THE PAIL f EVENING TELEGR A PHPHIL ADELPHI A, TUESDAY, JULY 21, 18G9.
srzitxT or this rnsss.
ICrillorlnl Opinions of the I.rnillnar Journal
l'Pn Current Toplrn t?ompllril Hvery
la lor Hi" Kvenlnaj Telegraph.
DEMOCRACY ON A MORAL It AM PAGE.
from the (V. Y. C'mmen:ial Admrtixer.
The dead level of journnlinm during the
'boated term'' 1ms occasionally beou en
lironod by the most orthodox advice concern
ing political molality from Democratic sources,
find very pointed rnd ponderous philippics
juminst the corrupt diwtrilmtiou of patronage
iy tho administration in power. Our hearty
'ameu" goes villi all crusades against vil
lainy, wherever such crusades originate; and
our benedictions follow every criticism of
Kcoundrolism on whomsoever the criticism
falls. Wo nro not over sensitive-, or thin
hkinned; and if a Republican miscreant is un
masked! or n Republican scheme of plunder
exposed, the righteous exhibition receives our
npprova'l. So refreshing is it to nee a Demo
cratic organ undertake tho ntr of virtue, and
affect tho phrase of piety, that wo forbear
to touch too rudely any symptom of regene
ration in that quarter. Certainly iniquity
must, assume", fearful proportion, when it can
Startle our Democratic friends, and we have no
words to express the condition tho rest of
the world should bo in, when their sense of
propriety is shocked. What excites our curi
osity is that sin hns no terror for Democrats,
unless committed by Republican olHciuls, and
so far as they aro concerned, shame seems
utterly impotent in fixing its mark of infamy
. i. . i i: e
on any out recreant lapuoucau iorcueaus.
Are our polities in such a lamentablo strait
that pollution,fraud, and depravity aro so iden
tified with one party, that we aro only aston
ished when they make their appearance in the
other? Some things seem to indicate this.
J'or weeks the leading Democratic paper in this
city has been pouring out the bitterness of its
bile on the head of the lately appointed Minister
to Spain. Tho choicest specimens of editorial
rhetoric have informed tho public of tho
viciousnoss of that gentleman's life and man
ners. The resources of spleen and syntax
have been exhausted to depict and disparage
tho character of General Sickles. Tho doca
loguo rocords no moral obligation that he has
not violat ed, if the World is veracious. Lar
ceny in idl its stages, interspersed with the
Jiner arts of arson and burglary aro laid to his
chargo. "Wo w ill not rehearse the filthy cata
logue of vice which tho World heralds tri
weekly as making up the career and marring
Hie conduct of the ambassador to Madrid.
"What seems remarkable is, that this tirade
and traducement come so btte. Why did we
not hear of General Sickles as tho "chief of
sinners" when ho was tho pet and pattern of
the 'Tierce Democracy?' When Tammany
sheltered him, and showered its darling with
unnumbered honors, his alleged experiments
lit perjury and forgery did not disgust or
even trouble our high-toned opponents. If
sickles ever pilfered, civic station was tho
reward he received from his Democratic asso
ciates. If he ever contemplated tho dan
gerous pastime of incendiarism, tho Demo
cratic party did not seem to regard tho fiery
weakness with discredit, for it lavished on
him legislative promotion. If in bygone
years Sickles fitted himself for a permanent
residence at tho penitentiary, that party gene
rously changed the direction of his location,
and gave him a European retreat as a member
of our diplomatic corps. If he was a mur
derer, and if ho basely conpounded with
lechery) he was a Democratic Congressman
and a high priest in tho Democratic church
when the foul crimes were committed. As it is
only alter heroic service in the held as a pa
triot, and the most vigorous defense ot liberal
ideas as a Republican, that the Democratic
press have discovered ueneral Sickles nn-
worthiness to bo a recipient of public favor,
we must infer that, according to the ethics of
that party, no amount of criminality unfits pn
American for wearing Democratic laurels and
leading Democratic masses. It is only when
Republicans see fit to endow men damaged
with early blemishes and tainted reputations
that the inconsistency is entitled to mention
and censure. "We know of no greater compli
ment that could be paid to the party with
which we have the honor to act, than the fact
that the elevation of public men with dubious
histories, while it provokes neither compli
ment nor condemnation, if coming from our
enemies, becomes a dishonor and marvel if
perpetrated by us.
THE USURY LAWS AND THE BROKERS.
From the Ar. T. Herald. .
