THE DAILY EVENING TELEGRAPH PHILADELPHIA, THURSDAY, JUNE 10, 18C9. .
SPIRIT OF THE PHESS.
EDITORIAL OPINIONS OF THE LEADING JOUtlNAt.S
VrON Ct'llHENT TOPICS COM TILED EVEUY
DAT FOB THE EVENING TELEURAM.
THE TUBLTO FEELING ABOUT
THE
ALABAMA CLAIMS.
From th N. Y. Time.
There wore Hoiiiowhero Lohvofm l.'O and 200
people present in tho great hull of the Cooper
Institute on Mondny night to henr the lecture
on "England nnd the Alahamn" (i. e., the
Alahanm claims) ly Mr. Justin McCarthy,
editor of tho London Star.
It Rooms rather remarkable that there
fihould only have been Bent a mere shadow of
an audience to listen to tho views of an able
Englishman on this great question.
Certainly the lecturer was a man well
worth listening to on any subject; and one
might have thought that on this subject
especially the public would bo eager to hear
him. As a prominent London editor, who
boldly, and linnly, and strongly uphold tho
Union cause during tho great Kobollion as a
freo and forcible public speaker as a man
whoso views on this particular question were
known to Jbe as decidedly favorable to tho
American side as they are opposed to what
may be called tho rail-Midi side it might
have been supposed that public interest ami
feeling would have Hecurod him ft largo
audience on the occasion of his Alubama lec
ture. Yet, a mere handful of people took tho
trouble to go and listen to it.
Evervthino was done to secure tho success
of his lecture and the gathering of a large
assemblage. Advertisements were inserted in
all the papers; notices of tho occasion were
given in all their columns; and eulogies of
tho ability of the orator, with hints of tho
novelty of his views, as well as their agrooa
bleness, appeared in almost every journal of
the city. Large posters were stuck up in the
streets, announcing tho man, the subject, and
tho place, as well as the charitable object.
Small handbills, of like import, were passed
around, and little cards were circulated giving
all the particulars. In fact, every means were
adopted to secure publicity and attract inter
est except, perhaps, the ringing of "Ilolf
man's bell," the tiring of f&yrockets, the
playing of a brass band, and the hiring of a
corps of those cadaverous caricatures of hu
manity who promenade Broadway with adver
tisements painted on their coats and hats.
Even the expedient of giving tho "proceeds"
that might accrue from the small admittance
fee to a noble charity was adopted.
And yet, to such a small degree was public
interest aroused, that there was only collected
a little knot of people in the great hall which,
one might have supposod, would be densely
crowded.
The night, too, was auspicious. - The
heavens were clear, the .air was mild and
gentle, the streets were dry. The place was
in the centre of the city, and everybody knew
the location of Cooper Institute, and how
easy it was to get there. There were no
other popular attractions. Nobody else lec
tured that night, and in none of the theatres
was to be seen the moral drama or any other
drama that had any relation to that part of
humanity which exists above tho logs.
Now, was it because people did not care
enough about the Alabama question that they
could not be attracted by all these attractions,
and all these favorable circumstances, to hear
about it ?
One would hardly be led to think so by
reading the newspapers. They work it up
every day, in long metre and short. Many of
them are constantly in the most terrible state
of excitement about it. They threaten war
and vengeance over it. They would raise mil
lions ot men and expend unions ot money
for it. The "eyes of Delaware" are said to be
fixed on it. The "Michigan volunteers,"
sixty thousand strong, are reported to be so
mad that they can hardly help invading
Cauada when they think about it or rather
when Senator Chandler, with his two negro
flunkeys in their lavender coats with white
buttons, on which appears a stag supporting
the letter C in red enamel with gold edge,
thinks about it. The Southerners are alleged
to be ready to join hands, or rather hearts,
with the Northerners, in one fraternal burst of
rage over it, and the negro will lead the white
man to bloody fields to show that the cause is
one which links us all in a common ven
geance. One might think that even the
"sleepless nights" which Judge Cardozo spent
in thinking of Mrs. l'earsall and Miss O'Con
nor were periods of blissful repose compared
to the inflamed and maddened hours spent by
the loyal subjects of Hail Columbia in con
templating the Alabama question.
