2
THE DAILY EVENING TELEGRAPH PHILADELPHIA, TUESDAY,
APRIL 12, 1870,
srznzT or Tns rnsss.
Editorial Opinions of th Leading Journals
upon Current Topic Compiled Every
Day for the Evening Telegraph.
INDEPENDENT WniTE-SATIN JOUR
NALISM. &3vm Ui S. F. Sun.
Last December the Independen t was t wen-tT-ene
years old. It celebrated its arriral at
tait halting-place on the road of oant and
Bsighborly malignity by printing an extra
coition in vile colored inks, as unpleasant to
the eye as the contents of the paper often are
to the mind.
What made this extra issue especially diaa
' greeable was the prominence in it of two
dreadful woodcuts. One of those represented
the editor of that journal disguised as the
Angel of Truth, and almost unrecognizable
in that unaccustomed dross, blowing a
twisted and ugly ram's horn at a building
labelled (Ecumenical Counoil," and in
tended, without doubt, to represent the Ro
man Caaholio Church. In the foreground
were the ruins of the structures that had
already fallen before this windy angel, and
on the stones were printed the names of the
abuses they represented. Among them were
"alaYery," "sectarianism," and "bigotry."
Close by this picture, in the adjoining
column, was a historical sketch of the Inde
pendent, stating that the paper was established
to promote two ideas, "one of which was the
Congregational as against the Presbyterian
Church pclity." On the whole, the picture
was a pretty good representation of the prac
tice of the paper as opposed to its preaching
among the thingB blown down by the
mighty Horn of the editor being sectarianism,
while one of the two purposes for which the
! taper was established was to war against
"reabyterianiflm on behalf of Congrega
tionalism. In due time this "extra issue in colored
inks" passed, as every one supposed, into the
waste basket, and we had hoped that the in
fiction had come to an end. But unhappily
this is not eo. The Rev. Theodore Tilton
has fallen in love with his own picture. The
pair of sweet angelio wings, cropping out
from his shoulders, which the engraving
gives him, have proved too much for his
modesty; and he, or rather his publisher, has
concluded to send it to various emperors and
kings, that it may be known in the different
9urt ciroles.
The publisher has accordingly favored ns
TAtti ft circular to say that he has the honor to
fif m ns that he has had ten copies of this
Svue of the Independent printed on fine white
SDtin, and elegantly bound, which copies are
1 be sent to nine illustrious personages as
frllows:
Her Majesty Victoria I, Queen of Gnat Britain
and Ireland.
Ilia Imperial Majesty Napoleon III, Emperor of
the French.
His Imperial Majesty Francis Joseph I, Emperor
Of Austria and King of Hungary.
Hla Majesty William I, King of Prussia.
Ilia Imperial Majesty Alexander II, Emperor of
Ilia Imperial Majesty Abdul-Aziz, Sultan of
Turkey.
His Imperial Majesty Pedro II, Emperor of
BraaiL
His Imperial Majesty Kl-UIang, Emperor of
China.
And. last of all, tagged on to the tall end of this
Imperial and royal procession, one to "ills Excel
lency U. 8. Grant, President of the United States."
There are several points about this pro
posed gift that are especially eurioua. The
first is the silly snobbishness of the affair.
This deelaimer against monarchies, like most
demagogues, seizes the first opportunity to
fling himself at the feet of royalty with his
white satin offering. In the next plaoe, he is
So anxious to put himself in some sort of
communication with the kings, that he does
not stop to consider whether his gift is not
rather more of an insult than a compliment.
His picture represents, as we have said, the
angel Tilton blowing fierce trumpet blasts
against slavery and the Roman Catholio
Church; and he has the exquisite good taste to
Bend the paper as a present to two monarchs
who are slaveholders and three who are de
vout members of the Roman Catholio
Church t They doubtless will duly appreci
ate the attention. While he was truckling,
however, why did he truckle especially to
Blaveholding and Catholio kings ? ' There are
several Protestant monarchs. Why were they
snubbed?