The "Wall street brokers seem likely to have
a check put on their high profits. The public
is so disgusted with the system that finds
favor in that locality that the prosecution will
be sure to be sustained by every class, how
ever high or low, outside of Wall street.
Though we cannot deny that we are in general
opposed to nsury laws being of opinion that
money, like everything else, should bo loft
free to look for the highest purchaser yet we
admit that circumstances may arise in which
such laws may prove of great service. Hero
we have combinations made to tighten the
money market, giving money an undue value
in order that the rate of interest may be raised.
Such dealing is unhealthy and most prejudi
cial to commerce through every part of the
country. "We have bankruptcies and dull
times in consequence, and it would be hard
to say what cluss of society is not injured
thereby. Let these money brokers make
money in a fair, honorable way, letting it out
at its true, not inflated value, and, supposing
they should thits chance to exceed the legal
rate of interest, the public will be so well
(satisfied with the bargain that the law will be
nuft'ered,as before, to goiuto desuetude. But as
they do not choose to act so, for these modern
Mhylocks we have no pity. They are gentle
men who stick hard to a bond, and look for
the law to support them. Give them law,
then, we say, and plenty of it.
DELAY IS TERIL.
From the X. Y. Tribune.
Twenty-two States have already ratified the
fiftenntb. amendment to the i ederal Consti
tution, whereby tho right of suffrage is ac
corded and secured to every native and every
naturalized citizen of the United States,
without regard to race, color, or previous
condition of servitude. Thd ratification of
five more States is required; and there are
four Southern States Virginia, Georgia, Mis.
Bissinni. and Texas ready to give such assent
unless repulsed by those who ought to wel
come and facilitate their co-operation in the
needful work. Is it not palpable madness not
to hail their accession with a hearty enthu
siasm ?
We have recently conversed with leading
Jlississippians of diverse antecedents and pre
ferences. They are preparing for a spirited
contest in their approaching election, but on
do clear issue. The radical Republicans as-
rmre us mat mey will vote anaiust tue uis.
franchising clauses of their constitution that
po such would now be proposed or advocated
that tho existence of such clauses is due to
the passions evoked by civil war, which have
riow ueuily died out. Though there is a largo
majority of colored voters in tho State, those
clauses will be voted down by an overwhelm- I
ing mnjority.
Vn the other hand, the "Uonnorvative lie
publicans'' assure us that their party will vote
to ratify tho Constitution miniiH the disfran
chising clauses, and will vote in the Legislature
to ratify tho fifteenth amendment. They have
proved their strength in the election already
held, when they voted down tho Constitution
and gave their candidates a largo majority,
despite the heavy preponderance of colored
voters. Negro suffrage has no terrors for
them ; and they are prepared to provo that
their rule will have no terrors for tho blacks,
and should have none.
Jn Texas thero are no disfranchising and
prescriptive clauses to be voted down, and of
course no separate submission. The "con
servatives" will voto to ratify tho Constitu
tion, support General A. J. Hamilton for
Governor, and sny he will be elected by an
immense majority, and the fifteenth amend
ment ratified without serious opposition.
In this State there is a very formidable
body of outlaws, who would, like to pass for
Rebels, but are really horse thieves and rob
bers generally, though they sometimes try to
give their crimes a semi-political aspect by
outrages upon conspicuous Unionists, and es
pecially upon isolated and defenseless negroes.
The military have clone their best to repress
these villains; but there is hardly a soldier in
the State to every hundred square miles,
while the vast unpeopled forests and prairies
nll'ord refuge and concealment to tho outlaws.
Texas needs a government which h ;s not only
the sympathy but tho active support of her
people, in order that sho may deal stringently
with these villaii s, and either suppress or
expel them. The work is already well begun;
but thero are still extensive districts in which
life and property will not be secure until sho
is lully reconstructed.
In Georgia tho conservatives havo on their
hands a huge elephant of their own raising.
By expelling from tho Legislature its colored
members, when they thought Seymour and
Blair were to be elected, they put themselves
wholly in tho wrong. They forced a majority
for Seymour when at least ten thousand more
voters preferred Grant. Since they heard of
Giant's election they have been trying to get
out of their false position; but this is not half
so easy as keeping out would have been. Yot
the recent- decision of (heir Supreme Court
that blacks were eligible to office has given
them an excuse, and an opportunity alone is
still wanting. They are ready to restore to
the colored members tho seats wherefrom
they were most wrongfully ejected, and to
ratify the fifteenth amendment. Could they
be assured to-morrow that they might thus
regain the ground they most unwisely and
perversely abandoned, they would promptly
do so. (We speak of the vast majority; there
is in Georgia, as elsewhere, an incorrigible
few; but their sceptre has departed.)