We fear it must be confessed, after all, that
tho greater part of the excitement and wrath
over England and the Alabama is in the ex
1 citable newspapers. The froth which they
work up is on the surface, and does not agi
tate the deep sea of American feeling. No
doubt everybody would like to have tho mat
ter settled, and properly settled. But tho
conntry is in no such uproar or frenzy about
it as an outsider would suppose who had no
means of judging of public sentiment except
the red-hot editorials of our contemporaries.
THE
NEGRO ELECTION RIOTS IN
WASHINGTON.
From the K Y. World.
The negro-suffrage experiment is beginning
to bring forth its natural fruits in scenes of
riot and bloodshed. That disturbances similar
to those in Washington have not yet taken
place throughout the Southern States, is
doubtless owing to'the fact that all the elec
tions yet held in those States under the negro
Buffrage regime have been under the overaw
ing and repressive superintendence of tho
Federal army. In the seven States which
ratified negro constitutions, tho officers were
chosen at the same time that the constitutions
were voted on, and while the States wore still
under martial law. Had Washington been
under martial law on Monday, with an armed
Federal force present to preserve order and
repress outbreaks, the electiou riots would
not have occurred. The natural working of
the negro-suffrage experiment can be judged
nf onlv bv its operation in places where tho
terror of military authority does not hold the
necroes in check. Tho District of Columbia
is as yet the only place to which this descrip
tion will apply, as line causes, m nivu vu
r1111iKhme.es. produce like effects, we miy ex
pect similar disorders throughout the South
tm States as soon as elections are free.
There is no pretense, in any quarter, that
the Washington election riots were provoked
bv aeeresKions or insults onere;i 10 uie no
trroes bv white men. There was no attempt
by white men to prevent any negro from
voting, or to interfere, in any way, with the
freest exercise of the rights conferred on the
negroes by law. The riotB were begun by tho
neirroes: they were tho fruits ot the donn
neering lnsolenco 01 uaeii rauicaw, wno at
tempted to murder other negroes. Until the
disturbances became dangerous and alarming,
white men did not appear on the scene; and
JL'.'tt M t pnvticipatv ill Jlio rjyt, j sUb-
rfne it by the lawful exercise of authority as j
members of the police. White men may have '
instigated these riots; but, if so, they did it
ns friends and fellow-partisans of tho negroes,
setting them on in the interest of tho Repub
lican party. The object of tho riot w.is to
frighten and coerce tho whole negro popula
tion of tho city into voting tho radical tick it.
Tho system of terrorism and coercion which
has been begun in Washington will probably
be extended through tho Southern cities. The
suffrage was conferred (in the negroes from
sheer partisan motives; tho object was not Ui
protect them, but to benefit the Republican
party. It was foreseen that without universal
negro suffrage every Southern State would be
nhnost unanimously Democratic!, and tint as
soon as the two political parties should become
tolerably equal in tho North, tho power of the
Republican party would bo extinguished for
ever, it was assumed by tho Republicans that
they would always bo able to control the negro
vote and wield it as a solid mass. If this ex
pectation should bo disappointed, if the negro
vote should bo divided and ft considerable
portion of it be given to the Democrats,
the Republicans would lose all tho ex
pected fruits of their conspiracy against
the rights of tho States. To prevent,
their conspiracy from recoiling against its
authors, unscrupulous politicians, like Forney,
have set tho negroes on to regard every negro
who does not vote tho Republican ticket as a
traitor to his race, whom they may hang or
shoot with as little compunction as they would
a mad dog. The Washington negroes have
been educated by their white radical patrons
to tolerate no negro voting except on their
side; and the bloodthirsty vengeance with
winch they sought, on Monday, to take tho
life of colored men who intended to vote the
other ticket, shows what kind of influences
have been at work in moulding their feelings.
The future ascendancy of the Republican
party is staked on its ability to keep the
negro phalanx unbroken; and when they can
no longer control it by tho Freedmeu's
Bureau and tho army, their last desperate re
source consists in inspiring the boldest and
most unscrupulous of the negroes with a feel
ing of bloody intolerance, which will make it
unsafe for any negro to uct with tho Demo
cratic party.
