2
nrmiT or inn ruusa. -
R riltnrlnl Opinion I.eiIln Jroftl
E d' J,,on Cnrrrnt Topic-Compiled Kerry
Drt for the Kvenlnej Telprnph. ,
. TENNSYLVANIA OHIO. ;.
f rem the N. Y. Trfan. - "
Five or six States hold elections on Tues
day, October 12; but the deepest interest
nvB iinnn rontisvlvflnirt and Ohio. Oon.
i ionrv. the ltermblican Governor of I'
Oearv. the KepuiJiuan uoveruur oi iuuusji-
. ... I f aT Tl.- 1
vania, who nerved his country acceptably in
the war for the Union, is a candidato for re
election, oppoHod by Asa Packer, a Copper
head Congressman of "the times that tried
men's souls;" General Hays, the Kepublioau
Governor of Ohio, is in like manner opposed
bv George II. Tondleton, who was in Con
press from 18151 to 18H5, and there stead
fastly resisted as nnconstitntional and aggres
sive every effort to oppose force force in
defense of the Union. If Mr. Tendleton is
right, then the overthrow si the Confederacy
was wrong, and we ought forthwith to with
draw the authority and flag of the Union from
the South and pay her for the damage wrong
fully wantonly inflicted on her. To vote
George H. Pendleton into the office of Gov
ernor is to vote that the loyal sons of Ohio
who for love of the Union poured out their
Mood like water at Tittsburg Landing, at
tstone lliver, around Vicksburg, at Chicka-
mauga, and in Sherman's bloody Atlanta
campaign, diod as the fool dieth, inflicting
injury and outrage on a heroic and loug
isuffering people.
We do not believe Fendleton can be elected;
we should have no doubt on the subject if the
Republicans of Ohio had been wisely coun
seled and nobly led by their politicians. But
Borne of these have been plowing with the
greenback heifer and taking the anti-tariff
sophistry which their fathers would have
spurned; and all this is grist to the Cop-
perhead mill. The voter who is convinced,
no matter by whose arguments, that the
bonds given for money borrowed to save the
Union with a perfect understanding on both
. sides that they would be paid at maturity
in coin borrowed on the faith of assurances
from the head of the Federal Treasury that
they certainly should be so paid may never
theless be paid off in greenbacks
fabricated in reams for the purpose, and pay
able at no definite time or place will vote
for the author of that gigantio swindle, and
not his paltry and cowardly followers. They
will know that he means it, and that the Re
publican who tries to steal his thunder is a
time-serving hypocrite, who professes ras
cality because he supposes it the fashion.
The voter who really means to pay the debt
in greenbacks, and to cut down the tariff so
that it can't be paid in anything else, is very
unlikely to stand by the party which sends
Schonck and Garfield to Congress, and mourns
the exclusion from the national councils, by
a minority vote, of faithful and fearless Ben
Wade.
In Ohio, the Democratic politicians hope A
make votes by opposing protection, and are
outspoken free traders; in Pennsylvania, they
know that protection is overwhelmingly
strong, and so say nothing about it. Yet the
defeat of Geary will be shouted over from
Maine to Texas, no matter how unjustly, as
a triumph of free trade ovar protection, and
will give a powerful impetus to the anti-tariff
hurrah in Congress. Every free-trader in the
State is for Packer, and his election will pow
erfully tend to quench half the furnace-fires
of the Keystone State. Whenever the Demo
cratic party get the upper hand in Congress,
protection is doomed, and a hundred Packers
cannot save it if they would.
The Republicans of neither State can make
anything by seeking to evade the great issues
which divide the country. The Republicans
of California might have been beaten any
how: they sealed their doom when they tried
to pronounce the Democratic shibboleth with
regard to the Chinese. When the Republi
can party ceases to be the champion of equal
rights, regardless of race or color, its grave
will be dug. It can give no reason why its
life Bhould be prolonged one hour after it
ceases to stand un for "Government of the
people, by the people, for the people." Who
ever conienas tnat a quarter ot the adult male
citizens living in a country or district ought
to make all the laws, levy all the taxes, and
hold all the offices, because the rest are
notning but "niggers," black or yellow, is a
sham Democrat and ought to own it. To call
himself a Republican while. he thinks and
feels like a Democrat, is to do all the harm
possible to the party he has already resolved
to betray. . . v .
We believe Ohio will sustain and ratify the
fifteenth amendment, and thus secure its
triumph. If she fails, we shall blame the
timidity and treachery of a few leading poli
ticians, not the crreat body of her voting Re
publicans, whose hearts are true and loyal.
The trimmers who failed us in lt07 Bent
Thurman to the Senate instead of Ben Wade.
Thev can now fill up the measure of their
treachery bv electing Pendleton over Hays.
But they who contribute to that result,
whether bv votine or stavinor at home, mean
to bury the Republican party and roll a groat
stone above its remains. They did so in
1807. when they sent Thurman to the Senate;
yet General Grant carried the State next year
by over fifty thousand majority. If treachery
could kijl it, it would have been dead long
aero.
We anweal to Republicans in principle.
whether in Pennsylvania or Ohio, to do their
very utmost in the canvass now near its close,
Men and brethren ! though no President or
delegation to Congress is new to be chosen,
the" principle of equal human rights was never
more clearly at stake than in your present
canvass. The Rebellion makes its last stand
In defense of inequality, of prejudice, 6f
government by caste. You can beat it if you
will put forth such exertions as the import
ance of the stake requires. Speak to yonr
neighbors; strengthen Uie feeble knees;
arouse the laggard; inspirit the faint-hearted
and enable us, on the morrow of your dec
tion. to congratulate your country that the
lonor struggle is ended that our institutions
rest evermore on the broad, firm basis of the
nniversal and immutable rights of man!