Virginia virtual! v says to Congress nnd tho
country: "You prescribed to us conditions of
restoration: we have fulfilled them so far as
we have been accorded opportunity; let us
convene our .Legislature and inaugurate our
State officers, and wo will complete all that
you required. We havo adopted a Radical
Constitution by nearly L't)0,()(Ml majority, re
jecting only those sections which proscribed
and disfranchised many thousands of ourforo
most citizens, as tho President enabled and
authorized us to do. Wo aro ready to ratify
the fifteenth amendment, and to fulfil every
duty of loyal citizens of a Union State. Will
you admit us to self-government, and to a
voice in the .National Councils t
She is met by a requision from
General
Canby that her newly chosen legislators shall
take the iron-clad oath (that they never gave
any aid or countenance to the Rebellion),
which many of them cannot do, and which
the members of no Legislature of a recon
structed State have yet been required to do.
General Grant instructed General Meade not
to require it in Georgia or Alabama, and ho
did not; General Canby was urged by Gov
ernor Holden to require it in North Carolina,
but would not. We will not review the rea
soning by which Genend Canby justifies this
requirement in the case of Virginia; but we
assert with entire confidence that none of his
superiors President Grant, Secretary Raw
lins, and General Sherman have directed or
counselled it.
Just consider for ono moment the intrinsic
absurdity of the requirement. The Virginia
conservatives say to the President, "We want
to vote for the constitution, and thus to return
to our places in the Union; but there are
certain clauses thereof which disfranchise and
proscribe a part of ourselves; these we want
to vote against, and vote down if we can.
Tho President looks into tho matter, and says,
Ilns is reasonable and right; it shall be as
you ask." They proceed to vote, and vote
down proscription and disfranchisement by
some fifty thousand majority, thus establish
ing upon the highest authority the equal
rights before the law of all citizens; and yet,
in the face of this verdict, some thirty or forty
members of the new Legislature are to be ex
cluded fronijheir seats:
Most certainly, the partisan aspect of this
matter is quite subordinate; but just look for
one moment at this: We want Virginia's rat
ification of the fifteenth amendment want it
now want the moral influence of such ratifi
cation by the assent of all parties. Exclude
all the prominent conservatives from her
Legislature, and that ratification will be shorn
of all power and significance. " O yes !" says
a caviller, "Virginia has ratified; but how?
V hat sort of lrginia is it ? Let us exclude
from a legislature all whom we will, and we
can make it do anything we choose. Is
there not force in that criticism ?
We ought to havo had all the outlying
States brought into the Union this summer
ought to have welcomed and helped them to
come in ought to have put through the fif
teenth amendment by their aid, and had it
officially proclaimed a part of the Constitu
tion, so that the blacks could have voted in
every State next fall. That would have given
us five or ten thousand votes in each of the
great States, where we are quite likely to
need them. Better than this: it would
have taken tho question of negro suffrage
out of politics, and enabled us to fix
public attention on other points of
tho greatest interest and imminence. All
affords but a minor " reason for doing what
ought to be done, and in time must
be. We are for universal amnesty with im
partial suffrage, for reasons far above any
question of party ascendancy- because this is
just in itself, and best for the whole country,
North as well as South. Wo do not advocate
the prompt, cordial, ungrudging restoration
of Virginia because we imagine that all those
who voted for Walker will henceforth be in a
party sense Republicans: vo expect nothing
of tho kind. Congress never exacted this,
and they never promised it. They tare asked
to ratify the fifteenth amendment; and that
they stand ready to do in good faith and abide
uy it. .r minor wo no nut iuuh uor inquire.
And now, if that amendment shall fail, when
its ratification was so clearly within tho reach
of its friends, there will rest Homcirlici'i a fear
ful responsibility. .
THE
INCOME TAX ITS JtEPEAL
on
AMENDMENT?
from the N. Y. Times.
Tho sensational use to which the income
tax returns are this year applied operates as
an incentive to the opposition which this
form of taxation has from the first encoun
tered. It is cleclared to" bo odious and op
pressive. It iH stigmatized as inquisitorial,
as an encouragement to fraud, and as a bur
den which should not bo allowed to continue
beyond the period fixed by the present law.
Many of pur contemporaries demand its re
peal at the next session of Congress; insisting
that an equal amount of revenue may bo
raised from other sources with less vexation
and embarrassment than are occasioned by
the tax assailed.
