The evening telegraph. (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, January 06, 1870, FIFTH EDITION, Page 6, Image 6

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    THE DAILY TELKORAHT PHILAT)KLrriIA, THURSDAY, JANUARY C, 1870.
srinxT or tizu piujss.
KaHnriaJ vlnlon mf lh lad1n Jonrnnl
Upon (larrrnt Topic)-t'oinpllcd Efrr
Pny for thn Hvr-iilnft Trlrnrnph.
THK TREASURY AjS'D TIL F, TAXPAYER.
Frrm tft A'. 1'. Timt.
We have no disposition to take from tho
Beoretary of the Trnomiry any of tho credit
he in entitled to for what he has already i ;
eomplishod in reducing the debt. We ruvo
nteadily miHtained bin etfortu in this direction,
and have applauded the vigor aud honesty
which have enabled him to pay oft' so largo
an amount during his brief term of ofiijo.
Thia praiao, however, ha been predicated in
part upon the requirements of tho Hinking
Fund law, -and in part upon the faut that a
fiscal Bystem for which he is not responsible
has placed hiui in possesnion of a large sur
plus revenue. It wan his duty to dispose of
this surplus in some way, and its application
to the redemption of bonds has enabled him
to confer upon tho country certain substantial
bcnetlts.
The question now is not whether Mr.
LoutwcU's courso has been light or wrong,
bnt whether it is just or expediont to con
tinue the taxation which made that courso
possible. We ha e nothing but praise for his
use of the means which tho revenue placed
at his disposal; bnt when he proposes to
maintain this revenue at its present rate
solely that he may continue tho reduction of
an indebtedness not yet matured, we think
it proper to remind him that tho time is not
propitious for the cultivation of theories, or
the promotion of pet projects, and that the
people expect and have a right to expoct
that the surplus shall hereafter inure to their
benefit as taxpayers. Between the judicious
application of a realized surplus, and the con
tinuance of oppressive taxation solely with a
view to the acquisition of a large surplus,
there is an essential difference. It is the lat
ter purpose which now challenges public
attention.
The plea is, that by keeping up the present
surplus aud' applying it to the payment of
unmatured dott, the Government will be
enabled to fund tho bulk of the romaining
debt at a lower rate of interest. Of those
who persistently Urge this excuse, not one
has condescended to explain on what ground
the holder of a six per cent, bond may be
expected voluntarily to exchange it for a
four per cont. There must be compulsion of
some sort or the conversion will not be made.
Senator Sherman saw this when ho suggested
that the bondholders Khould be made to un
derstand that a refusal to exchange might be
followed by the redemption of tho bonds in
depreciated greenbacks instead of ooin.
Others, more cautious, have contended that
there can be no funding at a lower rate
of interest until tho Government is enabled,
by resumption, to offer gold for the
six per cents as tho alternative of a four
per cent, security. We are convinced that
resumption must precede funding; and ns re
fiunipUpH R $ VPVS Of we pprelieucl of
yearsw Lave protested against the con
tinuance of taxation for the promotion of an
object which is distant and indefinite in its
distance. There would be some reason in a
proposal to prolong the present burdens an
other year, if there wero any guarantee that
at the end of that period funding might be
effected. But there is no such guarantee
and there can be none. On the contrary,
since resumption is a necessary preliminary
to funding, and since resumption itself in a
comparatively remoto contingency, the propo
sal to perpetuate exhaustive taxation lacks the
only plausible pretense that has been invented
in its behalf.
There is a necessity which the advooates of
immediate resumption and tho believers in
the possibility of funding both overlook. The
necessity in .question is relief to the taxpay
ers. "Get back quickly to specie payments,"
sounds well enough. "Fund tho debt,"
jaonnds not annas. ' Jt these suggestions be-
. come as nothing before the demand for re
duced taxation. "Reduce the taxes !" That
is the people's cry; a cry not raised by dema
gogues or echoed by charlatans, but one that
originates in me nciuai wants 01 iuo oommu
nity in the condition of its trade and indus
try, in the struggle of both for existence, and
in the hardships entailed upon both by the
present rate of taxation. The Tribune may
point daily, if it so choose, to the "glory" in- I
cident to the payment of indebtedness not ;
due. The . taxpayers do not value that kind
of glory they want felief. They don't ciwe
about great benotits in the uncertain future.