TLT.E CUBAN QUESTION FRANCE, ENG
LAND, AfijD Bl'AIN,
From the N. Y. Herald.
What means this meetinrof the waters ?
Trim, with thepanish Minister for Foreign
Affairs, has been hanging about the Tuile-
ries for weeks. He has had the honor of in
terviews with the Emperor. Meanwhile Lord
Clarendon, the British Secretary of State for
Foreign Affairs, has appeared npon the scene.
A late cable despatohhaa. it that both Prim
tmd Clarendon have had an audienoe. at diffe
rent periods, of the Emperor. It is at the
same time announced that Baron Beust, the
n.u8iro-uunganan Chancellor, is hourly ex-
peotea in Taris. What does it all mean ? It
cannot be that they have met to consult about
' H0tumeiicalCounoU, for that is already all
tilf, i8! 14 ia not possible that Prim's
Visit had something to do with the rjuostion
of the Spanish throne. This, however, would
not be his main object; it certainly oould not
be the object of Lord Clarendon, and with
the disposal of the Spanish throne Baron
lSeust is not likely to have anythinR to say.
We have no choice, but conclude that the
state of Cuba, taken in connection with the
attitude of the Government of the United
States, has brought these diplomats together.
What Spain should do in the circumstances Is
a question which Spain cannot very well
decide for herself. In the difficulty, the
Spanish Government sends Prim to consult
Napoleon. The presumption is that Lord
Clarendon has been quietly invited over, and
that the matter 4iaH been discussed among
them, now in one point of view, and then in
another; intervention one day and non-interference
the next. We do not much wonderhatt
Cubos hould now command the attention of
both England and France. It is believed in
Europe that the Cuban trouble would have
been dead long ago but for the openly
expressed sympathy of the American people
with the insurgents. This belief has grown
into an alarm since the presentation of" the
note of the Government of the United States
by Minister Sickles. Napoleon bears us a
grudge becaose of our treatment of him in the
Mexican question. Great Britain is indignant
at our presumption and jealous of our growing
power and our annexation tactics. It will not
at all surprise us if, as the result of these
deliberations, France and England should
agree to do what they can to thwart our
policy and thus seek to hold Cuba in bondage.
It is not so long since a similar alliance was
entered into for the same purpose. If the
telegraphic report which we printed on
Monday to the effect that Napoleon had sent
instructions to his Minister at Washington
commanding him to inform our Government
that it was "the desire of France that Cuba
should be retained by Spain" if this report
have any foundation in fact, all doubt as to
the attitude of the three powers is at an end.
France is opposed to our policy; so is England;
so probably is Austria. Spain has, in all like
lihood, been plainly told that all moral help
was vain unless she could make an end of the
insurrection on the island. Hence the in
creased number of ships and the multiplied
forces wnicn trie hpauisn government is send-
in g out. j.ne policy recommended clearly is
that if Spain can suppress the insurrection she
will have the moral assistance of the Western
powers as against any annexation policy on
the part of the United States. This is the
situation. Spain is to stamp out the rebellion
if she can. Cubans are to be murdered
wholesale. The island is to be desolated. If
its fair fields should be converged into a sham
bles, no matter; the island will still belong to
Spain, and the re-establishment of authority
will deprive tne L nited atates Government of
a pretext for annexation.
in such circumstances what will our Gov
ernment do ? What should it do ? Its
course is clear. It has no choice if it would
act the part of brave men and prove true to
the cause of humanity. It is a fundamental
principle of our Constitution that no govern
ment Bhould be forced upon an-unwilling
people. Our history from its commencement
Has been an expanded illustration ot ttiu
principle. Our sympathies have ever been
on the side of suffering and oppressed peoples,
no matter in wnat part of the world tney may
have been. We have ever been foremost in
succoring the distressed, although we have
ever been duly respectful to the principles of
international law. Cuba Has claims upon
us. She is one ot our nearest neighbors,
We respect her people and we love her
land. Our duty, we have said, is
plain. The Cubans must not be trampled
down because they love liberty. Jur hrst sin
was that we loved liberty, but our first victory
was that we justified our offense. Cuba is
now in our position. We are bound to help
her. The Cubans wish one of two things
independence or annexation. Our Govern
rnent, by its own experience and by the
claims ot justice, must help the Cubans to tne
one or the other. With General Grant as
President, we must not allow any European
power to dictate to us a course oi xoreign
policy. Surely we can, if need be, fight our
way. The best. Encash papers say we can
Let us, then, be true to ourselves, uuba must
not be crushed, if sue cannot win ner inde
Eendence, we are willing to say she ought to
ave it. If she cannot have her independence,
we ought to be willing to say we will do all
things to secure annexation. One or the
other, General urant; imn oi it. v e are a
creat neonle. Europe savo so. Let us
, n 1 J "J TIT.
O A . i "
prove it.
THE MANIPULATION OF STATES.
From the N. Y. World,
' It was one of the charges against the Lin
coln administration that it created bogus
Stales. At that day the rascality was cloaked
up under the Benselesa bosh of loilty, great
heart of the nation. Father Abraham, and all
the rest of the war-twaddle; but the shrewd
sense of the Democratic party detected and
denounced the real purpose of the move.
