2
Tim daily evening telegk aph Philadelphia , Monday, march u, mo.
sriniT or Tiin mess.
Editorial Opinions of the Leading Journals
upon Current Topics Compiled Every
Day for the Evening Telegraph.
WHAT WILL lin DO WITH IT?
From the Ri-avrr Radical.
When Mr. Lowry introduced tho resolution,
nnder which for two months the Finance
Committee of the Senate htivo been endeavor
ing to harass Alackey, there was no one in
that august body who did not appreoiato its
significance. It was introduced after the
nomination of Mr. Mackey, and before the
villany of his defeat had been imagined or
Agreed upon. It did not mean that Mr.
Lowry was suddenly stricken with a mania for
reform, or had all at once opened his eyes to
the fact that the Treasurer did not keep the
funds of the State in a strong box, on which
he sat constantly with his finger in the key
hole, for it is matter beyond conjeoture that
Mr. Lowry knew precisely the contrary, and
has heretofore profited by his know
ledge. It meant that the sohemes of
Lowry and hia coadjutors for the
capture of the public funds, and the
emoluments to be derived therefrom, had
met with total and bewildering defeat, and
that their malice craved a victim ere they
died. The original resolution was restricted
to the investigation of the finanoial transac
tions of the current fiscal year, and Mr. How
ard's supplement, enlarging its scope to three
or four years of the past, which afterwards
passed, was no part of Mr. Lowry's pro
gramme. In brief, it was Mr. Mackey,
not the Treasury, nor even the 4 'Came
ron Treasury Ring" (whatever that may
be) that was to be investigated ; it
was Mr. M. entangled in the thorny
thicket, like the ram of old, who was to be
led to the altar of sacrifice, while Irvin, the
son of reform, was to go free, and the paren
tal heart of Lowry to soften to duty, while it
went nn wrung.
The composition of the committee favored
Mr. Lowry s idea. Mr. Billingfelt, its chair
man, was reliable in his hostility to Mackey,
if in nothing else, and with Wallace and
Molntire, both Democrats, and, from party
associations, bound to prosecute the inquiry,
constituted its majority. Mr. Wallace had
special incentive to directness and thorough
ness, for his party were impressed with the
belief, that they are annually defeated with
money drawn from the State Treasury, and
that the wildest speculation and iniquity are
resorted to, to supply the deficit. And with
"A host of fnrloaa fancied,
Whereof be waa commander,"
he led the attaok and pressed it with vigor
until its failure was imminent. It resulted
that in no instance could the enemies of the
Treasurer establish the calumnies to which
they had given currenoy, and Mr. Mackey's
examination failed alike to damage the min
or to justify the action of the Democrats
and the bolters in his defeat. The commit
tee have dragged the pool thoroughly, and
caught no fish.
In striking contrast with the frankness of
Mr. Mackey is the conduct of his successor.
While the candidate of the corruptionists
submits to the erperimentum cruris, and
cornea forth unharmed, General Irwin, the
reformer par excellence, declines to tempt its
perils; called before the committee after its
sessions have dragged through six weeks,
with its purpose and proceedings public, he
asks a week to examine the official papers of
the departments, which he fails to do. Again
reappearing, he files a document prepared
and hied a rnontn previous, positively aeciin
ing to be sworn again and again reports hia
refusal, though tempted by an intimation
from Billingfelt that the committee would put
no embarrassing questions, ana coolly
turns his back upon the dignitaries
of the Senate, seemingly caring
little for hia own reputation or
the character of his supporters, so that, like
his cousin Nasby, he can grasp his Post Office,
The committee, the Senate, and the Com
monwealth draw their own inferences. The
former directs its chairman to report the facts
to the Senate, but he declines to do so, and
when demand is made upon him in open
forum, he is still harping on my daughter,
He wants to report something about Mr.
Mackey, and battles fiercely to prevent the
Senate from taking official notice of a state
of affairs known to every one of its mem
bers. If Irwin has damned his reputation
for integrity, and slaughtered the retormera,
Mr. iiillingielt is an accessory in no mean
degree.
THE OHIO SHIP CANAL.
Faom the Cincinnati Gazette.