They hoed most their sufferings from taxa
tion as it is, and they insist that tluit shall be
diminished before aught be done towards the
solution of other problems.
The demand is rendered tho more em
phatic and the more equitable by the gradual
approach to specie payments and the neces
sity of adjusting things before that result be
reached. The Tribune characterizes the re
marks that while "values are falling taxes re
main the same" as "hheer effrontery." It in
in the main fact, nevertheless. And if re
sumption be brought about without revision
and reduction of taxoa as a preliminary, the
people will not be able to pay them. This,
too, may be "shoer effrontery," but it also is
as near akin to fact as anything in the future
can be. For taxes undiminished in amount,
with the values of labor and of all products
diminished by resumption, would be practi
" cally increased taxation and that at a time
Tihen every interest would be sorely tried.
PARTY ORGANS HERE AND IN ENG
LAND. rrvm. tU V. Y. World.
The London Time, in noticing the recent
death of the London Star and Morning
Utrald, attributes it to the fact that they
were party organs. The UtaT was the organ
of the extreme Liberals, of which John
Blight was the acknowledged leader, and
never attained any pecuniary prosperity.
The Morning Herald was a high Tory organ.
and attracted the notice of Americans during
our late war by its advocacy of the cause of
the Confederate States as aguiiiht that of the
United States. What the Time says may be
true, for the manurnvrcs of lending British
Fioliticians frequently involve such changes of
ront that a party sometimes finds itself advo
cating a policy on one tiny wnleli it had
strenuously opposed tho day before. A com
paratively recent example of this was far
Dished by Mr. Disraeli, who, when last ho va
Prime Minister, introduced measures of fur
more liberal character' than his opponents
(the Liberals) had dared present. Of course,
his party (the Tories) supported him, though
right in the teeth of its provioiibly pro
nounced policy.
But it is, doubtless, on higher grounds that
the Time sounds the knellof party organs,
and its words have an application to such
papers in this country as well as to its con
temporaries in England. It is true that the
day for Mind party organs in the United
States is passed. And by this tonu we mean
to designate those papers which so implicitly
follow 10 the wuke vf their party approving
tfvri jtliiif; said' ir, dottr: by its representatives
mid consuming int vything miid or done ly
its opi'onrtiti tliiit the re.iders know In ad
vance prroiM ly wli.it course it will take in
reference to try and every publii) measure
It is in tho higheht degree creditable to the
American people that it efuhows wioh jour
nals and gives its support to those which
have opnions of their ow n, irrespective of
any political party or any political leaders.
There is a sense, however, in which party
organs are and will continue to be a necessity
in this country. Political parties there always
will be, and voters will rauge themselves wit h
the olio whose professions most nearly accord
with their own views. So, too, there will be
newf papers which will advocate tho cause of
each party, and thus represent a certain phase
of public opinion. But tho journal which is
blind to the faults of its own party, as well as
to tho merits of tho opposing party, is not the
one which commends itself to the average
American. There is beneath all the partisan
ship of our people an innate sense of justice
that is quick to "respond to any attempt at
fairness in a public journal. This fact tho
leading papers in the country perceive,
so that now, in place of the old slang
whanging partisan organs that used to flourish
so extensively, thero is a large and grow
ing class of journals which exercise the right
to judge impartially of the acts of either
party, though in the main advocating the
claims of one of them. Several such papers
we could name, but tho pnhlio is too familiar
with them to require it. They are the most
influential and most prosperous papers in the
country, and will continue to advance in pros
perity bo long as they maintain their present
course. On the other hand, the blind party
organs (of which thero are still too many)
are struggling for existence and are doomed
to the fate of the Loudon Star and tho Morn
ing JIrahf, unless they follow the example
of their wiser contemporaries. It is a cho
rished dream of many porsons that the acme
of perfection in a newspaper would be neu
trality in party matters. This dream is an
idle one. So long as public measured can
be adopted only by means of organized politi
cal purties,and so long as voters will Ride with
one or other of these parties, just so long will
party journals bo a necessity; but those jour
nals' will obtain influence in inverse ratio to
their blind adherence to party. They must
be independent, but not neutral.