What will the Emperor of Japan say when
he hears that the Emperor of China has got
a copy of this sumptuous gift and that there
is none for him? lie will be tempted to put
his PostmaBter-General to death and commit
"Sari-kari on himself. What will Victor
ftsaanuel, King of free Italy, say when he
fjws that the Emperor of Austria has been
g!3ferred to him? Then, there's none for the
f5$a and none for the King of the Sandwich
!fcinds, and Sweden and Norway have been
'ghttd and Denmark left out in the cold.
There will certainly be trouble among the
crowned heads when this business comes
to be known. Perhaps the gifted editor
expects some acknowledgment graoeful
autograph letters from the several potentates,
that can be published in the Independent,
signed "Pedro Imperator," or "Victoria Re
gina," acoompanied with elegant gold snuff
boxes with the Tiltonio initials set in blazing
diamonds. Or perhaps the editor and pub
lisher aspire to higher things, and expect
titles in return. We may, for aught we
know, soon have a paper published in this
city by the Chevalier Boweni, and edited by
the Count Teodoro Tiltono. Let the Count
Joannes look out for rivals. Meantime let
ns see what other absurd things the conduc
tors of this Puritan-Republican sheet will be
at. This certainly is the furthest possible
flight of the snobbish imagination as yet at
tained, and the most ridiculous thing of
whioh American journalism has thus far been
guilty.
THE LABOR PROBLEM AT THE SOUTII.
From th Ai T. Time.
We regard it as a sign of industrial con
valescence that the people of almost every
Southern State are earnestly diseussing the
questions of production, of emigration, of
manufacture, and of labor generally, with
reference to the speedy material recupera
tion of that section. They seem to have
reaohed a full, albeit a tardy, realization of
the folly of their policy previous to the war,
and to evince a disposition to avail them
selves of the opportunity for a fuller develop
ment which has just been presented to
them by emancipation. They are evidently
beginning to appreciate the true reason why
the North has so steadily outstripped the
South in the raoe for material proHperity, as
well as of physical power, during the last
ihree-quorters of a century. With infinitely
theater attractions in climate, soil, and pro
stable production, the South has steadily
i'tillen behind in tho struggle for supremacy
:li population, territorial development and
ljjtb. 'iVie explanation of this is to be
ad in the sooial aristocracy, the spirit of
i.vlatioa and the degradation of labor, which
were the inevitable results of slavery. There
is no question that but for these obstacles
the South would have absorbed a large share
of the emigration and enterprise "which
poured into the Western States, and whioh
not onlv made that seotion the garden of the
world, but has given it the political control of
the whole country.
Emancipation suddenly changed the policy
as well as the requirements of Southern
civilization, and notwithstanding it has
taken five years of severe and painful disoi-
Sline to efl'eot a realization of the fact, the
elay has been salutary, and the transition
more healthy and permanent by reason of
the delay. The people have had an oppor
tunity to study out the solution of the pro
blem for themselves. They have been made
to appreciate the true dignity and mission of
labor, and to get rid of the false notions
which they previously entertained. They
see that the presence among them of four
millions of people suddenly transformed
from slaves to f reedmen, required a corre
sponding change of social ideas. If not pro
fitably employed, the blaoks would surely
become a dangerous sooial element, but if
they were so employed and speedily, they
could readily be made a means of development
and wealth even greater than they were before
the war. Two things were neoessary to effeot
this. The blacks were to be encouraged to
adopt proprietary labor, and it was essential
that they should be subjected to sharp com-
Eetitions in order to prevent them from com
ining to control. The first necessity involved
the leasing or sale of land to the negro in
small parcels, and the second the encourage
ment of white immigration.