This was to lug in enough rotten-borough
Senators to overslaugh the legitimate consti
tuencies of the Union. Despite the Demo
cratic warning, the cheat throve, and from
tne day of its inception to the present time it
is interesting to trace its progress. West
Virginia, Nebraska, and Nevada being lugged
in by the ears, lennessee and Missouri were
handcuffed into loilty, and then came the
grand assault on the ten Southern States, the
end whereof is not yet. bo far, then, we have
no less than fifteen bogus States, three being
bogus outright and the balance genuine, w ith
their several identities dormant under coun
terfeit externals. In this way the matter
rested at the Presidential election swindle of
last year, the manipulated States bearing
Anma JI.a 1 1 , fill.- . 1 .
jolly chorus to the loil song. The election
revealing that radicalism, while temporarily
successful, needed a further instalment of
fraud to insure its retention of power, it is
not surprising that ever since November last
there should have been o constant suggestion
of further tampering with States. To take
the instances up in geographical order? there
is first that squeak by some of ihe holiest of
the saints, who, dreading the inevitable po
litical decadence of New England, hinted the
propriety of erecting a new State out of
the western comities of Massachusetts.
Next was the proposition to. sever this,
great city of New York into a sepa
rate State, to "be called xMauhaUan; then
lhat Pennsylvania be cut up by the Allegheny
ridge into Pennsylvania aisd West Pennsyl
vania, a la the West Virginia trick; then to
sever peninsular Michigan from the main
land, so as to have the new State Ontonagon;
then to out up Tennessee4nto East Tennessee
lnd Tennessee; then to divide Texas into East
Texas, Texas, Middle Texas, and Montezuma;
and now to cut off fiowe western Arkansas
counties, clap them ou to the Indian territory,
and so make another State, for which no same
yet appears. Such being tho proposed muti
lations of States proper, there next comes
under review the undertoue of talk about
erecting some of the Territories notably
Colorado, Montana, Dakota, and New Mexico
into States. Here are eleven suggestions
I of change,. all with the solo objoct.of foster
ing partisan power.
From the manipulated votes of Wost Vir
ginia, Missouri, Nebraska, Nevada, Tennes
see, North Carolina, Florida, South Carolina,
Alabama, Louisiana, and Arkansas brief as
has been their space of powerthe country
has suffered so much that it is time once more
to raise the Democratic orotest and warning
against bogus States. Most of these we have
mentioned will certainly revert to conserva
tism, it is true, at no distant period, but it is
not enough to cure evil. We should prevent
it; and the best prevention is one that ought
now to be agitated in order to receive atten
tion in that Federal Convention we are des
tined to have a restriction, to wit, in the
Federal Constitution against the admission of
new States save on a two-thirds vote of both
houses, as borne on the roll. Such was the
beneficent rule proposed and carried, but, un-
fortunately, afterwards stricken out, in. the
convention training the Fedoral Constitution
in 1787. Such, also, was the second of those
amendments to that Constitution proposed
by the far-famed Hartford Convention, and
such the rule of admission prescribed by the'
late Loniocierate constitution. A rule tnus
originally inserted in the Constitution, after
wards approved by the xwo most opposite
scnooiwot pontics ever known in this coun
try, and now endorsed by our own experience,
is greatly needed.
THE STATE
OF VITE CUBAN
NEOrO-
TIATIONS.
From the X. Y. Sun.
We learn from Washington that General
Sickles has recently on Wednesday last, we
believe it was telegraphed from Madrid the
latest proposition in relation to Cuba which
the Government of Prim and Serrano had
communicated to him to be transmitted to
Mr. Secretary Fish. The Spanish rulers sub
stantially, tnongn not in explicit terms; ao-
cept the United States Government as the
mediator between Spain and the revolutionary
autnorities ot Cuba, and propose to settle the
revolution upon the tollowmg basis:
I. The revolted Cubans to lay down thelrlarms.
II. The Spanish Government to disarm ami dis
band the volunteers, leaving Spanish regulars as the
omy troops in me isiami.
. A universal amnesty to be proclaimed, all
exiles to have the rlitht to return, political prisoners
to be set free, confiscated estates to be restored to
their former owners, and all persons deprived of any
civil rights for political reasons to be invested witti
tnem once more.
IV. An election to be held in Cuba for deputies to
the Spanish Cortes.
V. The Spanish Executive Government to pled ire
useii to support in tne cones wnaiever settlement
of the Cuban question the deputies from Cuba may
desire. If thty wunt Independence, the Government
will favor that : if tliev should decide in fuvor nf a.
separate ailiuluUtrutlon, with a Governor appointed
ny tpain, a M-giiiainro cnosen in uuna, and a res
ponsible Ministry the system now practised in the
British colonies tne Government will bind Itself to
use its whole influence lu the Cortes In favor of
adopting that system.