FRENCH rOLITICS.
From the llonton Traveller.
The condition of affairs in France is an apt
practical commentary on French politics. Na
poleon III, having made up his mind to
abandon that system of personal government
which he had pursued for almost eighteen
years if we count from the coup dtit of
December, 1851 seems determined to give
the constitutional system a fall and fair trial;
and that under circumstances and conditions
w hich will not leave its votaries any ground
for reasonable or unreasonable complaint or
criticism. That they do complain of and
criticise his course is clear, even from the
meagre accounts of their words and their
deeds that we obtain through the telegraphic
despatches; but that docs hot provft t-h.t thci?
language and their action are reasonable or
that they are even what could bo called un
reasonable; for, generally speaking, tho
tongues and the pens aud the hand of French
politicians are so employed as to convey a
very vivid impression that their owners are
as mad as hares are reputed to bo in March.
There are but one or two instances in French
history of tho existeuce of political parties
that bhould not have been sent to Charenton,
to promote the safety of the French Empire,
republic, or kingdom Charenton having been
for more than a century the soat of the French
Bedlam. Insanity is the exception w ith the
political parties of England and the United
States, and sanity the rule. Twice, perhaps (in
1840 and in 1800), have parties gone mad in
this country; and four or live times have Eng
lish parties so acted as to be compelled to put
in the plea of insanity in bar of the judgment
of history. But oven when most crazy,
English And American parties liavo not SO
borne thomselves as to leave tho impression
on the mind of tho sane observers of their
allliction that they were hopelessly mad. Re
mission might speedily come, and that would
lie followed by cure, and then a long period
of health would set in. With French parties
the case is very different. Insanity is with
them the long rule, and . sanity the rare ex
ception. Trace them back through almost
six centuries from tho time of Napoleon III
to Philip-Augustus, in whose reign France, as
wo moderns understand the name, began to
exist and you w ill tind them, with very few
exceptions, as mad as madness could make
them, and thus mating ot tne v renon world
"a mad world, my masters!" Imperialists
and Republicans, Orleanists and Legiti
mists, White Terrorists and Rod Ter
rorists, Constitutionalists and Royalists,
Jacobins and lhermnlorians, Jleertists
and Cordeliers, Girondius and Feuillans,
Parliamentarians and Absolutists, Jausenists
(Port Royalists) aud Jesuits, llazarinists and
Frondenrs, Huguenots and Leaguers, Bur
gundians and Armagnacs, Nobles and Jacques,
Albigensos and Romanists, and so on, down
far into the crusading age road tho history
of these French purties, or rather factions,
and you oro to be excused if you come to tho
conclusion that you are perusing t he annals
of Charenton, compiled by a faithful, an
impartial, and a conscientious editor. The
exceptions are so few that wo think it is
tolerably safe to say that the i'olitiqucs of
the sixteenth century formed almost the only
really sane purtj over known in ''the plea
sant land of France," where men are addicted
to such very uuplcasunt proceedings in poli
tics. Sane politicians aro not unknown, and
never have been unknown, among the
French, but sound-minded parties aro all
bnt unknown t that lively and polished
poople, who claim to be, and not altogether
unreasonably on some ground.-), the first of
existing races; and in, no other country are
political loaders ho often lod as they
are in franco, where the many-heaued many
control tho clear-headed few. There is
hardlv a religious or a political excess men
tioned in French history and that history is
full of instances of excesses perpetrated in
the names of religion and politics that was
not the work of mobs, calling themselves
the people. Tho horrors of both ter
rors, white as well as red, were the
work of the rabble, not of their loaders,
most of whom would have been glad to
spare Mood; and it is all but certain tli.it
Robespierre's full was owing as much to his
desiro to put an end to butchery as to all the
evil of which he was guilty, lliat his over
: throw fc as followed by a reaction against the
; torror was due to accident, not to design.