In Washington, which is the focus of Re
publican intrigues, where a Republican Con
gress and a Republican administration are so
overshadowing and powerful, they have suc
ceeded in imbuing a majority of the negroes
with a spirit of brutal domineering and mur
derous intolerance which thirsts for tho blood
of every black man who refuses to vote in
accordance with Republican dictation. But
in the greater part of the South, tho negroes
will bo less exposed to Republican influence
than they are in Washington. If, even in
Washington, they can be kept in the Republi
can traces only by threats of violence
and attempts on their lives, it is pro
bable that large numbers of negroes in Demo
cratic neighborhoods will incline to act
with the Democratic party. In the cities
and large towns, where tho Republicans can
get access to them, the negroes will be in
spired with the same diabolical feelings which
broke out in bloody riots at the Federal capital;
but throughout the rural portions of the South
black men will bo able to vote as they please
without exposing themselves to instant death
at the hands of infuriated radical negroes; and
large numbers of them will be found acting
with the Democratic party. Alter tho Repub
licans have conferred universal suffrage on the
negroes for a partisan object, Democrats will
vindicate their right to use the elective Iran
chise in the spirit of freemen, in defiance of
the dictation of negro mobs instigated and
set on by reckless radical politicians.
THE REPUBLICAN PARTY IN PENNSYL
VANIA.
From the X. Y. Time.
' Ihe Kepuhliean party has one morj
chance," declares the Hurrisburg State Guard
in view oi the next Pennsylvania election
Now, the State Guard in a Republican journal
of unquestioned orthodoxy; the name of Gov
ernor Geary is inscribed on its banner for re
election; and it is zealous, in season and out
of season, in its endeavors to promote the
party's prosperity. When it asserts, there
fore that tho party in its State has but "one
more chance, we must assume that clouds
darken the horizon of which outsiders have as
yet htllo knowledge. agueness is mixed
with emphasis in the warmug:
"We have been watching the course of public sen
tlment on the subject of rewording the soldier, for
some time, ami we are now convinced that unless
the Republican party adopts a new rule, and adheres
to an old nieciue. in mis connection, mere wm uu
serious trouble at the coming election.' '
What is the "old pledge" which has been
broken ? what the "new rule" "which must
be adopted ?" "Recognize the claim? of pri
vate soldiers for the highest honors yn the gitt
of tho Republican party" is the answer of
the State Guard. This must be done, we are
told, or there will be embarrassment perhaps
defeat. It is admitted that soldiers generally
have been rewarded with tho prizes ot which
a victorious party is the distributor, but the
complaint is that while soldiers ol rank have
been selected, the private soldier has been
neglected. Tho Harrisburg journalist insists
that this procedure must be reversed, or the
Republicans will throw away the "one more
chance" before them.
The wisdom of the proposition is not appa
rent. The business of the nominating con
vention is to select tho best men the men
combining capacity for public service with the
popularity which, commands votes. Assuming
that in their general qualihcations two canui
dates for nomination are equal, it may be a
duty to give the preference to one who has
earned a greditable record as a soldier over a
civilian. To this extent the claim urged in
behalf of soldiers is reasonable and just. But
the grade of tho soldier has nothing to do
with tho question. Tho element of fitness
enters into and controls it. And while it
would bo absurd to contend that a retired
brigadier-general of doubtful competency
should be nominated at the expense of a civi
lian of admitted ability and unsullied charac
ter, it would be equally absurd to plead that a
private soldier should be chosen over the
brigadier-general simply becauso he never
rose above tho ranks. Whether the candidate
is only a private soldier or a soldier of rank,
is an altogether irrelevant inquiry. By nomi
nating either, military service is recognized,
and that is all which the friends of the soldier
can properly ask. As between tho private and
the officer tho only points to be determined
are those of character, ability, and availability;
and these points no party can afford to disre
gard. Tho pledge of the Republican party to the
soldiers of the Union does not imply thoir ex
clusive elevation to positions of honor and
emolument. When other conditions are
equal, the soldier is entitled to the first choice.
And in appointments to office tho rule has
been extensively adhered to. So far as wo
can judge, soldiers have fair play in tho cus
tom houses, post offices, and other branches
of official labor; and of tho rewards distributed
at Washington, great and small, they cer
tainly have their share.
Whether the Republicans of Pennsylvania
have systematically neglected the sol lien, we
have not the mean's of determining. If they
have, the warning of the Slate Giard ii
proper enough. If otherwise, tao attmipt to
separate soldiers lroiu citizens, and to make
he name of tho one superior to the imriU nf
the other, indica'es local desperation. Tho
one more chance is a saying p nsossod of
tCfifieance.