The unconditional repeal of the tax maybe
assumed to bo out of tho question. What it
will yield in the present year remains to bo
ascertained. Lost, year, howevor, its product
exceeded forty millions, and in 1M17 was moro
than sixty-four millions; either of which
amounts exceed tho probable saving capacity
of the Treasury, considered with duo refe
rence to other phases of fiscal reform. Tho
immediate abolition of the tax, unless fol
lowed by the imposition of a corresponding
burden in some other form, we take to be
impracticable. And in what other ' form
may forty millions of taxation bo made
more acceptable? Tho industry of the
country cannot conveniently bear it. Manu
facturers, according to their own show
ing, are taxed to the extent of their capa
city, nnd to a degree which seriously impairs
their ability to compete with the most formid
able rivals. The tarill', again, has reached a
standard which renders additions in that direc
tion impossible. And as for tho taxes on
whisky and tobacco, they aro now quite heavy
enough for the interests of the Treasury.
Where, then, shall the national financier look
for tho extra forty millions which tho removal
of the income tax would compel him to ac
quire? What branch of production or trade
can be reasonably expected to assume this
further load in order that the "odiousness"
of the income tax may bo averted ? Reduce
the inrpiiry to this single point, and tho groat
obstacle to the total repeal of tho tax becomes
apparent.
But effective retrenchment, coupled with
tho more efficient collection of the revenue,
limy enable the Government to dispense with
forty millions annually. Perhaps so. And
supposing this pleasant condition of affairs to
be attained, undoubtedly a reduction of
taxes should take place. The country needs
as much fiscol relief as may be had without
detriment to the public credit: and if the
experience of the current year warrants the
belief that a considerable surplus will bo
available, we think that iti reduction by tho
din inutiou of taxes is preferable to any ap
plication of it that has been devised. With
the just claims of the public creditor pro
vided for by compliance with tha terms of
the Sinking Funl act, it would seem that tho
best use for any excess of Treasury strength
is the ahatcmect of burdens which only abso-
ute recessity has rendered tolerable.
Granting that a reduction of taxes to the
amount of forty millions may be found prac
ticable, the soundness of the policy that would
sweep awny the income tax, and so limit relief
to a single channel, may well be questioned.
For thero is this to be said in behalf of the
income tax, it falls only upoa those who, as
compared with the mass of tho people, are
able to bear it. The great body of manual
workers, and all in receipt of less than a thou
sand dollars annually, escape its oporation.
To these and they constitute tho bulk of the
community abolition of the income tax
menus nothing more or less than benefit to
the classes better off than themselves, while
the taxes from which all suffer would inevi
tably be continued. The taxation that may bo
most equitably dispensed with is that which
falls upon necessaries of life. Articles of
universal consumption are at present heavily
burdened, and the fiscal reform first needod
is one that will mitigate this burden, and
thus confer a substantial benefit upon the
main body of the people. A revision and re
duction of the tariff, with special reference
to the removal of duties from commodities
which enter into the expenditure of every
fnmily, would confer greater and more uni
iorin benefit upon the people than can be ob
tained by the repeal of the tax on incomes.
But while we consider income-tax repeal
impracticable in the present circumstances of
the country, there can be no doubt that its
modification is desirable, as well in the inte'
rest of the Treasury as of tho public. A unl
form tax of five per cent, is too high. It in
creases the temptation to fraud, and operates
harshly upon the possessors of small incomes
derived from labor or trade. It should be re
duced to two and a half per cent, on incomes
below some fixed figure, or on all in
comes derived from industry or trade, as dis
tinguished from those derived from realized
property. Whatever injustice thero is in
the tax as now levied consists in a total
disregard ot ttie essential peculiarity of in
comes which aro contingent upon the acci
dents of employment and health or the
vicissitudes of ever-varying competition. The
clerk or the professional man, whoso income
may cease any day, or tho merchant, whose
profits of this year may be swallowed up in
the losses of tho next, are required to pay tho
rate that is paid py tho retired capitalist or
renl-estate owner, whose incomes are as cer
tain as anything human can be. Tho anomaly
is so glaring, and the hardships it inflicts are
so cruel, that its continuance is indefensible
It might not be, fair to exempt one of these
classes from tho tax while retaining it on the
shoulders of the other ; but some discrimina
tion is called for wi'h the view of relieving
what may ie called contingent incomes from
a load which incomes that are certain are
abundantly able to carry. A reduction of the
tax to half tho present rate, in the case of the
former, should not be delayed.