' Danton and his friends had fallen had
"sneezed in the uack" because they had
sou (lit to lessen the requisitions that were
made upon tho executioners and their over
worked assistants. So it has been throughout
tho entire career of I ranee, no party being
satisfied with victory over its rival, but think
ing itself badly used if not allowed to enjoy
.,..1 ... i. il if
mih luxury oi eiiermmauug it tuua junwiy
ing the bitter remark of that veteran poliU
eian find liistorinn, M. Guiot. that in l'renh
pol tlcal warfpre fhc vanquished are ai the
dead.
CI. OWN JEWELS.
Friroi th X Y. Tribunt.
King Victor of Italy is a prudent man. He
has forbidden the Dnke of Geuoa to accept
that dangerous piece of jewelry, the Spanish
crown. Though forestalled in this action by
the stripling Duke's mother and her hus
band, the Marquis Rapallo, the gentleman
King claims the supreme right to dispose of
Italian princes. All of them are now agreed,
if the cable reports unerringly, not to touch
tho fatal crown. Consequently thero is
another crisis in the desperate fortunes of
Spain, and Marshal Prim, with his Ministry,
is faid to have resigned from the Government,
which is to say, in other words, that the Gov
ernment has resigned from itself. This hap
pens when the Treasury of Spain is in an ex
hausted condition, and while Democratic
papers in Madrid can afford to complain of
the horrors of the Cuban war, and ask for the
cessation of a vain crusade. Meanwhilo, the
inevitable Montponsier is announced on hand
as always, like that sempiternal blacking ef
which we have more than once read. The
crown of Spain, of which Isabella is charged
With having stolen the jewels, is once more
rejected in the market, and is about
to be set aside by the auctioneer. Who
bids? Can Montpensier buy it, or will Mar
shal Prim accept the Republic in its stead ?
It is a grievous and disreputable crown.
Most of its jewels are gome, so that it would
be a real saving to Spain not to have a king,
and so avoid the expense of getting a new
oxe. Minister Figuerola, who takes care of a
treasury which a democratic newspaper of
Madrid f'ettarcs is almost bankrupt, has been
provoked to charge upon the ex-Queens
Christina ar.d Isabella the robbery of about
t 1,000,000 worth of jewels belonging to the
Crown. Ex-Queen Christina implores tho
Minister of Finance to consent to become a
private citizen, in order that she may prose
cute him. Ex-Queen Isabella also rejects,
and we presume indignantly, tho application
to her of what her ex-MinisteJ Canovas calls
the ignominous epithet of thief; and her
daughter's recent distresses, which have boon
brought to the notice of the French public
through a court, show that tho want of these
jewels is more apparent than the possession
of them. Minister Figuerola promises, how
ever, convincing proof of ' the high crime of
Crown robbery; and as the jewel reputation
has been lost by one or both of tho ex-Quoons,
many Spaniards will venture to believe that
they have stolen others.
This theft, a royal one in every respect,
suggests curious reflections upon the state of
Eublic virtue in Spaiu. Queen Isabella may
avo stolen jewels, lmt that was not a circum
stance to her habit of squandering Spanish
money. Her ministers were not guilty of vio
lent theft, bnt it is notorious that they robbed
their country of revenues. I lor generals were
not bandits, but somehow Spain has suffered
from them. Then, too, if the Queen could
pilfer in Madrid, what might not her favorites
have done in Cuba? These inquiries have
Very wide ramifications, and would tend in
evitably to raise up doubts not only of the
modesty with which Spanish officials steal in
Cuba, but of tho honesty with which they
bleed their country in Spain.
There is a kind of possession which is as
bad as robbery. This was the case when
Isabella wore the crown, with all its jewels,
and gambled away one by one those line
gems of public credit and integrity, and that
publio ' honor whose price is above rubies.
This was the case, too, when the Spani
ards insisted on retaining the island which
they poetically call "the gem of the Antilles,"
and "one of the brightest jewels in the
Crown of Spain." The Cuban gem is a fatal
one to Spain, and more safely belongs to its
natural owners. But the gipsy of nations,
who cries out for her missing baubles, and
clutches at this one, will not, cannot see that
a greater theft than Isabella's is tho steal
ing of liberty from millions of whites and
blucks.