By the course of the Government the navi
gation of the Umo river is now tnrown in
state of suspense, which is preventing the
building of boats at a time when the number
is greatly below the demand, and is inflicting
an injury on the river navigation which will
take years to recover from, besides imposing
a great tax upon the inhabitants of a wild
territory by means of exorbitant freight
charges. The old canal admits boats of 800
' or 900 tons. The enlarged canal admits boats
of 2000 tons. It is in such a state of forward
ness that steamboat men will not build boats
restricted to the old size; but in the present
state of the funds, and with the uncertainty
as to the disposition of Congress, they cannot
have confidence to go at work now to build
boats depending on the completion of the
enlargement.
General Weitzel, the engineer in charge,
has slated the situation in a letter. He wants
sjM.IO.OOO to complete the canal by next No
vember, so that it will pass boats 80 feet
wide and 850 feet long. Were this appropri
ation promptly made, boat building would at
once begin. Another impediment which the
Government has permitted adds to the sus
pense, and makes the necessity for the com
pletion of the canal more imperative. The
erection of the railroad bridge at the head of
the falls has made the passage by the river
in high water extra hazardous, and, in fact,
impossible at the highest stage.
Thus large boats are obstructed by the
bridge in high water, and cannot pass through
the canal. Unless the Government means to
destroy the rivor navigation it should act
promptly, and furnish the hoiuII sum required
to complete this work. We can assure Con
gress that as to the matter of putting men in
employment, this appropriation of less than
half a million will do more than the three
millions it appropriated to the Steam Engi
neering Bureau of tho Navy Department.
And this will promote productive industry in
every way, while that is nothing but waste.
TnE SILVEK MOVEMENT.
From tU Chicago Tribune.
The business men of the country are adopt
ing the movement towards a speoie basis, by
means of silver coin for change, with a
promptitude that shows there is a real and
earnest desire to get back to a sound and sta
ble standard for commercial transactions.
Immediately after the announcement, a few
days ago, that some of the rotailen in New
York and Chicago had begun to use silver for I v
chango, the banks coiumonced receiving t
orders from their country correspondents lor
mall amounts of silver. This demand has
incre RFcd every day. and tbo other day one
prominf nt bank received twenty ordois from
different country bankers to purohaso nnd
send silver coin in amounts ranging from
one hundred to five hundred dollars. Very
few of tho orders are for half dollars, but
ruont of them specify qwarters, dimes, and
half dimes, showing that people are thor
oughly tired of the ragged and greasy frac
tional shinplasters one-fourth of which is
palpably counterfeit, another fourth so de
faced that it is impossible to toll whether it is
genuine or not, and tho whole of which is
filthy to a degreo that makes one who
handles it feel as though he had touched
small-pox patient.
At present the stock of silver in the city
is not sufficient to supply the demands of
such retailers here as wish to put their busi
ness on a specie basis, and it is, of course,
impossible to supply the large demand from
the country until it is imported from Canada
or California, and the quickest way for botn
country bankers and retailers here to get coin
for small chance is to order their bankers
here to import the amounts they require
from Canada or the Pacifio coast. So prompt
and general a movement by the trading pub
lio to take the first step toward a speoie basis
ought to convince Congress that though its
currenoy inflation schemes, and its paltering
policy generally in regard to the currency,
may suit the purposes of gold speculators,
they do not coincide witn the desires of the
business public.
But, even without any aotion of Congress,
there is no reason why specie payments may
not be resumed at once so far as relates to
the $ 39,000,000 of fractional currency. The
greenbacks are not exchangeable into frac
tional currency, and, therefore, the latter can
be cut loose from the greenbacks, and speoie
payments resumed and maintained on
$39,000,000 or $40,000,000 of fractional cur
rency, with not more than $.,000,000 of the
specie now lying idle in the Treasury. If
this step were taken it is probable that the
most of the fractional currency of denomina
tions below fifty cents would bo presented for
redemption, because the people are thor
oughly sick of it. Tins wosld establish a
silver basis for all retail business, independ
ent of the value of greenbacks; small silver
would circulate; and we should have made
the first step to complete specie resumption,
REPUBLICAN MAGNANIMITY.