The loss to the revenue resulting from this
leiorm might, he partially cjvered by a revi
sion oi me list of exemptions, especially in
the item of rent. Mr. Wells has pointed out
itie anuses to which this exemption has given
rise, and also the incongruities to which it
leads. The law should define the maximum
of rent-exemption, and it should be regulated
nun a view to the only oliject which makes
exemption proper the relief ol those whose
incomes are by comparison small. The occu
pant of a palatial residence perverts the, true
meaning of the consideration shown in the
law when allowed to deduct from taxation a
sum which, as rent, argues the possession of
iuuuo weaitn.
1 he objections to tho tax which grow out
of the publicity it gives to private affairs are
less applicable to the tax itself than to the
manner of its application. Of course, under
the most favorable management, a tax upon
incomes implies a certain sort of inquisitive
ness on tho part of the assessor. The inqui
ries which are of necessity instituted may
sometimes be unpleasant, but they become
odious" only when tho assessor abuses his
authority, or when information which should
bo regarded as given for the exclusive bene
fit of the Government is traded upon by
newsmongers and the scandal-loving portion
of the public. Tho annoyance and injury
occasioned by tho publication of inoomnn
may be averted by enjoining upon the officers
secrecy in regard to tho returns delivered to
them. For though publicity here and thr
operates as a check upon fraud, and mav
compel somo to pay tribute who have hitherto
evaded it, wo cannot forget that a proporlyi
organized revenue service would bo ablo to
guard against knavery and evasion of tho uso
of means within its own reach. Its own ser
vants should suffice to prevent tho escape
from taxation of persons notoriously rich, or
the gross falsification of income by persons in
business. This done, publicity would bo
unnecessary, and being unnecessary, would
be a nuisance which Congress may lie asked
to abate.
THE "TRIBUNE" ON GAMBLING.
F'ovt the A'. )'. World.
The TrUnnir, having discovered that.
whereas "gaming-houses were formerly
licensed and public in Paris, they aro so no
longer." desires to know whether "the World
is familiar with tho reasons which dictated
the change?" We are baimv to resoond in
tho affirmative. Gaming-houses irerc "for
merly licensed and public in Paris," but the
JntiiiHC apparently is not aware that they
were neither "licensed nor "public for
ages lief ore they were either "licensed" or
public. The In'fnuic'n plan of dealint
with men's vices as if they were men's
crimes, and of cettincr "the Stato" to
admonish and forbid where it is incompetent
to do more," has been tried in Paris and
given up again, not once but a dozen times.
I 'ruler Louis M, gambling was strictly pro
hibited in tho French capital, nnd infamous
penalties were attached to it. Gambling,
however, flourished exceedingly till Law
took its lifo with his "Mississippi"' scheme.
s tho eighteenth century grew older tho
practice ot fleecing persons ot consideration
in such unrecognized gambling saloons as
those of the Hotel do Gevres and tho Hotol
de Soissons had given birth to a special class
of rogues, w ho for their astuteness were called
"Greeks" a name which remains in vogue to
this day, the Greeks being still at our doors,
not only in unlicensed faro banks, but in the
persons of such political gamblers as, for
example, the Hon. Reuben E. Fenton. In
17T.ri tho King's Lieutenant of Police, Sar
tines, tried the licensing experiment. Ho
gave the proceeds to the hos
pitals, and gambling for a time at Paris
was comparatively subdued. the un
licensed houses which sprang up being
so infamous and perilous that none but the
most desperate ventured into them, and tho
police baptized them by the expressive name
of "hells." In 17",' the whole business was
prohibited again. It got worse, and not
better, under tho prohibition, nnd so was
licensed again in 1m'. Under tho republic,
it was again prohibited and again became ten
times worse than it hud before been. In
ISOli, Napoleon turned tho whole thing over
to the police to be regulated as they might
find best; and under the Restoration the city
of Paris agreed to pay tho Goverment f. ."Ol ), -000
francs a year for the privilege of "farm
ing"' out the gambling of the capital. Tho leases
granted under this privilege expired in 1S:!7,
and, the whole matter having been debated at
length in the Chamber jof Deputies in LS.'tli,
it was finally resolved, on a motion of M. do
la Rochefoucault-Liancourt, that tho gam
bling houses of the capital should be closed
on tho ;!lst of December, 1S;J7. The Finance
Minister, in consenting to this motion, warned
the Deputies that it would be idle to expect
tho suppression of gambling from tho mea
sure. "Close Frascati's," he said, "and you
will find the better classes hurry to gamble at
the Exchange, where fortunes will be lost and
won more frequently, more easily, and no
whit more morally." Subsequent history has
proved that he was right. Under the enor
mous recent development of stock enterprises,
the green-tuble has lost its charm the world
over. The Baden-Baden and Homburg of to
day, the Frascatis and Crockfords of long ago,
are but trivial sources and centres of moral
corruption in comparison with the stock-
boards of the Old and the New World. Instead
of being "circumscribed" and "rendered less
prevalent" by the suppression of the licensed
gambling-tables under police regulations.
gambling iu Paris to-day is twenty times as
extensive and as prevalent as it was a genera
tion ago.