Tir1 DEISTICAL COUNCIL IN NAPLES-
UNITED ITALY AS IT IS.
From the y. Y. Herald.
By special lotter from Naples we have
the third day's proceedings of the mem
bers of the Deistical Council assembled
in that city, with the resolutions which were
adopted by them preparatory to tho adjourn
ment of the body. In previous communica
tions from the same pen we have already de
tailed the inauguration of the meeting and its
preliminaries. We now presont its platform
and results. The exhibit is a strange one,
comiug as it does from a classic, educated, ,
and at one time over pious land, to be read
by Americans in the full light of the civiliza
tion and common school education of the
nineteenth century.
The Council in Naples was called ostensibly
in opposition or by way of a free-thinking
contrast to the (Ecumenical Council in Rome,
bnt, as will be seen, the representatives hur
ried on w ith such rapidity of thought that they
almost immediately lost sight of tho very
reverend and aged gentleman who claims to
be tho visible vicegerent of God on earth, and
soared far away over his head to assail and
defy the heaveuly enthronement. There wero
Frenchmen, Italians, Germans, and English
men; so that the war notes went forth in a
chorus of almost Babelio utterances. It was
young Italy and old and young France, with a
decrepit assumption of medin val Britain, in
what appears to us a poor plagiarism of Vol
taire and a miserable imitation of Robespierre,
lacking the genius of tho one and the personal
courage of the othor, and with tho Goddess f
Reason behind the scenes. "War to tho
death with God," "war to religion and tho
princes," were the short and sententious ut
terances with which the doctrine of woman's
rights aud the moro subtle essentials of many
of tho modem isms which have crept so
silently into the midst of our own population
in many places were proclaimod. The pro
mulgation of a general proclamation of atheism
was advocated, and Anally, as wo are told iu
conclusion, "many illustrious atheists
gathered at the table, not to protest against
the (Eciuueuical Council, but to combat God."
Unhappy Italy ! Ia her pursuit of union
and consolidation has she evolved only tho
elements of governmental disunion and social
anarchy 'i Loosing herself voluntarily and
by violence from a recoguizod centre of dis
cipline and order, iB she really incapable of
walking alone in decency before the nations,
or has she fallen from the path of rectitude
merely in temporary lipnux in consequence of
an unadvised adoption of a new codo of
morals one which bears such fruit us was
lately seen in tho palaue near Florence
during the moribund marriage of her
death-Bick king? In that instance it
was free love and marriage, to-day it is
Deism and "war on God." Wo regret all this
sincerely. It is to bo lamented for the sake
of Italy, her morals, her government, and her
finance, for tho sake of Trance and for the
sake of Germany. Our special writers in
Paris have told and tell of Traupmann; ; from
Geimasy we buye ney,s of tho murderer of a
clergyman, who, as ho informed the judge,
was convinced at nineteen years of age that
"there is no God, that it was all a fable," and
even worse. Among onrselves wo have mur
ders, family butcheries, assassinations, the
knife, socialism, clerical seutiiuentalism, free
love and death-bed marriages. What is tho
reason? Is it from an unrestrained license of
preaching and teaching? Shall we have a
moral reaction and ropentanco, or a complete
dissolution of the bonds of society?
AFRAID OF THE PEOPLE.
From thtX. y. Sun.
It is Raid that Mr. Secretary Fish has com
municated to tho Senate's Committee on
Foreign Affairs tho papors relating to tho
celebrated note which Goneral Sickles pre
sented to tho Spanish Government in Sep
tember last, in compliance with orders from
Washington, and then withdrew again in
compliance with similar orders. These
papers were not included among the docu
ments on the Cuban question submitted to
Congress in consequence of a resolution call
ing for them; but it seems that the Senate's
Committee has required them, and that they
have been furnished. Mr. Fish, however,
enjoins entire secrecy upon tho committee.