We are not informed what reply Mr. Fish
has made to this project: but we do not
think we can err in saying that he has deci
sively refused it, It is quite as objectionable
and as foreign to his policy in Cuban affairs
as a former proposal trom Madrid, which he
immediately rejected. In the first place, tne
uubans will never lay down their arms on
such conditions. To, do so would be to give
up without any tangible consideration tna
great advantages which at such sacrifices of
life and property they nave gained, it is true
they would get an amnesty and the return of
their confiscated estates, but tnese tney will
soon obtain by force of arms if they continue
fighting. It is also true tnat jf run and ser
rano promise to support tneir demands in tne
Cortes; but if the Cortes should bo against
them, this will amount to nothing, and they
will have to do it all over again. (Jf course
Mr. Fish will not think of requiring the Cu.
bans to assent to any such disadvantageous
terras. . He will rather at once direct General
Sickles to reply that the proposal is declined,
and that the only basis for negotiation is the
proposition that Spam shall recognize tne in
dependence of Cuba; that slavery shall be
abolished: that a mixed commission shall be
appointed to determine tne value oi tne puo
lio property in the island, which, however,
shall not exceed $100,000,000, and for which
Cuba shall pay; and that the Lnited States
shall guarantee the fulfilment of the contract
bv both parties, buch was ms answer to a
former Spanish memorandum, and such, we
presume, will be his answer now,
It is remarkable tnat wnue tne leading
journals of bpain very ably advocate threes
to the Cubans, and while the publio opinion
of all Europe urges such a settlement of the
controversy, the men who govern Spain
shcnld continue to treat the question in a
mode so unsatisfactory and absurd. They
must understand that it is for the interest of
the Spanish people to get rid of Cuba on the
best possible terms; and yet they dally around
the subject as though they dared not deal
with it in earnest. They ought to remember
that the period of time in which they can
hope to part with Cuba for a price is daily
growing less, and that while negotiation to
that end is yet practicable, it will soon be as
much out of the question for Spain to sell
Cuba as to sell Venezuela or Peru.
FORTHCOMING CHANGES IN EUROPEAN
POLITICS,
Frcm the Pall Mall Gazette.
Whatsoever may be the issue of the present
reforms in France, they must greatly con
tribute to change the course of- European
politics, and . the farther they are carried the
greater will be their influence. Whetner tne
immediate results of such a change will be
for better or tor worse is another question;
i-'ut ilo tunugc mu-i law iiauc, uu v uvstfu.
be prepared for it.
The reasons for expecting such a change
afi are various, and the most important of them
I : I . 1 . " . ! . T7 1 I Wl ..l.r
IjUltO UUiUUH. W UllO JlilllUllLl nan luu wuij
European country with a parliamentary form
of government and with a free press, all the
important political cine.stions of the conti
nent for fifty years were practically decided
by the intervention or non-intervention of
this country. And the chances of this inter
vention or non-intorverltion could always be
calculated with considerable safety. The
various European cabinets, receiving our
newfpapers together with our olliciul des
patches, were perfectly able fo appreciate not
only the policies of the Government but the
temper and opinion of the country, bo great,
indeed, were the chances of successful calou
lation in this way, that the only instance of a
mistake since the time of the Vienna Con
gress is that of the Emweror Nicholas when
he resolved upon his last war: unfortunately
he did not care, as. he said, "for what those
patent and water-proof bulldocs -aro deoiann.
mg; he knew well that his friends Bright
and Cobden would brine them to reason.
But the political perspicacity of the late Bus-
fiian Emperor was peculiar; and with the
single, exception ha riresenta to us. no
European sovereign can be acoused of mis
taking me position and thewpint of ungiana.
Indeed, Several of their undertaking have
been chiefly founded upon our too openly
proclaimed system of non-intervention: of
which the last Polish and Prussian affairs are
capital instances. This system, like every
political aystem, consistently and therefore
too exclusively carried out, has its advan
tages as well as its disadvantages; and since
England has already eDjoyed the former, it
is probable that she will soon be called npon
to pay the natural penalty; but the sum of
vur uisnavantagrs will groatly depend npon
our own capacity to understand what the new
time promised for France means to other
Luropean nations, and to our own in parti
culnr. t The treaties of ift 1.1 Tint witViuf anilin v all
tho naturnl weakness of the principle's in
volved in them, had one incontestable merit
-that of establishing 'a certain basis for the
inimical relations of different countries. These
treaties have civetl 11 & m-nMinal illuafi-ati
of the proverb, "Bad rule better -than no
rule; for they kept Europe at peace for more
than thirty years, and proclaimed the princi
ple of European equilibrium in critical cases
even long alter this equilibrium had been dis
turbed, and the basis of the troaties weak
enedby tho events in I'olnn.I
lHoO, and by the creneral con flint, linlwnun
peoples and governments in 1848. And if dur
ing this period continental governments
often showed an inclination to violate the
balnnce of power, England had the strongest
inffivicil ...... i . .... -
others, and no good reason fnr fttiAmntinfT
ucini. m uiereuunff mien vinintinna iiw
themitsolf.. And thus it was thatE nrrlanil
became the arbiter and remilntm- nf
politics, a position which wan nninriillv
strengthened by the part the country played
in tho coalition. Such was the part we then
had to plav: and while it. vm n vew niivint
tngeous one to ns, it was beneficial to other
.European nations, with the least offense to
their pride and the least embaiTAMsmnn tn
their designs. It was beneficial because there
vnu uo uu UOUDl we Prevented mnnv nnn.
flicts; it was comparativelv inoffensive bo-
cause, as we have already explained, England
wnjTB gaTo iair opportunities or calculating
beforehand the course aha was likelv to tak.
This noble and advantageous position is no
longer ours. We have now a new part to play
iu Xiiirope. i.ne treaties or 1815 are dead:
not by decree of the Emperor Napoleon in
deed, as he himself more or less imagines,
but of natural causos. All the pompons da.
clarations of the French Emperor about their
decease are merely proclamations of a fait as.
coiiipli. The first great blow was inflicted on
them by the events of 1848; the second blow
was afterwards inflicted in Italv: Poland.