From the Toledo Blade.
The first official act of Senator Revels, the
first man of acknowledged African descent
who has been admitted to a seat in the Senate
of the United States, was to present the fol
lowing resolution from tho State of Missis,
sippi, which ho represents:
liexolved. That th people of Mississippi, having
adopted a Contttitutlon republican tu form, ami the
iA'giHiHturo or sum state nuvmg ratined tne four
teenth ami fifteenth amendments to the Constitu
tion or the I'ulted State, the Congress of tho United
States is nereor reapertrull.r petitioned for the
removal "f the ".Inabilities of all citizens of the State
Of Mississippi, ami that Senator Hevels be requester!
to present the action of this body to the Senate of
tne united state.
'Iliis does not look like tne war ot races so
graphically depicted and predicted by Demo,
cratic orators and writers lor noarly naif a
century. No sooner does the despised and
long-oppressed African gain a recognized
standing and an honorable official position
than we find him using nis power to secure
pardon and restoration to political rights for
the very men who sought to make eternal the
bondage and degradation of his race. Such
magnanimity is almost without a parallel in
the history of the nations of the earth. No
race of men were ever so savagely oppressed
and outraged by another as the blacks of the
South were by the oligarchs who have been
disfranchised by the Government for the
crime of rebellion. They made war with a
tolerant government on purpose to fasten
chains on the negro eternally. All that could
be done to trample him into the dust, strip
ping him of all the rights, dignities, and as
pirations of a human being, was done by this
mobt despotic and tyrannical league of trai
tors. Even since the war closed they have
fought stoutly and malignantly against every
proposition to afford relief and protection to
the laboring class, the black men of the
South. Failing in the Rebellion they sought
to continue the blacks in a state of serfdom,
similar to that which in Europe still survives
the feudal system. Up to the last moment
this oligarchy strove to keep the blaok man
from the seats of power and from positions
of influence. And, now, no sooner has the
negro Republican gained the right to do so
than he bears a request from the party he
represents that their bitter, life-long ene
mies and oppressors should be fully absolved
from all penalty for their political crimes.
There is a moral sublimity in this exhibition
worthy of contemplation. It shows in
powerful contrast the malignity of oppres
sion, and the magnanimity of a race and a party
wno enjoy tne triumph or justice and
right, without the least malevolence to the
wrong-doers.
GREELEY ON PHILADELPHIA DIRT.
From the A. X. World,
The doom of Philadelphia is sealed, and the
main-stay of the metropolis of monopoly has
parted. There is, if not treason, certainly
disaffection, in the tariff camp. Headquar
ters are in danger, it tne present peril can
not be avoided, Philadelphia falls. The owl
will light on the bare head of General Wash
ington in Chesnut street; the bittern look out
of the Continental windows; and the New
Zealander always on hand sitting on the
waterless edge of the Fairinount dam, will
mourn over the glories of a park which never
was. The story is a sad one; but it must be
told, if posbible, with dry eyes. Every one
knows (for is it not taught in the common
schools and written by cipher in history)?
that Philadelphia is the centre, not only of
loyalty, but of tanfiistn. There lives and
writes and has his statistical being Mr. Carey,
the pontiff of protection, whose mystic syl
labi, like some others yo wot of, atliroi hia
own infallibility, in which no sane man be
lieves. There, too, iu the brief Congres
sional recess, resides Judge Kelley. Thence
issues diurnully, with "otutely Btup and slow,"
like an elephant at a durbar, loaded down
with statistical trumpery, tha Worth Amtvi.
can, on whose docile utiuk Mr. Carey rides.
There are tho woollen factories which burn
up periodically. There are the huge sugar
refineries, wtose owners, rolling in wealth,
pray for free muicovuch and protootion to tho
while article. Iu short, there Mother Pro
tection reigns supreme und thither her vota
ries rw-ort.