The truth is that no other definite conclu
sion can be safely drawn from the history of
sumptuary and moralizing legislation in the
past than this that no good ever is done by
attempts to confound the vices which society
tacitly recognizes and condones with the
crimes which society holds to be incompati
ble with its safety. But, whether the Tribune
accepts this conclusion or not, will it have the
goodness to let us know of what possible use
it conceives the severest legislation not only
against prostitution and gambling, but against
dishonesty and murder, could be, in the face
of the premium sjt upon prostitution and
gambling, and dishonesty and murder, by tho
respectable men who openly profess their
i 'esteem, friendship, and respect" for such
persons as Daniel E. Sickles ? To this ques
tion we desire an answer.
HOME'S FOLLY.
From the X Y. World.
The names of our naval vessels, a telegram
from Washington states, will not be restored
by Secretary Ilobeson, because he intends to
leave the whole mutter for Congress to deal
with. But Congress has already dealt with
the subject, and, according to the laws by
Congress enacted, with which poor Borie was
of course unfamiliar, General Order No. 1.(0
was without authority and void. So that all
Secretary Robeson has to do, and just what
he ought to do, is to treat that order as so
. 0 -r 1 1 . ,
much waste paper. 11 steps nave ueen taKen
to carry it out, they should be rescinded. If
not, he should permit none to be taken. Or
the order may be simply countermanded.
Secretary Borie changed the names of
forty-two vessels. Now, all of these were
built by the I'uited States, and their names
were bestowed upon them by proper autho
rity, under an act of Congress, when they
were built. Neither tho act in question nor
any other act gives authority to anybody to
change their name. That may be done, ac
cording to an act of Congress, in the case of
vessels purchased by the United States; but,
whenever these are thus renamed, there is no
authority conferred upon anybody again to
change them. A name for a United States
vessel, once conferred by the designated au
thority, can be changod only by act of Con
gress. Secretary Borie, therefore, did not
only a stupid and tasteless thing, he did an
illegal thing. Secretary Robeson, in sheer
kindness', ought not to make him ridiculous
in tho obscurity to which he has returned by
perpetuating for another day tho remembrance
of his folly. The old names wore excellent;
let them stand.
As for gallant Admiral Porter's plea, it is
sufficient that ho is forgiven for his share in
the blunder.
GAS LIGHT FOR THE COUNTRY.
SAFE, RELIABLE, AND ECONOMICAL.
PLACED OUTSIDE OF BUILDINGS 11
FERRIS & CO. '3
AUTOMATIC OAS MACHINES
Ilitve been in rniocmnfnl opnrntlnn for elnTnn im. and la
all t'Apaa (riven perfect antinlaution. The light is imioh
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icIentK nrisine from tho line of KKKOSKNK and (h)A ti
Oil. 1, AMI'S and worth I w h machines nhimlil In
duce ppmona to adopt a aafe, economical, and ntfio
lory lllll.. I lie BiniillCli J in uui umhi, itn omw im
it HtniHriorltT ovf-r nil othpra on account of its KKVOLV-
INCi evaporator, which takna up all the carbon from the
tiuitnriHl. nnd the fuel, thut it will run for yeurs without
cost for ri'iiaira, recommend It above all olhors in the
mnrket. I lie machine can ne .n in oi''rjii M,n i. our
Uthce, where explanations and reforencpa will ho given.
KK. KRIS A (!.,
6 1 laths 3m2p Nr.. 327 OHK8NUT Stroot, rhiluda.
lti'st quality of GAHOI.INK alwavn on hand.
FINANOIAL.
A RELIABLE HOME INVESTMEHT.
THE FIRST MORTGAGE BONUS
OF TUB
Wilmington and Reading Railroad,
HEAKIM. INTEREST
At SEVEN PER CENT, in Curraacy
rnytible April mid October, free of STATE and
t'N!TEl KTATE TAXES.
This road runs through a thickly populated and rioh
agricultural and manufacturing district.