Schleswig-IIolstein, and Sadowa finished them
in such a way ns to make post-mortem exami
nation idle. Whether it is for good or harm
that the old foundation Btone of European
policy is shattered, to what degree we our
selves are answerable lor tho ills that mav
fellow its destruction, we may consider on
some future occasion; all that we wish to say
now ia that there is no longer any kind of
stamped political weighing-machine in Eu
rope. The balance of power has fallen to
pieces under the hand that . held
it. The ponderative role, so to speak
which England so long . enjoyed
is made impracticable in f uturo by one change
alone out of many. As long ns the great Eu
ropean powers were at a certain geographical
distance, and had no very largo standing
armies, mere was always time lor a due con
sidoration of circumstances, an well as for in
terference, diplomatical or military. But
now, with large agglomerations of territory.
... ; m. ; . .i' i ' i 1
almost touching each othor. with colossal
armies, with swiftly destructive guns, and
with railways running in all directions, it is
easy for European powers to declare war, to
debtroy whole armies between them, and alto
gether to change their respective positions,
before England could take any resolution in
the matter or any practical step.
Next we have to consider the change of the
governmental system in France. From the
proceedings of the old French Parliaments in
questions of war and peace, no conclusions
applicable to the present time can be drawn.
In the first place, all international questions
seemed to be pretty well fixed and settled
then, which is not the case now. In the,
second place, the French people being quite'
untrained for participation in a parliamentary
form of government, the form continued but
a form; power still remaining in the hands of
the Crown, supported first by the aristo
cracy, afterwards by the bourgeoisie,
both of them becoming so wearied
and impoverished by the Revolution
and the wars of Napoleon as to get sick
of foreign politics. Again, the Bourbons as
well as tne Orleans family were too much in
debted to Europe, and too much daunted by
permanent conspiracies in France itself, to
attempt any bold enterprise abroad, even had
occasion offered. - All this is changed now.
Tho country has recovered its strength; the
bourgeoisie as woll as the aristocracy are
swamped in universal suffrage; the number
of pending political questions the ' Itoman
question, the Eastern question, the German
question are more than considerable; and the
people of France, although not much improved
in its political education, is unquestionably
more advanced and more interested in foreign
affairs.- And we can hardly overrate this pe
culiarity of the French nation, that
time its peojde has come to power one of itgLj
affair,, Poland, Italy, Spain have long had
a firm hold upon popular sympathies in
France; and a cry for war in favor of the
first o these countries was loud after the
July as well as of ter the February revolutions.
It is hardly to be expected, therefore, that
the forthcoming changes in the Government
01 t ranee are in favor of peace. And it is
BtiH more doubtful whether a people like the
x'reucn, ii it resolves on war lor any purpose
or any idea, will pay much attention to any
diplomatic representations about the balance
of power. And there are many difficulties
which invite war. Not to speak of the Polish,
the Slavonian, and kindred questions, are
the Itoman, the Eastern, and the Ger
man questions settled? Are they
likely to be settled without conflict ?
And has England no care or interest
in their settlement K Unquestionably
she has. But these questions are not of the
kind which diplomacy settles in a few des
patches nnd speeches. They are not goveju
mental questions, but national questions, and
some of them aro religious, too. Now it is
well known that in the settlement of national
and religious questions ministers have seldom
any decisive power. Generally speaking, ques
tions such as these go finally into the hands
of the people for solution, and continental
peoples do not much regard the oonnctions of
pourts, the relationship of sovereigns, or even
pecuniary obligations and necessities. But
suppose parliamentary government Buooess
fully and comfortably established in France,
and the French people content to claim
nothing beyond their present borders so
lemnly pledged to give up all idea of recon
quering its "natural limits." That will not
mean resignation of all interference in Euro
pean aff airs; it might not be maintained if, for
ixtttance, Bismark oroaHod the Main, as, to
judge by some reports, he seems inclined to
do should the new French regime prove favor
able for such an undertaking. In such a case
France would probably say to England,
riease stand aside. When yon had . tho
power alone, you did nothing. ou not oniy
abstained irom inieriorenoe wim mo 1
..lnml nnd the nfferaudizeuieut ot 1 rti.wia,
but you practically sanctioned all this by pre
venting our intorierenco. we am uu -1
nndcr the dictatorship you approved so much;
we have a Parliament like your own; auu wo
aspire to play the part which you have aban
doned. Uur lorm 01 goverumnui. i.UfS
changed, and presenting all the guarantees
of honest proceduro, you have no right to
mistrust us when we say we claim nothing for
ourselves; and you should reniembor that,
being more intimately bound up with conti
nental affairs, we have obviously a greater
right to take up your abandoned role. '
What answer should be given 10 hucu
addrof s we shall not discuss to-day. unt 11
is worth observing that the time approaches '
when Englund will be forced either to taue a
larger nnd more active part in European ai
fairs, or to declare out of them altogether. .
INSURANCE
DELAWARE MUTUAL SAFETY
. RANCH OOMPANY. Incorporated bj tho Lcgn
Utar of PnnylTni, 1K6 '
Office, B..K. corner of THIPD and WALNUT Street,
r miAUMiiMMCft.
MABINK INSUKANOK8
On Vessel", Cargo, and Froixjit to all parte of tne world.
On goods by river, onnal, Inke, and land carriage to aU
parte i'i lue union.
FIRK IN8URANUKS
On Merchandise f enerally ; od Stores, Dwellings, nouses
ASSETS' OT THE COMPAKT,
Norember I, lKtW.