Among them, heretofore, who so welcome
as our H. G. of the l'ribunet He was an
especial pet. He was Philadelphia's main
reliance. He was bound to her by hooks of
steel (of course, home-made). He was always
at hand to sustain hor nonsense. If the ill
natured Woi-ld, or Journal of Commerce, or
1'vtt, or Times, said aught against a high
tariff, Philadelphia like tho Homerio Paris,
looked up t the Tribunitian, Aphrodite, and
was sure to be rescued in a cloud. Irrogulari-
ies, social, political, and moral, wore for
gotten. If only hostilo to free trade, free
love might be pardoned. When tho uulnoky
rcp.ogni.anco at liichmond was signed, l'hila
delphia shuddered, but, like Agamemnon at
Aulis, buried its agonized face in its pockot
handkerchief (domestic, of course), and then
forgot and forgave. He was always at hand
to cipher pig-iron up or down, as l'niladoiputa
desired, and had a sliding scale of agricultural
prices always oiled for service.
Vhoimnninod that such an U. U. would
prove recreant or fail in his allegiance ? And
jet ho has. And Philadelphia awo.ee late of
course one morning to find that the
Tribune had turned neninst hor, and in an
elaborate editorial, very cleverly written, had
ilitnminnAfl iAii do "lirftr " in fno.t nnv
the filthiest city in the Union." She was
once," says the Tribune, "at least honest and
clean; she is so no longer." "She is hope
lessly slow, deficient in literature and art, and
gluttonously fond of terrapin." And then,
says Mr. Greeley with a crescendo: "There
is every reason to suppose that the Philadel-
phians will remain permanently thirsty and
unwashed during all the summers yet to
come, unless Providence meroifully puts an
end to her by a fire which New York is too
busy to put out."
This is savage inculpation; and we do not
wondor Philadelphia is aggrieved. But that
it might be rejected, our testimony is at her
service, we know JNew iork is dirty, vve
have always believed that Philadelphia was a
clean town, and that, on ner scale oi virtue,
cleanliness was a little ahead of godliness.
The white window-shutters, the immaculate
marble stoops, live vividly in our memory;
and there is an illustrative tradition, showing
the ruling passion strong in capture, that
when the Rebel Lee threatened Philadelphia
in 181)3, her ancient burghers were ready to
go out and meet the conqueror, like those of
Calais, with the ransom but without the
Halters, and surrender tne city with but a
single stipulation that "the right, conse
crated by centuries, of washing the pave
ments on Saturday should not be interfered
with,
We have no more to say. Politically and
socially, we rejoice at the disruption of this
friendship; but nevertheless it is a sad sight
to see brethren in unity so much at variance.
Tho Philadelphia protectionists must get up a
new JSow lork organ.
WHAT CAN REPUBLICANS DO IN NEW
YORK ?
From the N. Y. Times.
The Kepubucan papers in the West are
talking of "cutting loose" from New York
Their lino of argument is that the city brings
the party into disrepute, and that although
.Democrats are responsible for the chief scan,
dais connected with it, yet the Republicans
cannot acquit themselves of responsibility for
supineness in the face of abuses which ought
never to havo been tolerated for a single year,
Some of the journals speculate on the proba
bility of great ports being opened in New
Jersey, and in time causing New York to de,
clino from its present state of prosperity,
We may have our own opinions about the
feasibility of this project, and it is not neoes
snry to discuss them at this moment. But
that the subject should be treated at all and
anywhere in this spirit is one proof among
many of the growth of the opinion which we
have been expressing for years past namely,
that the general system ot fraud which goes
under the name of "government" in this city
would in tune come to be regarded as a na
tional scandal.