It is a saying, however, which other Tenn
ylvaniu oracles interpret differently. The
n'ashington correspondent of the Eiu n in-'j 1'ont
cports:
"I.endinjr radical politicians In Pnnnivlviinin
here that unless our differences Wil li Kni?l:m l nn.
mule a arty Issue, the contest will In: clone nut ween
tie two pun les.
If this view be acquiesced in, soldi ?rs mnv
be at a premium in another capacity than us
candidates for office. But wh.it estimato nlmll
lie placed upon tho party man igimieiit which
has reduced Republicanism in Pontisvlvanin
to fhe strait indicated by these demands ?
THE ALABAMA CLAIMS AS A PARTY
QUESTION.
from the y. Y. JleraUU
The active managers of tho Republican
party, it is said, have resolved upon the a"i
tation of tho Alabama claims on the ultimatum
suggested in senator humners speech as tho
leading issue in the approaching fall elections.
All the old issues of tho last eitrht vears hav-
ng been settled or used up, it is contended
that unless tho Republicans can bring forward
some new proposition appealing powerfully to
me popular sentiment, oi the country, the
party will fall to pieces. Hence this project
1 bringing the Alabama claims into tho fore
ground. Tho idea is not a bad one as a parly
movement. Since the American war of inde
pendence every political agitation of hostility
to England has been a winning card with the
American people. Jefferson and the old Re
publican party came into power in 1S00 as the
anti-lMiglish party against the Federalists as
tho anti-irench party. Ihe Republican party.
thus coming into the possession of the Gov
ernment, was so greatly strengthened by tho
war of 1S12 against England that the Federal
or British party became at once a powerless
minority, and from that time getting weaker
and weaker till 1820, it wholly disappeared in
the second election ot Monroe.
In 1S2 1. tho Federalists being merged with
the itopubiieans, a new organization ot parties
was initiated in the Presidential scrub race of
that year between Jackson, Adams, Crawford,
and Clay. This election was thrown into tho
House, where it resulted in the choice of
Adams, as was charged, by "a bargain and
sale" between Adams fcnd Clay. Upon this
cry Jackson was brought out again in lS'Js,
and upon his victory of New Orleans over the
British, against Adams as the so-called British
party candidate. Old Hickory was triumph
snlly elected. It was the strong popular feel-
lug of the country of hostility to England, in
tensified by the capture of Washington and
the burning ot the national Capitol in 1H1 1,
that gave to Jackson his great popularity;
and thus the Jacksonian Democratic party
came into power. Nor could this party be
ousted until, in ISP), the Whigs took up
General Harrison as their candidate, a man
who had also gained his victory over the
British in tho war of is 12. Thus the great
gun of the Democracy as the anti-British party
was spiked, and they sullered a smashm
defeat.
But in 1S U, on the cry of "Texas and
Uregon hlty-tour lorty or tight, (a war
with England) tho Democratic party came
in again; and in lsis tney were again beaten,
this time by General Taylor, not only as the
hero of Bnenii Vista, but as a hero of the war
of 1S12 against England. From Taylor down
to the elect ion of Lincoln tho slavery question
swallowed up all other questions in our politi
cal contests; but even upon the slavery quos-
turn the Democrats used to somo purpose the
cry that the abolitionists wore but the tools ot
England; bought by British gold, to assist in
her grand design of breaking np the Union on
the slavery agitation. This, beoonse it was
substantially true, was always a strong card
for the Democrats.
From tho outbreak of our Southern Rebel
lion down to this day, it has been the good
fortune of the Republicans to stand as the
Union war party against the South, against
the Northern Democratic party, and agaiust
England. The Republicans thus hold the in
side track on these Alabama claims, and in
agitating the settlement involved in Senator
Stunners exposition they have nothing to
lose, but everything to gain. As Jackson
upon his glorious slaughter of the British red
coats at New Orleans secured the Irish vote of
this country to the Democratic party, so, now,
a Republican party movement promising a
difficulty to England, which will bo Irolan.l's
opportunity, may win the Irish vote and leave
the forlorn Democracy hard aground.
OF DISJOINTED THINKING AND
THINKERS.
From th A". )'. Tribune.