$300,000 United States Fits Per oent. Loan,
ll)- $208,500 -00
130,000 United States Six Per Cent. Loan,
1W1 138,900"00
60,000 United States Six Per Cent. Loan
(for Paoitio Railroad)... 50,000 'OO
; 900,000 State of Pennsylvania. Biz Per Gent.
! Loan 81W7&-C8
' 126,000 City of Philadelphia Six Per Cent.
Loan (exempt from tax) 138.594'00
60,000 BUte of New Jersey Six Per Oent.
' Loan ! 6L500-00
),000 Penn. Rati. First Mortgage Six Psr
Cent. Bonds SO.aoO'OO
1 86,000 Penn. Rail. Ktcond Mort. Bix Per
Cent. Bonds : M.OWOO
85,000 Western Penn. Rail. Mortgage Six
Per Cent. Bonds (Penn. Railroad
I guarantee) 90,62o00
80,000 State of Tennessee Fire Per Cent .
Loan 81,000000
T.flnO Rtl nf Tnniuu fiiw Par flnnt.
Loan 6.031-85
15,000 Uerpiantown Gas Company, prin
cipal and Tnterost guaranteed by
fht.v nf Phil&rinlnhTii. fllM ihtrfll
Stock 15,000-00
10.000 Pennavlvunla. Hillriuit flnmnnnv. 9(10
.. . shares Stoek U,300 (
o,uuu north Pennsylvania Railroad Co., 100 M
.,. shares Stock 8.6O0O0
1 MOllt Steamship Co., 80 shares Stock.... 15,000'00
, H07.900 Loans on Board and Mortgage, Hrst
Liens on Citv Pnmertiea 807,900.00
61,109,900 Par. Market value, $1,13025'35
Real F.st ate.... 8,0O0-0O
Bills receivable for insurance made S&i,4bo'H
Balances due at agencies, premiums on marine
iruuuiva, Mwrueu interest, anu otuer ueota aut
the company 40,178-83
lock and scrip of sundry corporations, $315.
Btocx ana scrip
f.stimated value.
Oasb in bank
Cash in drawer. . . .
!$YuM5t)'0
1,8130
13'65 I16,56378
$1,647,867-80
Thomas O. Hand
John O. Davis,
James 0. Hand,
I heopbilus Paulding,
Joseph H. Seal,
Hugh Craig,
John R. Penrose.
Jaoob P. Jones,
James Traquair,
Kdward Darlington,
H. Jones Brooke,
James H. McFarland,
Kdward Lafourcade,
nuiauQu a. nouaer.
Samuel K. Stokes,
I William O. Ludwf.
George G. Leiper,
uenry u. uauetl, jr.,
uuuu v. layior,
George W. Bernadou,
William G. Boulton,
Jaoob Rieirel.
Spencer Mulivaine,
T. Mnwan. PiMjihnra'.
John B. Semple, "
A. It. K- M
Josnua jr. ilyre.
-......... u w a i . v is. i ruaiuuuu.
TTrrTPy1 ' DAVIS, Vice-President.
HENRY LTLBURN, Secretary. .
HKKKY BALL, Assistant Secretary. 10 6
TTTOHVAU it ii i -1 1 Tt-
T N S U It E
A T H O ME,
JL
Penn
a ma
Mutual Life
Insurance
. COMPANY.
No. 921 CHESNUT STREET, PHILADELPHIA.
ASSETS, 83,000,000.
CHARTERED BY OUR OWN STATE.
MANAGED BY OUR OWN CITIZENS.
LOSSES PROMPTLY PAID.
POLICIES ISSUED ON VARIOUS PLANS.
Applications may be made at the Home Office, aad
at tne Ageaoles throughout the State. 12 185
JAMES TRAQUAIR PRESIDENT
SAJUL'EL E. STOKES VICE-PRESIDENT
JOHN W. IIOKNOft A. V. P. and ACTUARY
IIORATIO S. STEPHENS SECRETARY
A" S 1! U R Y
LIFE INSURANCE COMPANY. ' '
So. 2P1 BROADWAY, corner READE Street, New York.
CABU CAPITAL. .... ..................... 160,110
&i 125.000 deposited with the State of New York as security
for policy holders.
LEMUEL BANGS, President
GEORGE ELLIOTT, Vice-President and Secretary.
EMORY MoCLLNTOCK, Actuary.
A. E. M. PURDY, M. !., Medical Examiner. .
Thomas T. Tasker.' John M. Maria.
Charles Spencer, William Divine,
John A. Wright, 18. Morris Wain,
Arthur G. Ooflin, John B. MoCreary
J. a. iiippincott,
James Lobr,
flames Hunter,
in tne cnaraeter of its Directors, economy of manage
ment, reasonableness of rates, PARTNERSHIP PLAN
OJ? DECLARING DIVIDENDS, no restriction in female
lives, and absolute non-forfeiture of all policies, and no
restriction of travel after the first year, the ASBuRV pre
sents a combination of advantages offered by no other
company. Policies Issued in every form, and loan ot
one-third made when desired.
(Special advantages offered to clergymen.
if or all farther information address
JAMES M. LONOAORU,
Manager for Pennsylvania and Delaware.
Office, No. Sua WALNUT Street, Philadelphia.
FORMA N P. UOLLINSUEAD, Special Aceob 4 169
a. a. n orne.'
QTRICTLY MUTUAL.
Provident Life and Trust Co,
OF PHILADELPHIA.
OFFICE, No. HIS. FOURTH STREET.
Or,
spMiiBed to promote LIFTS INSURANCE, amona
abers of the Society of Krlenda.
mem
Good risks ot any class accepted.