The recommendation of the Western papers
with regard to the separation of the rest of
the party from New York means very little,
Iheydonot tell us how they would accom
plish the measure in question, nor have they
any very clear idea what would be the effeot
of it if they succeeded. Wise leaders never
propose to disperse their forces, but rather
to bring them into complete harmony, and
set diff erent divisions moving in the same
direction. New York is not likely to lose its
commercial position, and the removal of its
municipal and political scandals is only a
question of time. The day will come when
people will turn to old files of this journal
for denunciations of a corrupt Government
and dishonest judges with the same feeling
that we now read of Lord Baoon taking
money of suitors, in the cases tried before
mm, or ot fcir Kobert walpole buying np
majorities. Such stories . will merely be
cuiious from the historio point of view. A
lady came to this city en a visit some time
ago and wrote of it: "The bricks in some of
the houses are of divers colors, and laid in
checkers; being glazed, they look very agree
able. The staircases are laid with white
tiles." The remarks which we now make on
the reign of fraud in this city will no more
apply to its condition some years hence than
this lady's description of our houses in 1704
applies to the dwellings in which we live now,
Time is on our side in the contest we have
waged, and all that we have fought for will
one day be secured
But in order to accelerate this brighter
epoch we would not cut away New York from
the Republican party, but rather seek to
strengthen our hold here. There is nothing
so fatal to the success of parties as the con
viction that it is useless to struggle against
their opponents. No man and no organiza
tion of men, having a good object in view,
orient to admit that they are hopelessly di
fcfited. We must convince Republicans
here that it la their duty to be more ag
cresFive, and to study to form combinations,
especially with the German element in the
city. The Democrats are a "rabble"'
that is, they are disorganized and incapable
of desliDc with the crisis which bos
arisen in their affairs. The respectable por
tion of the party are undone by their allies
Tfcev caunot overcome mountains, and it
would be unreasonable to expect too much
from them on the one hand, or to censure
them for not being able to keen their sup
porters in subjection on the other. VVe
willingly give many of them the credit of
desiring most earnestly to deal fairly by tho
inhabitants of this great city. But they are
overwhelmed by numbers. Tho Republicans
must go on regardless of them. Tuey must
fight their own battle. With the exorcise of
patience, cournge and earnestness, we shall
succeed in the end; but the idea of formally
relinquishing the field to our antagonist is
too pusillanimous to be seriously entertained
by the party leaders.
THE NATIONAL BANK MONOPOLISTS
, AND THE FUNDING BILL.
From the JT. r. Herald.
The Funding bill has passed the Senate. It
provides in the main for the issue of bonds
at four, four and a half, and five per cent.,
redeemable inside of forty years, for the pur
pose of reducing the public debt. One of
the most important provisions of the bill com
pels national banks to take these new bonds
in return for their old ones. This the na
tional banks do not want to do. They are
not satisfied with the enormous profits on a
national circulation, whioh Congress has
been foolish enough to give them, without
the least consideration in return. They are
insatiable, and care not who boar the bur Ion
of the debt and, expenses of tho Government
if they do not. The profits on three hundred
millions of circulation amount nrobablv to
twenty-fivo or thirty millions. Tho
interent on the bonds deposited for this
circulation is about twenty millions ia
gold. Thus, by the extravarint liberality of
Congress, tho bauks make from twelve to fif
teen per cent, on their capital. Ia short.
their threo hundred millions of circulation is
just a clean gift of three hundred millions
of dollars to those monopolists; for they draw
the interest on the bonds loft with the Trea-
tury as security for their currency. Yet,
when it is proposed in funding the dobt at a
lower rate of interest to compel these banks
to take bonds bearing four or four and
a half por cent, interest to doposit as secu
rity for their circulation, they cry out
against the measure. They have been using
all their vast influence in Congress ana
through a powerful lobby to defeat this
Provision of Mr. Sherman's bill. It is to
e hoped they will fail in the House as
they have in the Senate. The profits of
a national circulation belong by right to the
people and ought to go into the Treasury. It
is a monstrous outrage to give them to pri
vate corporations. Senator Casserly, of Cali
fornia, said well in the debate on the subject
that the national banks ought to be com
pelled to pay a large proportion of their enor
mous profits to the Government. In no other
country does the Government surrender such
a valuable privilege to private corporations.
Even the Bank of England, which renders
the British Government great services and
performs most of such finanoial duties as fall
upon our Treasury Department, pays to that
Government a large portion of the profits on
its circulating notes. As this proposition to
make the national banks take bonds at a lower
rate of interest seems to be the only way of
reaching them or of making them pay some
little for the extraordinary privileges they
possess, we hope the House will follow the
example of the Senate and make it a part of
the 1 unding bill, in spite of the lobby and
opposition of the large number of members
interested in these corporations.
ABOLISHING
BREVET RANK IN THE
ARMY.
From the K. T. Sun.