For tho present, we are offering a limited ainonnt of to
above Bonds at
85 Cents and Interest.
The connection of this road with the Pennsylvania and
Reading Railroads fnsurcs it a large and remunerative
trade. We recommend the bonds as the cheapest first
elaas investment in the market.
WZVX. PAXTITEZI 6l CO.,
BANKERS AND DEALERS IN GOVERNMENTS,
NO. SG S. iUiltD STREET,
4 3m PIIILAOKLPHIA.
zs. it. jAiviisotf a co.,
SUCCESSORS TO
P. P. KELLY & CO..
Hankers and lealerts In
Mi, Silver, and. Government Bonis,
AT CLOSEST MARKET RATES,
N.W. Corner THIRD and CHESNTJT Sts.
Special attention given to COMMISSION ORDERS
n New York and Philadelphia Stock Boards, etc.
etc 8 tia 31
QLENDINNING, DAVIS & CO.,
NO. 48 SOUTH THIRD STREET,
PHILADELPHIA.
GLENDINNING, DAVIS AMORT,
NO. 2 NASSAU STREET, NEW YORK,
BANKERS AND BROKERS.
Direct telegraphic communication with the New
York Stock Boards from the Philadelphia Oillua. 12 25
LEDYARD & BARLOW
HAVE REMOVED THEIR
LAW AND COLLECTION OFFICE
TO
No. 1 9 South THIRD Street.
PHILADELPHIA,
And will continue to give careful attention to collect
ing and securing CLAIMS throughout tho United
btuten, British Provlncet, und Europe.
Sight Drafts and Muturing Paper collected at
Bunkers' leutes. . 1 2s cm
gTJLLIOTT & DUNN .
HAVING REMOVED TO THEIR NEW BUILDING,
NO. 109 SOUTH THIRD STREET,
Are now prepared to transact a GENERAL BANK
ING BUSINESS, und deal lu GOVERNMENT uud
( ther Secuiltles, GOLD, BtLLS, Etc.
Receive MONEY ON DEPOSIT, allowing Interost.
NEGOTIATE LOANS, giving special attention to
MERCANTILE PAPER.
Will execute orders for Stocks, Bonds, etc., ON
COMMISSION, at the Stock Exchanges of Philadel
phia, New York, Boston, and Baltimore. 4 20
Q IT Y WARRANTS
BOUGHT AND SOLD.
C. T. YERKES, Jr., & CO.,
NO. 20 SOUTH THIRD.STREET,
4 2
PHILADELPHIA.
fAMl'lfl. WOKK.
FHANC13 F. MI1.NK.
BANKERS,
STOCK AND EXCHANGE BROKERS,
6 g No. 121 S. THIRD St., Philadelphia.
FINANOIAL..
UNITED STATES COUPONS
DUE JULY I, WANTED.
C0UP0N3 OF
UNION PACIFIC RAILROAD
DUE JULY I,
Taken Same as Government Coupons.
DC HAVEN & CRO.,
BANKERS AND DEALERS IN GOVERNMENTS,
NO. 40 SOUTH THIRD STREET,
11 PHILADELPHIA.
RANKING HOUSE
or
JAY COOKE & CO.,
Nos. 112 and 114 South THIRD Street,
PHILADELPHIA,
Dealers In all Government Securities.
Old B-2HS Wanted In Exchango for New.
A I Uicral Difference allowed.
Compound Interest Notes Wanted.
Interest Allowed on Deposits.
COLLECTIONS MADE. STOCKS bought aud sold
on commission.
Special business accommodations reserved for
.milts.
We will receive implications for Policies of Llfo
Insiirniico In the Niitlcnul Lifo Insurauco Company
tf the United States, full Information given at our
""tee- 7 1 3m
3MITH, RANDOLPH l CO.,
BANKERS,
l'lITLADIXIMlIA AND NEW YORK.
DEALERS IN UNITED STATES BONDS, and MEM
BERS Ol' .STOCK AND GOLD EXCHANGE,
Receive Accounts of Banks and Bankers on Liberal
Terms.
ISSUE BILLS OP EXCHANGE ON
C. J. HAM ISRO A SON, London.
B. METZLER, S. SOUN & CO., Frankfort.
JAMES W. TUCKER A CO., Paris.
And Other Principal Cities, and Letters of Credit
1 2 tf - Available Throughout Europe.
pa S. PETERSON & CO.,
Slock and Exchange Brokers,
NO. 39 SOUTH THIRD STREET,
Members of the New York and Philadelphia Stock
uiiii uom Hoards.