Policies Issued on approved plans, at the lowest
rates.
President. SAMUEL K. SHIPLEY,
Vlce-Presldout, WILLIAM O. LONG.STKETH,
Actuary, ROWLAND PARKY.
The advantages offered by tola Company are un
excelled. i jf7j
rpHE ENTERPRISE INSURANCE COMPANY
X OE PHILADELPHIA. ,x
Office S. W. Corner FOURTH and WALNUT Streets.
KIRK INoURANtlK EXCLUSIVELY.
PERPETUAL AND TERM POLICIES ISSUED
Cash Capital 8aoo,000-00
Cash Assets, July 1. ISO.
M HUTU-AM.
DIRECTORS,
F. Ratohford Starr.
J. Li vines ton Krrin.
Natbro t railer,
John M. Atwood,
Renjumia T. Tredick,
George 11. Stuart,
John H. lirown.
James L. Olaghorn, '
William G. lioulteo.
Charles Wheeler,
Thomas H. Montgomery,
James Aertsen.
firstclus risks. ' takln no
This Company insures only
specially uaaaraous oui
whatever, such as factories
F. RATOHKORD STARR, President.
THOMAS H. MONTGOMERY, Vice-President.
AUtZatwiui W. WliiTXtt, Secretary. oi
OFFICE OF THE, INSURANCE COMPANY
OF NORTH AMERICA, No. iJ2 WALNUT Street,
Philadelphia. . , , , 4 ,
incoruorated 17P4. Charter Perpetual.
1 P Capital. $600,000.
Assets 3.3.V),000
MARiNE. INLAND. AND FIRE INSURANCE.
t)VEtt S2U.C00.0O0 LOSKB PAID SINCE ITS ORGAN
IZATION. DlMOTon;.
Arthur O. Coffin,
Sumuul W. Jones,
Jubn A. Blown,
Charles Taylnr,
Ambrose hue,
W illiam Wolhh.
8. Murris Wain,
r rnuui. n.. , ue,
Kilward II. Trotter.
Kdward S. Clarke,
T. Charlton Henry,
Alfred D. Joiuup,
John P. Wliii e,
Iiuis C. Mttdvira,
Charles W. CusUiuau
John Mason,
"-"XliTi'iURO COFFIN, President.
CHAKIiKH PLATT, Vice President. .
' Matthias Mabih, Secretary.
Cuaj. U. Ratvta, Asst. Secretary. j) 15
INSURANCE.
182 9. U A K T E U PERPETUAL.
FrasUin . Fire Jbsmmb
OF rilir-ADELPHIA.
Office, Nos." 433 and 437 CHESNUT St.
Assets Jan. I, 69f$2f677(372 13
CAPITAL
ACCRUED SURPLUS.
PREMIUMS
...!tno,VM)iv)
..i,r3,rmo
..1,193,843 -43
UNSETTLED CLAIMS,
LN'COMK FOR ISG9,
f.U?e0g li.
.o,uw.
Losses paid since 1829a0ver $5,500,000
Perpetual and Temporary Polloles on Liberal Terms.
The Cnimmny altu issues Policies on Rents ofUuildiugt
of all kiiidu, Ground 11 outs, snd Mortgages.
DIRECTORS.
Alfred G. linker, Alfred FitloV,
hnniuol Ornnt, I Thomas Sparks,
Gec.rge W. Richards. I William S. tiraut,
Isaac Lra, I Thomas 8. Ellin,
George t ales, ' Ountavu 8. Knnsnn.
ALFRED G. B A k ICR, prssidnnt.
JAR. W. McA T.L1ST ER.wretary.S' .
THEODORE M. KF.UhK, Assistant Seoretary. g t
JjAME INSURANCE COMPANY.
No. m CHESNUT Street.
INCORPORATED 185. CHARTER PERPETUAL.
CAPITAL, 2HO,0(l0.
FIR B! INSTTR A Nt ! fT. RXfll I7STVET V
Insures against Loss Mr Damage by Fire either by Per-
peiuai or Temporary roiioles.
D1KE0TOK8:
Charles Richardson,
Robert Pmum
illiam 11. KUawu,
Francis N. Buck,
Hpnry Lewis,
Nathan llillns.
John Kosslpr, Jr.,
r.av
ward H. I Irna.
Chrle Ktnkes,
John W. Kverman,
Mordenai Itnxhr
George A. West,
CHARLES RICHARDSON. Prfi'
WILLIAM H. RHAWN, Vice-President.
w iLuiAmij i. MLANfHAnn, Secretary. 7 a
TI1E PENNSYLVANIA FIRE INSURANCE
- i.n rA nr.
r, TOI,n.cr5',6d la-CbartrJ'erpetnal.
",hr! r, A,'N T M":t; opposite lndopendauoe Square.
1 his Company, favorably known to the oommunit v for
N
itaSSp"nsr' fnv:,.ral,',r "wn to " community for"
over forty years, continues to insure against loss or dam.
age by lire on Public or Private UuibfingseiVbSr ietSSl
YletflflV ss Vfl as. Iimii Arl 4 i & 11... I f .
a 1 .! """, "u furniture, stocks
ot 'V ds, and Merchandise generally, on liberal terms.
Their Capital, togother with a Urge Surplus Fund, is
vettd.i'iitbe mOBt ?reful "!ner, which enables them
to orlor to the Insured an undoubted security ia the case
Tknntnl RmWh T-
DIRECT BS.
Aleiander Renson,
Iaao Hazlehurst,
Tohn Ha-.