Dr. James Rush, who died tho other day. in
Philadelphia, left (as wo have already noticod)
a large sum for the foundation of a library, at
tho same time recommonding to the managers
that they should not give much space on the
shelves "to those teachers of disjointed think
ing, the newspapers." This seems to us to be
an unnecessary sneer, which we, who sin
cerely admire the liberality of Dr. Rush, and
appreciate to the full his own previous large
contributions to sound knowledge, cannot
regard without regret. We believe that the
learned gentleman was an isolated student, of
fastidious tastes, spending his life in his li
brary, and taking but small interest in the
ntlairs ot society. Ut course, newspapers,
whose business it is to chronicle such affairs,
could have but little interest for him, and it
is possible that he may have mistaken their
vocation and under-estimated thoir value. Any
keeper of a library would have told him that
tho files of newspapers are among the volumes
which are most constantly consulted, and for
a very good reason. They are history in the
rough. They may not be always accurate,
even with the best intentions; but, on the
other hand, they correct otie another, and
balance each other's prejudices. It is safe to
say that without the aid of newspapers the
history of the French Revolution, and of our
own Rebellion, could not havo been written.
In addition to the facts which they preserve,
they are also invaluable as indicating the
various currents of public opinion, and the
relations of contemporary parties. Where, in
default of such sources, the future historian
is to find materials for his work, we should bo
at a loss even to conjecture.
The jibo of Dr. Rush at "the disjointed
thinking" of the newspapers, we aro quite
ready to pardon. It is probable, if there had
been no newspapers, that he would never
havo thought of bequeathing his money to a
library at all; for newspapors havo done much
to make great and free libraries a pubiio want.
The "thinking" of newspapers, we suppose, is
much like the thinking of tho world in gene
ral, which seldom determines lis course, in
moments of emergency, by the pedantic- pro
cesses of logic; but which relies (as it can
afford to do) pretty much upon its intuitions.
The cautious conservatives who would govern
by the rule of three exercise, no doubt, ut
times, a wholesome restraining lnnuenoe
upon society; but the mass of men, espe
cially in n republic, must expect to make
many mistakes, and must bo always realy to
profit by them. The best public policy is not
invariably that which, admits oi too most
rigorous demonstration; ana li seems w us
better to contend against injustice by erro
neous methods, groping gradually towards
those which are truer and better, than to suf
fer wrong to continue and control without a
protest, however feeble. Tho "thinking" of
newspapers, even it disjointed, is certainly
better, in periods of public peril, than no
thought at all. It may bo various, loose, and
even contradictory; but at any rate it is not
timid and dishonorable acquiescence.
PISTOLS FOR TWO.
From the N. Y. World.
At the trial tho other day of a "breach of
promise" suit in Chicago, the defend Hit ap
peared in court "with tho butt-end of a re
volver sticking out of his vost pocket." This
is mentioned by the local press merely as a
detail of costume, like tho color of the nun's
cravat or the cut of his coat. No attention
seems to have been paid to tho circumstance
by any of tho officers of the court, and an en
lightened foreigner, making up his notes
from the daily journals for an "exhaustive
work" on American institutions, might fairly
enough set down tho wearing of revolvers in
court by tho parties to a suit as a curious but
characteristic feature of American, or at least
of Western life. We cannot help thinkiug,
however, that tho phenomenon should be
otherwise interpreted. A number of
recent cases in tho criminal jurisprudence of
this happy land seem to have established it
as a fixed principle of American social law
that any woman to whom any man ever was
engaged to be married, or who thinks that any
man ever wns engaged to bo married to her,
may with impunity, yea, and with applause,
shoot down and put to death the said man, if,
either through contempt or through igno
rance of his engogomont so to be married, he
shidl fail to fulfil the same. Tho law was
thus defined by the jury, for example, in the
famous case of Miss Harris, who came all the
way from tho setting sun to murder a Treasury
clerk in Washington, because he had failed to
appreciate and return hor passion for him.
Miss Harris was pronounced a much injured
but ' noble-spiritod girl. The jury acquitted
her with tears in their eyes; and her lawyer,
albeit himself a married man, was so carried
away with joy at her triumph that he fell
upon her neck and kissed her in tho opon
court.