He does not wish the people to know what
these papers contain. He thinks it is proper
for the rulers of this republio to manage the
affairs of their constituents just as monorchs
manage thoirs, treating their subjects as of
no account.
We dare say that there is good reason why
Mr. Fish should desire to keep the papers in
question from publicity. They cannot bo
creditable to him or to tho President, or
indeed to anybody, unless it be Mr. Sidney
Webster, his son-in-law, Spain's hired advo
cate. The note of General Sickles, tho reply
of the Spanish Government, tho second note
of Sickles, humbly withdrawing tho first, aro
all things which tho American people would
not be displeased with if they should set
them. What if it should appear and wo
have good reason for believing that the
papers, if published in full, would show it
that tho first note was humbly with
drawn because tho Spanish Government
threatened war if it was not withdrawn?
Would a fact of that sort bo grateful to ' tho
Yankee nation ? Wonld it reconcile them to
having a Secretary of State with his son-in-law
under Spanish pay, while tho father-in-law
was negotiating with Spain upon matters
vitally concerning our national interests and
our national honor ?
Secrecy is proper in diplomacy, as in every
thing else, while the business it deals with is
still unfinished. But the business treated in
the Sickles papors is completed. There is
no reason for keeping them private any
longer, except to cover up the shamo which
General Grant and Mr. Fish, under the guid
ance of Sidney Webster, have inflicted upon
the country in their betrayal of the Cubans
and their truckling to Prim and Serrano.
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The Best Quality!
The Xtowest Prices!
The Largest Assortment!
FIRE PROOF.
cat
53
V " I.
KXt.-
BURGLAR PROOF.
MARVIN & CO.,
3
No. 721 CHESTNUT St.,
(Masonic Hall), PHILADELPHIA. ?T
SC5 Broadway, N. Y. 109 Bank St, Cleveland, O.
A number of Second-hand Bales of different makes
and sizes for sale VERY LOW. ; ;r ti-'Jw
' SAFES, MACHINERY, etc , moved and hoisted
promptly and carefully at reasonable rates. "
L Please call and examine onr assortment.
MARVIN'S SAFES!
The BestZQnality!
The Lowest Prices!
The Largest Assortment!
FIRE PROOF.
BURGLAR PROOF.
MARVIN & 00,
Ho, 721 CHESTNUT St.,
(Masonic Hall), PHILADELPHIA.
8C6 Broadway, N. V. l'W Bank Bt, CleTelaud, O.
A number of Second-band Safes of different makes
and alaes for sale TSRT LOW. 1 6 tnutulot
SAFES, MACHINERY, etc, moved and aolsted
promptly and carefully, at reasonable rate.
ricfti9 call and examine onr aaaortmciit,
INSURANCE.
Franllin Fire Insurance Companj
rnt vtiTT a. rtrT
Office, Not. 435 and 437 CHESNUT Bt
Assets Jan. I ,'69, $2,677,372' 1 3
CAPITAL
fAA.QOO-M
l,OHa,6'iS-70
1,193,848 -if
IN COM R FOR 1M,
ACCKVFJ) SURPLUS...
PREMIUMS
UNSETTLED CLAIMS."
, M il,
SJOU,UUU,
Losses paid since 1829,aYer$51500,0Q0
Perpetual and Temporary Policies em Liberal Term.
Tbe Company also Inm Polioios on Rant oflUoUduugs
cf ail kind,Uroand KhU, and ttorlcacea.
. DIRKC1T018.
Alfred O. Baker, . A 11 rod FHlar,
Famnel Grant, I Tboma H park a.
Oeorce W. kiobarda, WllUui rtUrani.
Isaac Lea, I Tboma 8. K.Ilia,
(xsorts lales. ()otatn R. linnsosi.
AI.FRKD G. BAKKR. lW.dioi,
,.,, Uify.fi FALK8' Vic-Prudent,
w J MUKiniiiMiiir ii. uoi;rnliy,
TUKODOHK M. KKOKIt, Assistant Secretary.
J N 8 U U E AT HOME,
Penn Mutual Life Insurance
COMPANY.
NO. W21 CHESNUT STREET. PHILADELPHIA.