Both necessities were resisted for a long
time after peace was deolared, and chiefly
from prejudioe. But reoently we note a very
decided change in that respect. The Southern
press generally invites emigration from the
North, as well as from Europe. Agents have
been sent from most of the States to organize
European migration, and quite a large num
ber of communities have already arrived. A
convention is to be held at Charleston the 3d
of May to aid the movement to South Caro
lina; several large oolonies of Germans have
reoently settled in Alabama, and a colony of
New Yorkers are also on their way there.
Fifty-three thousand emigrants, blaok and
white, have passed through Memphis within
the last five months, destined for the South
west, of whom fifteen thousand were newly
arrived foreigners. North Carolina, Virginia,
and Kentucky have each organized bureaus of
immigration which are actively at work, and
similar efforts are being made and with
great success to turn the tide towards
Alabama and Mississippi.
All this is but the beginning of the end. It
is destined to go on increasing until the South
shall be filled up with a new element of popu
lation, which will introduce new ideas, bring
its vast extent of unoccupied lands under til
lace, and ultimately build up a homogeneous
civilization upon the ruins of that false and
pernicious system whioh has hitherto been an
incubus upon the South, socially, politically,
and materially. The result will be that the
sectional animosity which has so long pre
vailed will be gradually obliterated, and that
when the present generation shall have
passed away it will have disappeared alto
gether. THE POSITION OF GEORGIA.
From th St. Lovis Democrat.
Senator Carpenter deserves credit for his
suggestion in regard to Georgia. The situa
tion, our readers remember, was this: The
State has been three times reorganized, and
yet Governor Bullock and his friends main
tain that there is no possibility of preserving
order there unless they are permitted to hold
offices for two years beyond the term for
which they were elected. Thereupon Mr.
Drake proposed to admit the State, but to
provide for quartering troops upon any
county , or town in whioh disorders
should occur. Senator Carpenter and
others replied, in effect, "either Georgia
is fit for civil government, or not. If
she is fit, we have no business to put abso
lute power into the hands of any man to
establish there at pleasure a military despot
ism. If she is not fit for civil government,
Eray let us not admit her as a State, but keep
er under military rule." The logio is unan
swerable. The Senate, it appears, has voted,
32 to 22, to postpone action a while, and it is
possible that the course indicated by the
Senator from Wisconsin may be adopted. We
do not think it the right course to pursue, but
he deserves credit nevertheless for forcing to
its logical results the position taken by the
majority of Republicans.
Either Georgia can be trusted to govern
herself, or cannot be trusted. There is no
middle ground. All the devices for tying up
the State, and giving it the name without the
reality of self-government, are shabby make
shifts, unworthy of the Republican party and
of Congress. If Georgia can be trusted at all,
it is both a duty and sound policy to trust the
State unreservedly and without delay. But if
Georgia cannot be so trusted, we are in duty
bound not to relax military control. In the
former case, the policy advocated by Senator
Schurz should be adopted. In the latter, the
policy advocated by Senator Carpenter. But
m either case, the policy of the Butler bill or
of Senator Drake's proposed amendment
seems to us to have neither logic, justice, nor
practical good sense.
Whether the State shall be fully trusted or
kept under complete military subjection de
pends upon a question of fact: Is it impossi
ble to maintain a reasonable degree of ''order
there by the methods of peace and self-govern
ment r W e do not think Congress ought to
decide that question in the negative without
fair trial. Thus far there has been no trial; the
people have not chosen their own rulers, and
been permitted, under tnose rulers, to snow
just what Bort of government they mean
to maintain. We say this, not in censure
of the course pursued by Congress, for that
course has seemed necessary to tne best
men of the Republican party, but as
a naked statement of the fact. Now we
believe that Congress ought to leave the
people of Georgia free to how just what they
are and what they want to do. If they break
out into general misconduct, vent their spite
upon loyal men, and refuse to enforce tho
law for the protection or all citizens, tnen
Congress will have power at any time to
declare tne btate in insurrection, and tne
people will sustain it in doing so. But
whether the people will sustain Congress in
maintaining military rule simply because
some men fear that the people will misbehave
is very doubtful indeed. The impression has
gone abroad that Governor Bullock and his
adherents are much more anxious to retain
political power than to give peace to the
btate. If they cannot have power without
military rule, they want military rule whether
mere is auy necessity tor it or not. The poo
pie of the Northern States, to whom the
Republicans of Congress must render an
account before the year closes, are not pre
pared, we Honestly believe, to justify (Jon
cress in keeping Georgia under military rule
because Governor Bullock says the RebuU
will abuse the power of self-government if
given to them. It may be true, but the peo
pie who will vote next fall would be niuoh
more likely to believe it, and to sustain Con
gress, if it were proved to be true by actual
experiment, than if it were merely asserted
by a set of men who want to retain office.