STOCKS. BONDS. Etc.. bourrht nnd snM nn mm.
mission only at cither city. i 205
WINES.
H E
R MAJESTY!
CHAMPAGNE.
DuriTon & lussow,
: 215 SOUTH FRONT STREET.
;
rpIE ATTENTION OF THE TRADE ' 18
X solicited to the following very Choice Wines, etc.. for
sale by
DUNTON A I.USSON,
B SOUTH FRONT STREET.
CHAMPAGNES. Agent for her Majesty, Duo da
Moulehello, Carte Muue, Carte Blanche, and Oharlae
larre's Grand Vin Kugonfe, and Via Imperial, M. Klee
K.VL roCo- ot Mayence, bparkling Moselle and KUtNK
M A l KIRAS.-Old Island, South Side Roserre.
SHKKRIKS.-F. Ruilolphe, Amontillado, Topas, VI
lette, l'ale and Golden Bar, Crown, eto.
PORTS.-Vinho Velho Real, Valletta, and Crown.
CLAK h rb Promis Aine A (He., MonUerrand and Bor
deaux, Clnrets and Sauterne Wines.
GIN. "Meder Swan."
BRANDIES. Hennessey, Otard, Dupny A Oo.'i various
vintages. 4 5
QAR STAIRS & McOALL,
No. 126 WALNUT and 21 GRANITE Street,
Importers of
BRANDIES, WINES, GIN, OLIVE OIL, ETO.,
AMD
COMMISSION MERCHANTS
For the sale of
PURE OLD RYE, WHEAT. AND BOURBON WHIS-
KIKS. 5 3w Jp
CARSTAIRS' OLIVE OIL AN INVOICE
of the above for sale by
CARSTAIRS A MrOALL,
g 8S 2p Noe. 12S WALNUT and 21 GRANITE Sts.
ROOFING.
11 E A D Y R O O F I N G.
-1 V This Hooting is adapted to all buildings. It oao. be
applied to
STEEP OR FLAT ROOFS
at one balf the expi-nne of tin. It ia readily put on old
Nhinulo Roofa without removing the shinglus, thus avoicl
ing the duniaKing of veilings aud furniture while under-
filing repjtirs. (No ifrnvol used.)
'ltF.KF.kVK YOLK TIN HOOFS WITH WELTON'S
KLASTIO PAINT.
I am always prepared to Hepairand Paint Roofa at short
notice. Ao, PAINT Foil SALE by the barrel or galluu,
the bet and cheapest in the market.
W. A. WKLTOJf,
No. 711 N. NINTH Street, ahove Com on, and
S175 , A'o. els WALNUT btreot.
TO OWNERS. ARCHITECTS, BUILDERS"
AND ROOFERS.-Roofs! Yes. yea. Every sizeand
kind, old or new. At .No. 64!i N. THIRD Street, the AMU,
H1CAN CONUKEIK PAINT ANU HOOF COM PAN?
are selling their celebrated paint for TIN KOOF8 and
for preserving all wood aud metals. Also, their solid com
plex root covering, tt;o bet ever offered to the public with
bru.bes, cans, buckets, etc , for the work. Anti-ve'nrdn,
I ire, and Water-proo! . Light, 1 lght, Durable. No oraok!
leg, pealing, or shrinking. Ne paper, gravel, or host. Goal
for all vlunatea. Direciioua given for work, or good work.
F.'en,"u!,'"ed- f-r. T. uipiueas, certainty! tone ol)ei
Call! Examine! Jn i:k'.
A iienta wanted for nierior counties.
dONF.PH J.KROS, Principal
rpo BUILDEI.o AND CONTUACTORS.-.
M. Weareprej.r 1 10 f'rninh Enclih i'nnortd
aspha: in; kooh.vu fei"'P
PaIiXbiuonTl:.''"1" ro""1 " nMj
..j MERCHANT 4 CO.,
.. -Nae. 617 aud oln M INOit Street.
o
LD GRAVE
HOOFS COVERED OVEJ
. and wurranted lor ten years
UAMILU'OX A COOKFKR.
No. 45 8. TENTH Street
with UastioSia.
8 lotim
CROOERIt S AND PROVISIONS.
jypoiiAEL meagiieTaTo
No. 223 South SIXTEENTH Street,
, W'Uolesaie ami Retail Dealers la
PROVISIONS,
OYSTERS, AND BAND CLAMS,
TKRRAPWSI1S PRR DOZENS" PAMILY
Y)K. K1NKELIN CAN BE CONSULTED ON