ASSETS, 83,000,000.
CHARTERED BY OUK OWN 8TATK.
MANAGED BY OUK OWN CITIZEN
IXSSES PROJIPTXY PAID.
OllCIES ISSUED ON VARIOUS PIJINS.
Applications may be mnde at tna Borne Offloe, and
at me Agencies inrongnout tne state, a 181
JAltTKH TRAQUATH PRK8IDJCKT
MliTiun.L. It. MTUK.KM VI0B-PKR8IDKNT
JOHN W. 1IORNOK A. V. P. and ACTUARY
HORATIO . STEPHENS 8KOKKTAKT
-A. S B XT It Y
LIFE INSURANCE COMPANY.
No. SOS BROADWAY, corner ot
Eleventh Street New York.
CASH CAPITAL. $.160,000
126,060 deposited with the 8 tut of New Tor k as sooarita
for policy holders.
LF.MUKL BAMUS, President.
GKORGK KLMOTT, Vic President and Secretary.
KMORY McOIJNTOOK, Actuary.
A. E. M. Pl itDY, M. P., Medical Kxaminer.
PBILAnrLPHIA BKVEBKNCKft.
Thomas T. Tasker, John M. Maris, . J. B. Llpplncoii.
Charlos ftpencer, William Divine, James Lone,
John A. Wright. 8. Morris Wain, I James Hunter.
Arthur O. Collin, John B. McCreary. K. H. Worn.
Organized April, 1W8. 876 Policies issued first sis
lUVUlUBi VW. vrv III Ml. VH0IT. 1UU11W1. lUUOWlUaT
All forms of Policies issued on most favorable term.
tipeoial advantages offered to Olericimen.
A few food agent wanted in city or country. Apply
JAM Kg M. IiWNOAOHfc,
Manager for Pennsylvania and Delaware
Office. No. 8ifJWAI.NCT Street, Philadelphia.
BAMUKL POWERS, Bpeoial Agon! ltfS
gT RICTLY MUTUAL
Provident Life and Trust Co.
OF PHILADELPHIA.
OFFICE, No. Ill 8. FOURTH STREET.
Organized to promote LIFE INSURANCE among
111 riu uizi a ui I1IC CUVlCbJ ui IICUUB.
Good riplta of any class accepted.
Pollclea Issued on approved plans, at tne lowest
1ULCO.
rresldcnt. SAMUEL R. SHIPLEY,
Vice-President, WILLIAM C. LONG8TRKTH,
Actuary. ROWLAND pakkv.
The advantages oiTered by tola tympany are nn.
excelled. jU '
OFFICE OF THE INSURANCE COMPANY.
OP NORTH AMERICA, No. 833 WALNUT Street.
Philadelphia.
Incorporated 1794. , . Charter Perpetual.
Capital, $600,000.
MARINE.' INLAND;' AND "FIRE 'lNBURAN3100
OVER f 30 .000,000 LOSS F 8 PAID 8 INCH ITS ORO AH.
l&ATION.
Arthur O. Co Bin,
Samuel W. Jones,
John A. Brown,
Charles Taylor,
Ambrose White,
William Welsh.
B. Morris Wain,
DIMOTOK: ,
r ranois H. uopa,
Edward LI. Trotter.
Edward S. Clark.
T. Charlton Henry.
Alfred D. Jessup.
John P. White,
Louis O. Madeira,
Charles W. Cnahinaa.
tionn mason,
Oooris Li. Uarrison.
OUARLKS PLATT. vWPnaident,
MATTHIAS Majiis, Secretary.
Cuas. il. Hkkmlh, Asst. Secretary. 1 1
ivuiun
O COFFIN, President.
F
AME INSURANCE COMPANY.
No. 809 CHESNUT Street. '
INCORPORATED 1H86. CHARTER- PERPETUAL,
capital, tauo.ooo.
FIRE INSURANCE EXCLUSIVELY.
Insures acainst Loss or Dama- by Fir) sit&r by Pt
petual or Temporary Policies,
DIRECTOK8:
Charles Eicbardson, Robert Pearos. .