Thomas Smith,'
1 uomaa uouins.
v ry ,w's,
nr. I jiui
... Cilltugham Fell.
aiioiBi uaauocK, Jr.
WM. O. OBOWKBZS&.ta J-
TJHCENIX INSURANCE COMPANY OF
X PHILADELPHIA. vvjijtajhx U
INCORPORATED 1801-OHARTER PERPETITAr
No as. WALNUT Street opposite the Exchlnit
Thi Company insures from loss or damage bj
?-IibtraiI .""l"' cn buildings,' merchandise, fumlliira
deposit of TremiumT18' Permanently on building." b
promptly adjusted and paid. aiya "wn
John L. Hodge, . David Lewis,
. M W M.li...
John T. Lowis,' .
William 8. Grant,
Robert W. Learning,
Benjamin Ktting,
Thomas H. Powers.
A. R, MoHenry,
Edmund Castilloa,
Samuel Wilcox,
v. uiaric vv narton
U. Ulark Wharton,
T .n. r 1. t.
Man.vuva H 1 H ' ' ' , I . W IT IB V . II OITIS.
B.TO, TO JOHN R WUOUERER, President.
Lewis u. Norns.
klAtUlCU II SAVVA UDUIOItBIJ, Yiii
JMPERIAL FIRE INSU11ANCE CO.,
LONDON. .
E$TAnLI.SIIEnilS0CJ.
Paid-up Capital aad Accumulated Funds,
88,000,000 IN GOLD.
PEEV0ST & HERRING, Agenti,
2 4 No. 107 8. THIRD Street, Philadelphia. .
?HAS. M. PRSVOST.--- ' CHA8. P.HKRRWQ.
SABINE, ALLEN & DULLES,
insuhaimce agents,
FIFTH AND WALNUT STHEETS,
914 tf
PHILADELPHIA.
NEW PUBLICATIONS.
PHILOSOPHY OF .MARRIAGE
& - A New Course of Lectures, as delivered at the New
Jork Muteum of Anatomy, embracing the subjects
EST ilVtl "V1 V1 to Li,v,a Vou"n. MaturhV. and
Old Age ; Manhood Oenorally Reviewed ' The Cause of
Indigestion: Flatulence and Nervous Diseases Account!
lZLtM"ra ''''hically Coidered, eto. e
Pocket volumes containing these Lectures will be for
A r iv J?vl P,Vn'et of 85 cents by sddressin W.
LUMBER.
1869
SPRUCK JOIST.
SPKUCE JOIST.
HEMLOCK.
HEMLOCK.
18G9
1810 SEASONED CLEAR PINE. 10f
lOVV SEASONED CLEAR PINE. lOU J
CHOICE PATTERN PINK. "x
SPAMSU CEDAR, FOR PATTERNS.
IlED CEDAR.
1 RiCi FLORIDA FLOOKTNO.
lOO J FLORIDA FLOORING.
CAROLINA FLOORING.
VIRGINIA FLOORING.
DELAWARE FLOORING
ASH FLOORING.
WALNUT FLOORING. '
FLORIDA STEP HOARDS.
RAIL PLANK.
1869
1 QftO W ALNUT BOARDS AND PLANK. 1 nfi
J O O iJ WALN t T HOA R DS Xn D PLANK-1 0 0 9
WALNUT HOARDS. . .7
WALNUT PLANK.
1869
rXDICRTAKERS LUMRER.
UNDERTAKERS' LU.MIiEIt,
RED CEDAR.
WALNUT AND PINE.
.1869
1869
SEASONED POPLAR. - r rV
SEASONED CHERRY. lOOif
ASH.
WHITE OAK PLANK AND BOARDS.
illCKORY. .-.
TqTFo CIOAU IH)X MAKERS' ToiU
JOUJ ( ItMR HOX MAKERS' lOOy
SPANISH CEDAR BOX HOARDS,
FOR SALE LOW.
1869
CAROLINA SCANTLING.
CAROLINA II. T. SILLS.
NORWAY SCANTLING.
1869
1869
CEDAR SHINGLES.
CYPRESS SHINGLES.
1869
MALLE, BROTIlKi; & CO..
115
No. s!500 SOUTH Strict.
IJNITED STATES BUILDElth' MILL,
FIFTEENTH STREET, BELOW MARKET,
ESLER & BROTHER, Proprietors.
WOOD MOULDINGS,
BRACKETS, ETC.
BALUSTERS AND TURNING WORK.
A Largo SKHahvayson haud. 8ll8ia
I )ANEL PLANK, ALL THICKNF.SSF8
I COMMON PLANK, ALL TH ICKNFsmw'u'
1 CO MAI 1.
ION HOARDS.
I and a SlIlK b KNilk it, a uno
WHITE PINE H.OOIGNO HOARDS
YFM.OW AND SA P PIN K i LOO HI NGS 1 W anrf i. ,
SPiltCE JOIST. ALL felZKS. t,WMr'S. I1 and 4. "
HK.MI.Ol K JOIST, ALL SIZES
' , PLASTKRINH LATH A SPECIA tr
Together with a general asrlmentof Building Lutn. "
bry, lortale low ior rush. r wu i il
U M B E K V N D E H
"ALWAYS DRY. .
' " a , l.k3 OllUvtl,
C O V E ,
Walnut, White Plutf Yellow Pino, Spruce, Horn
lock, fchluglea, etc., alwayoa band at tow raton.
WATSON & G1LLINGHAM,
8 95 No. 921 RICHMOND Street, 161U warO.