Of course, tho promulgation of this short
and simple code may very well have weak
ened the hold of the ancient law upon the
female mind. No doubt, when the defendant
with the revolver went into court in Chicago,
he went thither penetrated with a profound
uncertainty as to whether ho should ever get
out of the court again alive. Nothing, ha
must have felt, would be more natur d than
for the plaintiff, if she should see her witnesses
failing her or her lawyer making a moss of
their testimony, or, in short, anything of an
uopron ising aspect going on, suddenly to
elect to transfer her suit from the jury-box to
the cartridge-box.
Post- ibly, she might do th's out of a mere
feminine vexation with tho prosiness of
the j roceedings, or out of asudlen loss of
fn.th in tho f-hape of the judge s noie, or per-
adventure (if one may use such a phrase of a
limy; out of that strange modern disorder
known as "pure cusi-e lness." Whatever her
motive, her act would of courso bo admired,
and the defendant left dead without a remedy.
It is quite probable, therefore, that the Chi
cago court, taking all these things int con
sideration, may have winkel at the defen
dant's revolver. If this be so, we think the
Chicago court deserves commendation rather
than censure. It is but fair thata poor crea
ture, even if he be a man, should be allowed
at least one chance for his life. Tis an ill
rule that works but one way; and, if the ballot
is to bo without sex, let tho bullet be so too
SECRET HISTORY.
From the A'. 1'. Tribune.
Queen Isabella, during the early part of our
late war, was tempted to recognize the nation
ality of the South, but was prevented by fear
that if once established the South would take
pains to annex Cuba. "Wo were assured by
one highly connected with the Uourbon ad
ministration of Spain, that this was tho over
ruling fear of the Queen in her nnal resolve
not to enter into open hostilities to the United
States. She lived, we have hoard, to regret
what she esteemed her error. Isabella was
woman of more shrewdness as a politician
than either her face or her fame would ug
gest; and notwithstanding her spiteful regret
that she did not recognize the Confederacy,
and make Cuba a base of supplies equally for
Maximilian and .Jenerson uavis, there are
probably some of her countrymen who think
she did well by torboanng.
Another version of the story of contem
plated war upon the North by Spain become
to us irom u not undistinguished source in
Madrid. It is told ns that Isabella, under
teachinglof the French interest at that cani
tul, was about to order her fleot in Cuba to
open fire upon any of our vessels which took
prizes within six miles of her boundaries. This
order would have been an overstrained erlort
at war, contrary to the international code;
but it was the design of the Emperor of the
French to create a diversion in favor of his
Mexican experiment, and Isabella was to reap
tho benefits ot alliance, it wo are rightly in
formed, our friends in the Spanish capital
were keenly active, and the misstep of the
yueen was prevented. inoso who were
mainly instrumental in effecting this result
were persons in familiar relations with
Isabella, and eminent in the current
history oi ppuin. ineir action was
as prompt, we are told, as the
danger to ourselves was imminent; anil we
presume this assurance is give us, not in
order to arouse a prejudice in thoir favor with
a view to such conspicuous relations as they
may assume in me luiure toward ourselves.
but from a sense of justice to those to whom
we owe at least an acknowledgment for havin
acted honorably and sagaciously. Though
every policy of wrong-doing is necessarily
fatal, and especially so in tho case ot a sub
sidiarv nation, we cannot be blind to the
formidable character of the policy conceive;
by Napoleon and urged upon Isabella. We
know of no other so likely to have secured the
object aimed at tho success of the South and
of tho Mexican empire, isotn spam and
Frunce would have lost inevitably in the end
tho one Cuba and the other Mexico but in
the meanwhile the hour hand in tho clock of
American civilization would have been put
back. We have reason, then, to rejoice that
the scheme ot franco to make use of Snain
to her own eventual mishap, and to d estroy
the power ot the jxorin, wo trust-rated.
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-cidnt nriniiiB from tlm ino of KHROSKNK mid COAL
ill. J.AM I n and wnrtlilpss gnu Mc-niiii miom i m
luc jiiTBonn to nIont n Knfo, economical, and wUifno.
tory Hunt. I he simplicity of our macnino, us mow moium.
Its suporinnty over an oninrs on ncouuiiv oi i ivr.
IN(i uv.nornior. which taken 1111 nil tbe carbon from the
material, and the fact that it will run for -yours without
cost for repairs, recommend It nuove an oinors in me
market. The machine can lie sven in operation nt our
Oihce, where explanations and references will be iriven.