Republicans of Congress! do not make a
mistake in this matter. Because the people
sustained you in other cases, do not be sure
that they will sustain yon in refusing to
ueorgia a place in tne union, or in prolong
ing by Arbitrary aot the power of the Repub
lican officials there. The good name of the
Republican party is too precious to be sullied
by defeat, or by any act that will weaken the
confidence of the people in its integrity. If
the party has lived long enough, and you want
to destroy it or undermine its strength, per
haps you can find no surer way to do so than
spin out this re-reconstruction after the final
adoption of the fifteenth amendment.
AWFUL VIRTUE.
From tht N. Y. World.
For a time the women of Wyoming kent
mum at their dose of jury, but the bitterness
of this has worn off, and now, like the child
who forgets the taste of the medicine, they
are not foot after tne sweets tne sweets of
office again. This time it is higher game
than a mere Wyoming justiceship, whioh
there is reason to suppose even that estimable
person in a black dotted gown and red ribbon
in her back hair who once grasped it eagerly
now despises, and, not to let the reader burst
in ignorance, nothing will now do bat the
entire reduction of the Territory under
woman's control. With an intuitive insight
into politics characteristic of thoir bright
perceptions, the sisters early foresaw in this
matter that the first step towards getting the
outs in was to get the ins out, and accordingly
a cunning plot, not unattended at this writing
with success, has been devised against the
Federal functionaries of that blessed land.
One has already fallen, and the manner of his
fall was this: He was the Secretary of State of
Wyoming, and for a time behaved well, but,
what with female suffrage and she-judges and
bi-sexual juries, fell into drink. The changes
brovght about in the Territory were too
many for him. As his official pen put them
upon the record his brain reeled, and finally,
by dint of the great labors brought upon
him by female prolixity in the matter of pleas,
protests, petitions, and so forth, whioh
surged in upon him like the waves of the
seam multitude and the teachings of the
moral law in length, exhausted nature craved
such frequent stimulant that the occasional
use of "suthin"' which had marked his
earlier days now in these times of trial har
dened into hourly habit. Drink brought
with it, as is charged, immorality, and on
these scores the offioe-seeking females of
Wyoming preferred a petition for his removal
to Grant. That excellent person failed to find
any special support for the immorality charge
and indeed this was a little weak, none of
the sisters caring to say precisely how she
knew of the licentiousness of the doomed
Secretary but a man's eyes, his nose, his
breath, his walk, and conversation effuse rum.
and the charge here was sustained with a
nnrticnlaritv that left Mr. Grant, who nannnt
bear the sight of liquor, no option but forth
with to behead this vinous one. Being be
headed, it was the fond imagination of the
Bisters that some one of their number would
be nominated in his place, but bo far the
tyranny of man has prevailed to retain a va
cancy.
Nothing daunted, our voteresses have be
gun the subversion of the Marshal, and, on
the pleas of rum and ruin whioh ousted the
Secretary, it is evident the Marshal, too,
must fall. With this will be a second chance
for office, and if this foil no doubt a third
effort will be made, and bo on until success
attend.
