tion of French colonial possessions is un
likely to arouse such jealousies. Such a
procedure is consequently not unlikely to
form the subject matter of a clause in any
treaty or peace which follows the existing
war. By similar concessions France has often
before settled the balance of an unsuccessful
contest, and the plan may be once more tried
wun success.
THE CHINESE LABOR QUESTION.
From the Bonton Advertiser.
The interesting letter of Judge Kelley on
the Chinese labor question will attract the
attention of all who have given any thought
to tne recent phases of that problem.
While his essential positions are unques
tionably sound, we do not agree with him as
to the feasibility of legislation to correct the
mischief which he fears. The right of every
man to dispose of his labor in his own way
is innerent and inalienable; there is nothing
in the nature of a Chinaman to render him
less entitled to a privilege which we claim
for ourselves, and whioh, under ordinary
circumstances, we cheerfully accord to the
rest of mankind. The good sense and
regard for justice in the community
must be trusted to see that the privilege
is not taken advantage of, to their
own and the public injury. No reasonable
employer who understands his own interests
chooses to fill his service with ignorant, de
graded, and ill-paid laborers, whom he has
cheated with a dishonest contract, and all
whose feelings and interests are at war with
his own. Mr. Sampson has no motive for
filling his factory with a chain-gang of vicious
Eagacs, who have no idea of staying with
im beyond the time of their contract, or of
adapting themselves to the situation while
they remain. The risk of danger from such
importations into any civilized community
where there is a moderate sense of justice or
a decent regard for the common wolfare, is
nothing compared to the injustice of laws
nullifying honest contracts between men
who are competent to judge for themselves.
While we take this position against inter
ference by legislation with such contracts
entered into by parties intelligently and in
good faith on the same principle that we
object to fixing the hours of labor or the
price of commodities by law we fully agree
that it is not wise to encourage the introduc
tion of unskilled and poorly-paid labor in our
factories, and it is not just to force such labor
into competition with that which has grown
up on our soil. But the remedy is to be
found not in laws which restrict the power
of individuals to work out their own destiny
in their own way, but in the inevitable laws
of trade, modified by an enlightened public
opinion, and a considerate and just dis
position on ' the part of workmen and
employers. In some portions of the
country, where the opportunities
and demands for labor are greatly in excess
of the laborers, the prosecution of great
works which have wonderfully- iacreased the
wealth of the country would not have been
possible without the associated labor which
has come here under these much-abused and
much-misunderstood contracts. But there is
no necessity for procuring labor on such
terms in Massachusetts, nor indeed in
any of the older States; and we do not
believe there is the slightest danger that it
will ever gain a substantial foothold on this
side of the continent. ' Mr. Sampson's ex
periment is an exceptional one, and although
1 1 - i , i . . .
ii way prove entirely Buooessiui unuer 1113
skilful management, it is not likely to be
followed except under a like provocation.
But tne right to follow it is as clear and unde
niable as the right of workmen to associate
themselves together for their common ad
vantage.
The subject is worthy of the attention
which Judge Kelley has given it. It should
be treated always in a spirit which, instead
of arraying the workmen on one side and
the employers on the other, will bring intel
ligent workmen and employers together to
consider bow the most equitable exchange
of advantages can be made. The genuine
labor reform will be the result, not of a tri
umph of one class over another, but of a
common good understanding between them
It is in the power of employers to contribute
to this by timely and reasonable concessions,
and of workmen by conceding to employers
the rights which they claim for themselves.
SHIPPING.
ffft FOR LIVERPOOL AND QUEENS.
aTU w A.-iomaa iine or itoyai Mau
bieaiueni are appointed w sau as roiiowa:
City of Uuienck, Tuesday, August B0, at S P. M.
Citv of Parts, Saturday, September 3, at 13 M.
City of Cork (via Haitian), Tuesday, Sept. 6. at 1 P.M.
City of Antwerp, 'i nursday, bepu 8, at 1 P. M.
VllJ VI IWHUVU) URlUluaj. kfCJlbVUlUOl iV All 1 , in.
and each succeeding Saturday and alternate Tues
day, from pier xso. s woim river.
HATES OF PASSAGE.
Payable la gold. Payable in currency,
First Cabin t"5 Steerage 30
To Londen b0 To London as
ToPaT.a 90 To Paris SS
To Halifax 0 To Halifax is
passengers also forwarded to Havre, Hamburg,
Bremen, etc. at reduced rates.
Tickets can be bought here at moderate rates by
DersoDS wlahinff to send for tnelr friends.
For further information apply at the company's
oflice.
JOHN G. PALE, Agent, No. IS Broadway, N. Y.
Or to O'DoNNELL ft FAULK, Agents,
4 8 No. 08 CHESNUT Street. Philadelphia.