FKRR1S A CO.,
6 Uuths3m2p1 No. SJ7 CHF.SNUT Street, Philndn.
Hest quality of OASOLINK always on liand.
PAPER HANGINGS.
TJ E P O T
FRENCH AND AMERICAN.
PAPER HANGINGS,
:Vos. 11 antl 13 IV. IV i:TH Street.
AN AS30UTMENT OP
French and American Wall Papers,
Original In Design, Elaborate In Finish, Unsurpassed
In Quality, aud Incomparable in ItIco.
A force of workmen who combine taste with skill,
execution with promptness.
In store, and arriving monthly per Paris steamer,
the richest and most complete assortment of DECO
RATIONS and EMBLEMATICAL DESIGNS, suit
able fur Hall, Mansion, or Cottage.
The above now ready for inspection, and a visit Is
most earnestly requested by.
8 27 Rtuth3m
HENRY S. MATLACK.
PAPER HANGINGS
WHOLESALE AND RETAIL,
fAGLE, COOKE & EWING,
LATE WITH
HOWELL & SrOTIIEHS,
No. 1 338 CHESNUT Street,
5 CthstuSm PniLADELPIIIA.
PAPER HANGINGS,
t
"Window Slisxcles,
LACE CURTAINS,
AND V
UPHOLSTEKY GOODS GENERALLY.
The only nouse in Philadelphia combining the
alKive branches.
We keep the best PAPER IT ANGERS and UPHOL
STERERS In the city, and all our work is tlrst-eluss.
CABBIRGTON, DE MCHE & CO,
SOUTHEAST CORNER
THIRTEENTH and CHESNUT Streets,
8 18 thstu3m PITILADELPIIIA.
QEAN & WARD,
PLAIN AND DECORATIVE
PAPER HANGINGS,
NO. 251 SOUTn THIRD STREET,
BETWEEN WaI.NCT AND 8PBUCB,
PHILADELPHIA.
COUNTRY
TO.
WORK PROMPTLY
ATTENDED
9 18
LOOK ! LOOK 1 ! LOOK ! ! ! WALL PAPER3
and Linen Window Htiadna Manufactured, tba
olieapeMt In the oity, at JOHNSTON'H JJupot. No. 10:1.1
SPKIIVU (iARDKN titreot, below Kleventh, Bran oh, No.
'.i07 KKDKKAL (Street. (JamdeR, New Jersey. ii 264
WINES.
HER MAJESTY:
CHAMPAGNE.
BURTON Si LUSSOrj,
i 215 SOUTH FRONT STREET. :
rpilE ATTENTION OF THE TKADE IS
I solicited to tho following very Choice Wiuos, etc., for
sale by
DUNTON A LUSSON,
21S SOUTH FRONT 8TRKKT.
CHAMPACiNF.S. Aironta for hpr Majesty, Duo de
Montobello, Carte lituiie. Carte Blanche, and Charlea
Furre's (irand Vin KiiKt-nie, and Yin lniuurial, M. Kloe
imin A Co., of Aluyenco, bpuiklinic Moselle and Klil.NE
WIN ICS.
MA DK.IR AS. Old Island, South Rido RHsorve.
SlIF.KRIKS. F. Rudolplie, Amontillado, Topaz, Val
letto, I'nle and (ioldou Knr, Crown, elo.
l'ORi'8. Vinho Vulho Real, Valletta, and Crown.
CIjAUKTS Fromis Aino & (!ie., Moutt'erraud aud Bor
deaux, Clarets and tSauterne Wiuos.
(ilN. "Mixlcr Swan."
HRAND1F.S. Hennessey, Oturd, Dupuy & Co.'s various
vimaKt'S. 6
c
A R S T A I R S
&
McC ALL,
Noa. 126 WALNUT and 21 GRANITE Streets,
Importers of
BRANDIES, WINES, GIN, OLIVE OIL, ETC.,
AND
COMMISSION MERCHANTS
For the sale of
I'URK OLD RYE, WHEAT, AND BOURBON WHI8-
K11CS.
CURTAINS AND SHADES.
Qb J. WILLIAMS & SONS,
NO. 16 NORTH SIXTH STREET,
MANUFACTURERS OF
Venetian Blinds & Window Shadas.
Large aad fine assort ment at low price.