It is related in army circles that one day
near the close of the war a mule was observed
passing along the lines of the Army of the
1'otoniao, then lying in front of Richmond,
whose sad countenance attracted universal
attontion. His head hung down in medita
tive mood, his half-closed eyes roved in a
vacant way along the ground, and his long,
expressive ears vibrated in the peculiar man
ner that showed the workings of a busy but
mortified spirit. The sympathy of the idle
soldiery was awakened. In groups of two or
three, officers and men came from front and
rear and both flanks, and looked wonderingly
at me curious signt. lie was an old, a veto
ran mule, and his evident distress exacted the
tribute of respect. At last a hardened old
teamster, who had been known to boost of
having, without whip or spur, sworn a six,
mule team up a hill, caught this poor mule
by his ragged, straw-protruding collar that
hun j in tatters about his ears, and, roughly
jerking him to a dead halt, asked in thunder
tones:
"What in thunder are yon crying about?"
"Because they won't make mo a Brevet
norse !" was the reply, drowned in sobs and
heralded by a burst ot tears.
If the satire of this fable was so apparent
in 18G"i, what must it be now when nearly
every omcer above the rank or econd Liieu
tenant has tailed to his name from one to four
brevets? The list of Brevet Major-Generals,
lirevet Jingadier-uenerals, Urevet Colonels,
urevet .Laeutenant-uoioneis. lirevet every
thing, is so large that not to nave a brevet is
the exception, and the titles of General.
Colonel, and Captain have quite lost all their
signification. If all deserved this distin
guishing mark, what is left to be done for
inose wno signalized their career by some
peculiar act of daring or 6elf-sacrifice? The
power of conferring brevets was exercised so
lavishly that it had become a nuisance before
it was made ridionlous by the introduction
into congress oi a bill that conferred on any
regular oihcer tho brevet for the rank that he
had held as a commander of volunteers, and
this without reference to his ability to prove
mat lie nad ever smelt powder.
It is worthy of remark that each of the im
porlant army bills now before Congress, in
eluding that of General Logan, which passed
the House on Thursday, contains a provision
for tho abolition of brevet rank. There are
few old army officers who will not most
heartily approve of the passage of that clause
at least, whatever they may say as to the
others. Perhaps some few lieutenants may
wince a little at first under their eagles and
stars which mean nothing, but we venture
the assertion that the higher an officer's real
rank the easier will come the surrender of
his valueless brevets. The real horoes of
hard-fought fields, who are hopelessly con
founded with brother officer! whose brevets
were earned through political influence, or by
an luuusinous collection of letters of reeoai
mendation, will gludly see the whole thing
abolished, quite satisfied to leave their
dearly-bought reputations in the hands of
their comrades, whose verdict is generally
uneirmg.
OLD AND NEW.
From the N. Y. Tribune.
Just 100 years ago on Saturday appeared
the 77!Uh number of the Boston Gazette and
Country Journal. A copy of it lies before
us as we write. It is a dingy little paper,
about one-fifth as big as the Tribune, and
though it purports to contain "the freshest
advices, foreign and domestic," it is barren
enough of general news, as the best of jour
nals were apt to be in those early days. The
second and third pages, however, surrounded
by broad black margins, and decorated with
a row of coffins bearing skulls and cross-
bones, tell a story which even at the distance
of an entire century is still of vivid interest.
This is the story of the famous Boston mas-
fitcre of the fth of March "a melancholy
Demonstration," says tho Gazette, "of the
destructive Consequences of quartering
Troops among Citizens in a Time of Peace
under a Pretense of supporting the Laws and
nuling Civil Authority, . , but, in Reality,
10 ltjc-rce oppresriY0 iviHures, to
awe & coutiotil the legislative
as Tivll as executive" Power of
the Province, nud to quell a Spirit C"f Liber'y.
which however it may have been basely on.