1
jT'C-vTSTEABI TOW BO AT COMPANY
lmiuuiore, Usvre-de-Urace, Delaware City, and In
termediate points.
Mi i.i.i ah f. ii.iui in., Agents.
Cptaii) JOHN L&l'UBUN. Superiuteuoeut.
SHIPPING.
rTfr L0RILLARP STEAMSHIP CJOMPANt
rem mmv yokk,
SAILING EVERY TUESDAY, THURSDAY, ANC
SATURDAY,
are now i ecelvtng freight at
FIVE CENTS PER 100 TOUNDS, TWO CENTS
FEIt FOOT, OR HALF CENT PER GALLON,
snips OPTION.
INSURANCE ONE-EIGHTH OF ONE PER CENT
Extra rates on small packages Iron, metals, etc.
No receipt or bill of lading signed (or leas tuaa
fifty cents.
NO ricK. On and after September IB rates by thla
Company will be 10 cents per loo potiuds om cents
fier loot, ship's option; and regular shippers by this
Hie will only be charged the above rate- .ill winter.
Winter rates commencing December 16. For furtbet
particulars apply to JOHN F. Olirl
8J riER 19 SOUTH WHARVE3.
rpilE REGULAR STEAMSHIPS ON TUB PHI.
J LaI'ELPDIA AND CHARLESTON STEAM.
MUP LINK are ALONK authorized to Issue throuirr
blilB of ladti g to Interior points South and W wit is
connection with South Carolina Railroad Company.
ALFRED I TYLER,
Vice-President 8o. C. RU. Co.
FjpRV rHFLADELPniA AND CHARLESTON
r-3 STEAMSHIP LINK.
'1 nia line Is now composed of the following nm.
class Steamships, BHiling from PIER it, belw
Spruce street, on FRIDAY, of each week kat i
ASHLAND. 800 tons, Captain CrowelL
J. W. E VERM AN, 6VS tous, Captain Hlnckler
SALVOR, 600 tons, captain AshtrofC
SEPTEMBER, 1970.
3. W. Kvcrraan, Friday, Sept. 8.
paivor, rnuay, repc. v,
J. W. Everman, Friday, Bept. 1ft.
SalTor, Friday, Sept. S3.
3. W. Evermau, Friday, Sept. 30.
Throtisrh bills of lading riven to vi
the Interior of Georgia, and all points South audi
Southwest.
Freight forwarded with promptness and despatch.
Kates as low aa by any other route.
Insurance one-half per cent., effected at the omr
tn Orst-claes companies.
No freight received nor bills of lading signed oa
da; of Bailing.
6uiua.il a auams. Agents,
No. 8 DuCK Street.
Or WILLIAM. P. CLYDE A CO.,
No. li 8. WHARVES.
WILLIAM A. COURTENAY. Aient In Charts
ton. a 94
-rfm PHILADELPHIA AND SOUTHERN
gfflllW.MAlL 8TKAM8HIP COMPANY'S REOTI.
LAU bBMl-MOfllUU JjLNH to new ok
LFANS, 1
The AOHILLKS will nil tot New Orluna dir.
Tufitdaf txjptemher 6. at 8 A. M.
Th AZUL will uu from Hew Orleans, vi Havana.
Co , nepiemoer .
THROUGH BILLS OF LADING at as low rata as br
any other route RiTen to Mobile, Ualreoton, Indianol. L.
- .1 11 n. unit .n .11 n.i.4. . 1 . . 1
between New Orlean and Bt. Louis. Red Hirer freight
rebhlppad at New Orleans without chars of cemmiuioo.
WKKKI.Y LINK TO SAVANNAH, OA.
The WYOMING will aail for Knn.h n.f.
daj, Scptembpr 8, at 8 A. M.
-1 be 'lONA WANDA will aail from RiTinn.h nn R..
day, Peptomher 8.
ihhuuun niuj ui L.umujnventoall theprio.
:inl towns in Georgia. Alabama. I'lorirtn MiniaaT..ni
Louieiifcna. Arkaaeaa. and Tennessee in nnnnwiinn
the Central Railroad of Georgia, Atlantio and Gulf Ru- 4
roau, ana r lonua ieauisi, at as tow rates ao of ooinpotinf
uun. t
BKMI-MOHTHLY LINK TO WILMINGTON, N. O.
The PION'KKK will sail for Wilminirton on WaHi.i..
August JU.st 6 A. M. Returning, will leare Wilmiogtoa
1 CUlKN.ft U"FI"UUTI .
Connect s with toe Caps Fear River Steamboat Com.
puny, the Wilrairn ton and Weldon and North Carolina
Railroads, and the W ilmington and Manchester Railroad
to all inteHor point.