RTOTtF RH ADF8 made andHottore1. f5 U 1m
FINANCIAL, f
JJ A N K I N O H O U S B
or'
JAY COOKE & CO.,
Non. 112 and 114 South THIRD Street
PHILADELPHIA.
Dealers in all Government Secnrlt.lffS.
Old 6-ing Wanted in Exchange for Now. ,
A Liberal Difference allowed.
Compound Interest Notos Wanted.
Interest Allowed on Deposits,
COLI J.CTION8 MADE. STOCKS bought and sold
on Commission.
Special buaUiesa accommodation reserved for
ladles.
We will receive applications for Policies of Life
Insurance in the National Llo IllSlir!LlliA PmnnATiv
of the United Slate. Full Information given at our
mc 41
QLEND1NNING, DAVIS &COj
NO. 48 SOUTH THIRD STREET,
PHILADELPHIA.
GLEIiDINN!E!G, DAVIS S AMORY,
NO. 2 NASSAU STREET, NEW YORK
BANKERS AND BROKERS.
Direct telegraphic communication with the New
York Stock Boards from the Philadelphia
Ofllce. ijj
CITY WA BRANTS
BOUGHT AND SOLD.
C. T. YERKES, Jr., & CO.,
No. 20 South THIRD Street,
PHILADELPHIA.
LEDYARD & CAR LOW
HAVE REMOVED THEIR
LAW AND COLLECTION OFFICE
TO
No. 19 South THIRD Street,
PHILADELPHIA,
And will continno to give careful attention to collect
ing and securing CLAIMS throughout the United
States, Brttlati Provinces, and Europe.
Sight Drafts and Maturing Paper collected at
Bankarg'tKates. 1 28 6m
SMITH, RANDOLPH & CO.,
BANKERS,
llillatlelplila and New York.
DEALERS IN UNITED STATES BONDS, and MEM
BERS OF STOCK AND GOLD EXCHANGE,
Receive Accounts of Banks and Bankers on Liberal
Terms.
ISSUE BILLS OF EXCHANGE ON
C. J. HAMBRO & SON, Loudon,
B. METZLER, S. SOIIN A CO., Frankfort.
JAMES W. TUCKER & CO., Paris.
And Other Principal Cities, and Letters of Credl
1 2tf Available Throughout Europe.
X3. XI. JAMISON & CO.,
SUCCESSORS TO
r. F. KELLY & CO.,
Hanker and lcaler in
Gold, Silver, anfl Government BonJs,
AT CLOSEST MARKET HATES,
N.W. Corner THIRD and CHESNUT Sts.
Special attention given to COMMISSION ORDERS
in New York and Philadelphia Stock Boards, etc.
etc. 6 5 tia 81
UNION AND CENTRAL PACIFIC
RAILROAD BONDS .
BOUGHT -AJVZ SOLD.
WILLIAM PAINTER & CO.,
BANKERS,
NO. 3G SOUTH THIRD STREET,
6 11 lrn PHILADELPHIA.
II
E
M
O
L.
ELLIOTT & DUNN
HAVING REMOVED TO THEIR NEW BUILDING
No. 100 S. THIRD Street,
Are now prepared to transact a OKNKTtAL BANKING
BUSINESS, and deal in GOVERNMENT and other 8.
ouritios, GOLD, BILLS, Eta.
Receive MONEY ON DEPOSIT, allowing intereat.
NEGOTIATE LOANS, giving special attention to MER
CANT1LE PAPtfR.
Will execute orders for Stocks, Bonda, etc., ON COM
MISSION, at the Stock Exchange of Philadelphia, New
York, BoBton, and Baltimore. 4 a
S. PETERSOM & CO?.
Stock and Exchange Brokers
No. 39 South THIRD Street.
Members of the New York and Philadelphia Stock
and Gold Boards.
6TOCK8, BONOS, Etc., bought and sold on com.
niitislon only at either city. 1 ae
SAMUEL WORK. FRANCIS K. MILNE.
BANKERS,
STOCK AND EXCHANGE BROKERS,
Mo. 131 R THIHT) fg rHILADKLPRlA
CARST AIRS' OLIVE OILMAN INVOICIS
of the above for sale by
CATiSTAIRS i MeOAI.L,
6 28 2i Noa. 12tf WALNUT and Si GRANITE 31.