William H. Khawn, John Eessler, Jr.,
William M. Soy fart. Edward B. Orn. ,
Henry Lewis, Charles Stokes,
Nathan Hillns, John W. Krerman,
Gaors A. West, Mordeoai Busby.
CHARLES RICHARDSON, President. -WILLIAM
II. RUAWN. Vic-President.
Wn.I.IAMB I. Blawchabp. Secretary. - T W
fVHE PENNSYLVANIA FIRE INSURANCE
jl. vjyi rAi r.
Incorporated IS Charter Perpet naL
No. 610 WALNUT Street, oppo.it Independence Bqnasajf
This Company, favorably known to th eommunity foe
over forty years, continues to insure scainst loss or dans,
are by fire on Publie or Private Buildinnieither perm,
nent ly or f or a limited tim. Also on t ornitur, Btooka
of Goeda, and Merchandise cenerally, on liberal terms.
Their Capital, together with a large Surplus t and, I
Invented In the most careful manner, which enables than
rxi oner to to insnrsa an nnaouotM secanuy i to
of lose.
Daniel Smith. Jr..
John Dererem,
Thomas Snutb.
Uenry Lewia,
.1 .J. Ill I.
Alexander Benson,
laaao Llaslehuret,
A noma nonius.
Aaiuoi niuaoci.jr,
DANIEL SMITH. Jl.. President.
WM. O. CROWELL, BeoreUry. ' l&
P1UKNIX INSURANCE
PHII.A DELPHI A.
COMPANY OF
INCOHPORATK.D 1 Hi 4 CHARTER PERPETUAL. I
ju. ut v u x c i riwi. opposite ui aouanns.
Tbia Company insure from loa or dmar by
KIRK.
on liberal terms, on buildings, marcbandiso, fnrnltnr.
to., for limited periods, and permanently on buildings by
deiHiait of premiums.
1 he Comnanv has been In active operation for mar thn
B1JL1 Y YKAKH. durum whioh all leas kavo Ue
"llREbTORfl.
John L. Hodge,
David Lewis,
Benjamin luting,
Thomas H. Powes,
A. R. MoHenrv,
Edmund Cacullon,
si. it. aianouy,
JohnT. Lewis.
Willinm H. tirant,
Robert W. Learning,
Lawreiiu Lewis, Jr.. M Lewis C. Nnrris.
JOHN R? W COHERER, President
8AMTTKI, WlLOOX, beoretary. ag
17. i nn v. narrun.
oamuei vviiooz.
rpiIE ENTERPRISE INSURANCE COMPANT
.m. OK rilli.Ai'r.i.rui a.
Office S. W. Corner KOI KTH and VfALNIT Street.
FIRK INriL'RANCK EXCLUSIVELY.
PFRI'KTUAL AND TERM POLIUIKN IKHITRD.
Capital ., UMMXMW
oaan Assets. yatf I, Hum.
DmiiCTOIlH.
V. Rale b ford Starr,
J. Livingston Krringer,
ri aiuro crazier, .
John M. Atwood,
penjninin T. 1'redlck.
Ouorge 11. Btuart,
Jiunes A. uiatfRor.
Williau O. Bnuluin. "
Ouarlee WhewUw,
Thomas H. Montcomerf
ui'i'u ... uivwu. I tiviuin urwua,
This Coiiioani insnree onl first, lui risk, taking no
tonn it. crown
tlsiues .eruHo,
specially baxardoua rinks whatever, auota as factories.
nulla, etc. .
F. RATOHFOHLl STARR. President.
THOMAS U. MONTGOMERY, VioPrldnt.
AIX'IAMUKUW. WuilF.H, Beoretary. Iltff
JMl'EiaAIi FIIU5 INSUBANCE OO.
LONDON.
EHTABLISIIED 1SOS.
Paid-up Capital and Aoonmnlated Panda,
8,000,000 IN OjOLD.
PREVOST & HERRING, Agenti,
1 4i No. 101 S. THIRD Street, PuUadnlphla.
CHA8. M. PRBVOflT.
CUAiJ. P. UERlUNCr