pos'd and even: ridioul'd by some, would Jo
Honor to any Ags or Country." One can"
hardly read without ft smile the report that
"Tuesday Morning presented a most shock
ing Scene, the Blood of our Fellow Citizens
running like water thro' King Street, and the
Merchants Exchange. Our Blood might also
be track'd np to the Head of Long-Lane, and
through divers other Streets and Passages;"
for it is well understood now that the Boston
Massacre was in itself a small affair, and the
i soldiers had pretty severe provocation for
what they did. Perhaps it would be rash to
call the victims of the riot martyrs; but the
four black coffins which figure iu this mourn
ing sheet, marked with tho initials of Kitnnel
Gray, Samuel Maverick, Jamos Caldwell,
and Crispus Atiucks, nre after all memo
rials of the rising spirit of independence
which a few years later was to express
itself in Jefferson's noble declaration. The
nnrrative of the massacro and the funerals,
and the proceedings of various town meet
ings which in the same week resolved to op
pose the importation of all British goods and
to drink no tea until the Stamp Act should
be repealed, take up so much of the paper
that there is little room for miscellaneous
reading. We have, however, an angry com
munication from "An Independent, who
argues, in reply to "A Bostonian," that alle
giance to the king is compatible with resist
ance to unVist laws, and is horrified at Bosto
nian's assertion that "the Independent would
convert every province or island, however ia
significant some of them may be, into sepa
rate and distinct States" which he deolares
to be a "palpable lio." We have a curious
report in the way of vital statistics: "Buried
in the town of Boston since our last, eight
whites, no black. Baptized in the several
churches, seven." Passengers for New York
are informed that a sloop will sail In the
course of a week; and the heads of families
are advised that "A young woman with a good
breast of milk, that can be well recom
mended, would go into a gentleman's family
10 suckle.
The Gazette yraa not a bad paper for its
day; but what enormous progress the art of
journalism has made in the hundred years
since this little sheet was printed ! Suppose
America now were full of the spirit of revo
lution, and an occurrence like the Boston
Massacre should fan the smouldering fires into
flame, how differently the newspapers would
treat the matter The fullest possible de
scriptions of the scene would be read the next
morning in every city of the Union. We
should have the history of the troubles from
the commencement; we should have the
opinions of the people from all quarters, the
talk of the drawing-rooms, and the murmurs
of the streets; and the editorial pages of f the
great papers would be filled with comment,
explanation, expostulation, incitements to
revenge, or entreaties to be calm and pru
dent. The journalist would reoognize .his
double function of both directing and report,
ing the publio sentiment; advising his party
what to do, telling them what their friends
were doing in other cities and States, and in
dicating the general drift of the tide. Mate
rial nrocress and political development de,
pend largely upon close intercourse between
the distant parts of the country, and nothing
promotes that intercourse so much as tho
press. Perhaps if the last century had pro
duced newspapers like those of the present,
the independence of the United States would
have been achieved a generation earlier.
TTIE RIVAL PARTIES AT ROME.
From the London Saturday Review.
As the great struggle between the infalli
bilists and their opponents proceeds at Rome,
tne contrast becomes daily more marked be
tween both the tactics and the personnel of
the rival parties in the strife. And the facts
thus elicited have an interest of their own
even apart from their inevitable bearing on
me issue, bo many tresn rumors are con
stantly emerging out of the obscurity pro
duced tor the moment but for the moment
only by the partial observance of the silly
and suicidal rule of compulsory secrecy, that
it becomes needful to sift carefully the allega
tions of our various informants. Certain
points, however, have been established during
the lost few days beyond a reasonable doubt.