Now, such being the procedure of the
women voters of Wyoming, it rises into a
question whether, if female suffrage become
general, we will not have a new amendment
to the Constitution, to the effect that drink
and debauchery shall disfranchise. , Fancy a
Congress of many women, with, power to en
force by appropriate legislation the provi
sions of that article ! Picture a bureau of
compulsory breath-smelling, and a huge in
crease in the number of Government detec
tives to follow male office-holders of dark
nights. The old song says:
"A man may drink, and not be drunk ;
A man may light, and not be slain ;
A man may klHS a pretty girl,
And yet be welcome back again."
With the full establishment of the Wyom
ing rule, there will be no application in this
district. There will bo no more cakes and
ale, Solomon's Song will be under ban, and
Luther's doctrine but heresy, that
'He who loves not women, wine, and song
Is but a fool his whole life long.''
THE CONSCRIPTION IN SPAIN.
From tht N. T. Berald.
Among the grand reforms which were pro
mised by the revolutionary leaders two years
ago, when they were secretly agitating for the
overthrow of the Bourbon government in tho
Iberian Peninsula, chief and foremost was the
abolition of the detested quintet or military
conscription. This "lottery of blood," this
tithe of human flesh, had wrought such woe
in nearly every province of the realm that,
to get rid of it alone, the people were ready
to follow any one whom they thought strong
enough to deliver them from so abhorred a
burden. This was the string upon which
Prim played the most loudly and persistently
in his insurrectionary proclamations of 18UC
and 1807, and it vibrated fiercely through
the popular heart. Again, when the revolu
tionary Junta of Cadiz subsequently called
the people to arms and started the - move
ment which drove Queen Isabella from her
throne and over the border, 'Abajo las quin
tets" "Down with the conscription!" was
their most effective rallying cry. Every club,
coterie, and committee of the "patriots placed
this demand at the head of their programme,
and the result, as all may remember, was
magical. The revolution swept over Spain by
a well-nigh unanimous outburst of enthusiasm.
The old system, went down like a castle of
frost work, and with it true men fondly hoped
the bitter abuses which had so long chilled
the blood and stagnated the enterprise of a
historic race fell to rise no more. Last year,
however, the resumption of the quinta was
imploringly called for by the revolutionary
ministry, on the plea that publio safety abso
lutely required it, and the majority voted for
it in the Spanish Cortes upon the solemn
assurance that it was to be but temporary, and
for the last time. Even then, when the pe
riod for the drawing by lots arrived, there was
some resistance iu the provinces: but the
voice of the nation consented to the law as
to a supreme and final oacrince. Some feared
French invasion, and all recognized the ne
cessity of replacing the strength drawn away
from the home forces by the despatch of forty
thousand men to Cuba.
But this was not all. Military ambition de
mnnded much more. The consoriptionjjof
180!) was greatly alleviated by general volun
teering, and the towns and communes bought
off all the real conscripts by willing and
weighty bounties and contributions. The
volunteer system, however, was but a thorn
in the side of those generals who were dream
ing of military dictatorships and prolonged j
power. "Non taliaumlio, neo dej'emoribu
tntis " wan thoir secret watchword. The con
scription must be made permanent, and thus
we nave seen the projeot to prolong it shame
lessly presented to the Cortes. In the mean
time the one year volunteers are going out of
service, and the municipalities, utterly ex
hausted of funds, can no longer offer
bounties for substitutes. The revival of
the bated law is resisted by an enraged
populace in Madrid, Malaga, Seville, and
Barcelona in the latter city the more
fiercely because Catalonia was long ex
empted from the "blood tax" and feels
it most. "Abajo la quintets " rings again
from one end of Spain to the other, and
there is sad prospect that the present gov
ernment will disappear in slaughter and
anarchy, to be followed by the miseries of
invasion, unless the true patriots of the
Peninsula can rise to the height of the exi
gency, compel their plotting leaders to
abandon their unholy lust for power, and give
their country that peace which is best founded
upon liberty and safety at the fireside.