1'reighta for Colombia, S. O., and Augusta, Oa., takes
via Wilmington, at aalow rates aa by any other route. ,
Insurance effected when requested by ehinnara. RHI. f
of lading signed at Queen street wharf oa or befor day I
of sailing. ..
w ii.i.hm J., u&nr.o, uenerai Agent.
1 tio. UU South THIRD Street.
TT T T T A T T71 T T5TTT h nrnrr,t.,..
'l'UKOCGH FREIGHT ALH LINK TO TUB BOUT?
AND WHJJT
INCREASED FAOIUTIKS AND REDUCED BATES
J 1 lv 1 K70
Steamers leave every WKDNKSDAYand SATURDAY
at lil o'olock noon, from FIRST WHARF above MAR.
Itl1'!1 Street.
Ti'kNlNfl. leave RIOnMONn lHOHniva
THURSDAYS, and NORFOLK TUESDAYS aad BA.
TUKDAY8.
No Bill of ijaamg eignea auer i? o'oiooa on aalUnf
&li HROUGH KATKS to all points In North and South
Carolina, via Seaboard Air Una Railroad, connecting t
Portsmouth, and to Lynchburg, Va., Tennessee, and the
West, via Virginia and Tennessee Air Line and Richmond
and Danville Hailroad.
ireight UAND1.K.D BUTOROE. and taken at LOWER
BATKS THAN ANY OTHER LINK.
No charge for commission, drayaga, or any expense at
" township insure at lowest rates.
Freight received daily.
SatSB;a,M,ICT5S OO..
No. 13 8. WHABVKSand Pier IN. WHARVES.
W. P. POK'I ER. Agent at Richmond and Oity Point.
T. P. OROWF.LL A CO.. Agents at Norfolk. 6 U
FOR NEW YORK, VIA DELAVVAHK
and Harltan Canal. ,
SWIFT8UKB TRANSPORTATION
COMPANY.
DESPATCH AND SWIFTSURE LINES,
Leaving dally at 18 M. and 8 P. M.
The steam propellers of this company will com
mence loading on the 8th of March,
Through In twenty-four hours.
Goods forwarded to any point free of commissions.
Freight taken on accommodating terms.
Apply to
WILLIAM M. BAIRD A CO., Agenti,
No, 133 South DELAWARE Avenue.
5
NEW EXPRESS LINE TO ALEX AN.
drlii, Georgetown, and Washington,
D. C via Chesapeake and Delaware i
Canal, with connections at Alexandria from the
most direct route for Lynchburg, Bristol, KnoxvUle,
Nashville, Dalton, and the Southwest.
Steamers leave regularly every Saturday at noon
'rom the first wharf above Market street.
Freight received daily.
WILLIAM P. CLYDE A CO..
No. 14 North and South WHARVES.
nYTK A TYLER, Agents at Georgetown; af.
ELD RIDGE A CO., Agenta at Alexandria. I
FOR NBW YOR
via Delaware and Raritan Canal.
dj- EXPRESS STEAMBOAT COMPANT.
The Steam Propellers of the line will commeuca
loading on the 6th Instant, leaving dally as osuaL
TU BOUGH IN T WENT Y-FOUK HOURS.
Goods forwarded by all the lines going out of Na
York, North, East, or West, free of commlaalon.
Freights received at low rates.
WILLIAM P. CLYDE A CO., Agents,
NO. 13 S. DELAWAKK Avenue,
JAMES HAND, Agent,
No. 119 WALL Street, New York. 8 4
OORDAOE, ETO.
WEAVER & CO.,
bopg iHAii;rACTUui:s
AMD
SIIII C1IAN1L.12U3.
Na 29 North WATER Street and
No. 83 North WHARVES, Philadelphia.
ROPE AT LOWEST BOSTON AND NEW YORK
f BICES. 41
CORDAGE.
Manilla, Sisal and Tarred Cordagff
At Twt NewTorkPrioaaand Freights. Sl
iniuiioutuifl, rviUllMUID1. 1
A V l .Iin "V 1 r urnnta Banwvn J
Hit WIN II. FITl.KR 4c i
Factory. TENTH Bt and GERM ANTO WB Avaaaa,
Store, No. S3 WATEB Bt aad SB N DELAWARE
Avenue.
WHISKY, WINE, ETO.
QAR8TAIR8 ft McCALL,
No. 126 Walnut and 21 Granite Eta.
IMPORTERS Of
Brandlei, Winet, Gin, Olive Oil, Ztc,
WHOLESALE DBALXK4 M
PURE RYE WHISKIES.
IHBOHD AND TAB PAK. Mtpt
7ILMAM ANDERSON A CO., DEALERS IX
Flue Whittles,
No. 140 North SECOND Street,
Philadelphia.
in,,uiiiviH(Aiv riiMuiflsinN uitr.
i i uji yy " ,
' d1n?'';,J P0,nU,TMk,f1!?,
7
l