The two Memorials have now been presented
to the Pope; the infallibilist petition with
four hundred signatures the utmost
that could be got together after weeks
of aotive canvassing, backed by the
wholo weight of indirect official sup
port; the counter-petition with signatures va
riously stated at something between 150 and
200, while it is understood that a good 100
bishops more concur in the protest, though
they shrink from subscribing it, and will act
on that principle should the matter, after all,
come up for discussion. In other words, the
minority reaches about a third of the episoo
pal body. This fact alone would almost
seem to prove that the back of Inf ouibilism
is virtually broken, when we recollect how
dithoult it always is to induce men in high
position, especially ecclesiastics, to stand out
against what is supposed to be the corporate
feeling and interest of their order. No doubt
tho happy indiscretion of the Roman court in
seizing this opportunity for a deliberate out
rage on the whole episcopate, by proposing
to deprive them of the mere shadow of their
ancient rights and independence which for
mer Papal encroachments have left, may
have contributed to this result. Still, how
ever it be viewed, the fact is significant
enough. And it becomns unspeakably mora
important when we proceed to analyze as well
as count the lists of the rival com
batants. There is not, as far as we have ob
served, a single name of the highest mark
among the infallibilist bishops; their numeri
cal ruajoiity is swelled by the cx ojjicio adhe
sion of a host of Italian prelates and bishops
in jiartibus 89 of the latter have been created
since the Indiotion of the Council, much as
peers might be created wholesale to swamp
the House of Lords on whose votes the
court can alwuys reckon. The name of most
note among them is Dr. Manning's, who is
certainly not remarkable as a theologian, still
less as an historian; and the point at issue
hinges very greatly on historical considera
tions. hat influence ho has he owes to his
antecedents, and if ho is the most effective in
some ways of the Ultramontane decoy ducks,
he gained his effectiveness in a very dif
ferent school from theirs. On the other
band, we find among the siguataries of the
anti-infallibilist memorial nearly every name
of high rank in the Catholic hierarchy. There
are Cardinals Ranscher and Schwarzenberg
and Bishop Ketteler for Germany; Darboy
and Dupauloup for France; Kenrick, Muo
Hale, aDd Ullathorne for the English-speak
ing unions: Strossmeyer for Hungary. There
is in fact tho name of every prelate who has
made himself known for learning, or high
moral influence, or independence oi nana.
And if we pass from tho inside of the council
to the supporters of the contending parties
out of doors, the contract bewmes far more
imprersive. We shall have oocasion to return
to this point presently.
Meanwhile there are not wanting unmis
takable signs that the attitude and resources
of the opposition, and the expressed determi
nation of a large body of French, German,
and Hungarian bishops, beaded by the Arch
bishops of Paris, Prague, and Vionna, to
ieare Rome and protest against the validity
of the Council if the subject of Papal infalli
bility is brought before it, haa produced its
effect even there. The almost incredible
Btory whioh howver is well authenticated, of
the Pope's indecent and illegal violence to
wards the venerable Patriarch of Babylon,
who was compelled in a secret interview to
sign awsy bis rights much as old Isaao tho
Jew was compelled to sign away his property
in the torture-chamber of Fiont-do-Bnuf's
castle as the penalty for daring to expross hia
honest convictions in the council, betrays all
the cruel timidity of friahtened dospotism;
nd no one can be so recklessly cruel as a
timid ninn who is thoroughly fritrhtened.
The childish petulance of stopping the tele
grams of the opposition bishops, as well as
debarring them from the printing press, is a
sign in the same diroct'on. btul more signi
ficant is the disposition now manifested to
recall or explain away the Bull of Censures,
which many prelates have flatly refused to
fmblish in their dioceses. And, last but not
east, comes the new dodge there is no other
term lor it or the bained infallibilists, which
is important, both as a confession of weakness
and a characteristic specimen of their policy,
though exceedingly nnlikoly to help their
tottering cause. We have already commented
at length on the original Memorial, and also
called attention to Dr. Dollinger crushing ex
posure of its fallacies and insolence in the
AUgemeine Zritung for January 21. Another
German Catholic has since characterized it.
with perfect iustice. as a tissue of f nlnAhoorla
from beginning to end. But we do not scru
ple to say that the second (Schema they have
now put forward in its place is far more
deeply discreditable to them, both in itself
and in the circumstances of its appearance.
than the original document for which it has
been adroitly substituted. The former at
least had the merit of stating plainly and
honestly what the memorialists wanted, though
tne arguments ny wmcn tneir cause was de
fended were a barefaced travesty of tho ele
mentary facts of Church history, and their
arrogant abuse of all who rejected their base
less theory was a gross libel on a third of their
episcopal brethren, and on the immense ma
jority of the more intelligent and fair-minded
ot their oo-religiomsts, both clerical and lay.
But their last proposal is a transparent sub-
ten uge. it says one thing while it means
another, and is designed to secure by an un
derhand maneruvre the result which it ia
found impossible to attain by direct means.
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