AND TnE COLORED TROOPS FOUGHT
NOBLY.
From the Chicago Pott.
The celebration at Chicago yesterday, by
the colored people, of the ratification of the
fifteenth amendment to the Constitution, was
an event worthy of note on many aocounts.
It is certainly true that the prooession during
the day was a marked sucoess. The thou
sands who witnessed it will agree that there
have been few more imposing displays in
Chicago. Everything that ought to have
been done was done, so far as the publio
could perceive. Nothing seemed to be lack
ing. The civic display and the military dis
play were exceedingly well got up, and ap
propriate to the occasion. If those forming
the procession had been white men, they
could not have done better than was done;
and white men have frequently, on like jubi
lant occasions, done a great deal worse.
Of the proceedings at the hall we noed not
speak at length. They were creditable
throughout. The negroes did their part with
great and acknowledged success, and even
eclat. The meeting last evening was a great
deal more Interesting, instructive, and or
derly than any Democratic meeting of the
past fifteen years which we can now recall to
mind.
But the particular point in this celebration
by the negroes to whioh we desire to call the
special attention of the publio is the fact that
good order and perfect sobriety characterized
the day, so far as those engaged in the cele
bration were concerned. There was no more
drunkenness in Chicago on the negroes
fourth of July than on any other day. If
men will recall the last "great day" the Chi
cago Demoorocy have had the day of Ho
ratio beymours speech in 1808 and com'
pare this with that, they will form a very
favorable opinion of the good conduct of the
newly enfranchised citizens. If there ever
was an occasion which there never was
when men would be justifiable for hila
rious and extravagant behavior resulting
from the drinking of healths, it was this when
the negroes celebrated their exodus from the
land of political bondage, and their safe
arrival in a sphere so much better and
brighter that they might seem to have taken
on a new nature, with renewed capaoity for
progress, influence, and happiness. If there
was any intoxication, it was very different
indeed from that of drunkenness as far
removed from it as the inspirations of the
poet from the Hallucinations of a lunatic
Seeing what others do on such occasions, the
sobriety and orderly, dignified behavior of
the colored people on the occasion of a cele
bration so justly joyous to them, must be set
down as greatly to their credit. They be
haved nobly.
It is a matter in which the intelligent pub
lio may well and Heartily rejoice, that the ne
groes held this celebration of their practical
emancipation from injustice and oppression,
It was an opportunity for the publio to judge
of tne men wnom tne public Had long con
demned, and the result of the good and
creditable conduct of tne negroes is that they
have won the respect of thousands who never
respected them before. There are thousands
in Chicago, hundreds of thousands in the
country, who have witnessed similar celebra
tions, who at last firmly believe that the blacks
have rights which white men are bound to
respect, and who now, if never before.
stoutly affirm that the colored troops fought
nobly.
That they will continue to fight nobly in
the discharge of the duties of citizenship in
this great republio, they alone can doubt who
doubt the beneficence of freedom and the
goodness and wisdom of Him who hath made
of one blood all nations of men.
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At Closettt market Kates,
N. W. Cor. THIRD and CHESNUT Sti.
Special attention given to COMMISSION ORDERS
la New York aud Philadelphia Stock Boards, etc
etc :wa
JOHN C. RUSHTOW A CO.,
No. 60 BOUTH THIRD STREET.
MAItCH COTJPOUS WANTED.
CITY WARHANT8
1 6 3m BOUGHT AND BOLD,
FINANCIAL.
Tf H E UNDERSIGNED
Offer For Sale $2,000,000
or THl
PENNSYLVANIA CENTRAL BR. CO.
OEHERAL MOETOAQE
Six Per Cent. Bonds
At 92 and Interest added to Date of
Purchase-
Aii free from State tax, and Issued In sums of 11000.
These Bonds are Coupon and RogtHtered Interest
on the former payable January aud July 1 ; on the
latter, April and October.
The oonds secured by thta mortgage are iMaed to
W1STAK MOKH18 and JOSIA1I UACON, Trustees,
who cannot, nnrler its provisions, deliver to the
Company, at any time, an amount of bonds exceed
Ing the full-paid capital stock of the Company
limited to 10,000,000.
Enough of these bonds are withheld to pay off all
existing Hens upon the property of the Company, to
meet which at maturity It now holds ample mean.
Independently of the bonds to be reserved by the
Trustees for that purpose, making the bonds prac
tically a FIRST MOHTUAGE upon all iu railways,
their equipment, real estate, etc etc.
The gross revenue of the Pennsylvania Railroad
In 18C9 was 1 11,880,811, or nearly twenty-eight per
cent, of the capital and debts of the Company at
the end of that year.
Since 1867 the dividends to the Stockholders have
averaged nearly eleven and one-half per cent, per
annum after paying Interest on Its bonds and pass
lng annually a large amount to the credit of con
struction account.
The security upon which the bonds are based Is,
therefore, of the most ample character, and place,
them on a par with the very best National securities.
For further particulars apply to
Jay Cooke & Co.,
E. W. Clark & Co.,
Drexel & Co.,
C. & II. Borie, t"i
V. II. Newbold, Son & Aertsen.
WE OFFER FOR SALE
THE FIRST MORTGAGE BONDS
OF THl
SOUTHERN PENNSYLVANIA IRON
AND
RAILROAD COMPANY.
Thes. Bond, run THfRTV TK4.R8, and pty SBVKH
PBR CENT, intereat in told, olau of all Uim, pvabU
at th. Fint Hational Bank in PttfUdslpbis.
Tbe .mount of Bond. iMaed is 80'-45,OOO, and arc
cared bj a Fint Uortm on real eatata, railroad, and
franchiaa. of the Company, th. former of whioh ooat tw
hundred thooaaod dollara, whioh has been paid for from
Stock .obeoriptton., and attar th. railroad ia finished, eo
that th. produots of th mine, can be brought to market.
It ia eatimaUd to be worth It 1,000,000.
Ihe bailroad oonneots with the Oumbarland Valler
Railroad about four milee below Uhamb.raburR, and runs
through a seotion of th. moat fertile part of th. Comber
UndV.lley.
We eell them at 93 and accrued Interest from March U
For further particulars apply to
C. T. YERKES, Jr., A CO.,
BANKERS,
SO, 20 BOUTH THIRD STREET,
830tf ymT.fniTT.pm a;
NEW LOAN.
City of Allegheny Six Per
Cents,
FIt-CIJ OF STATE
We are offering a limited mount of this Loa
Jit 90 Ter Cent, and Accrued
Interest.
The interest la payable first days of January and
July, in Philadelphia, FHKB C? STATE TAX.
We recommend them aa an unquestionable ae
urlty for investment
The debt of Allegheny City being comparattTelj
small, the security offered Is equal to that of the City
of Philadelphia, the difference in price making them
a very desirable and cheap security.
WI. PAINTER & CO.,
Itnuker- and Dealers lu Govern
ment Herurltie,
No. 36 South THIRD Street,
lSrn PHILADELPHIA.
QI.EIVmirVU. DAVIS & CO.,
No. 48 SOUTH TIIIRD STREET,
PHILADELPHIA.
GLEr.Dlf.HING. DAVIS & AMORT,
No. 2 NASSAU STREET, NEW YORK,
BANRERd AND BROKERS.
Kocelve dftposlu subject to check, allow interest
ousUudliig and U-uipoiary balances, and execute
onlera promptly for tbe purchase and sale of
eTOCKS, HONliH aud GOLD, la cither city.
Direct telegraph couiniunieatlon from Philadelphia
house to New York. 11