THE DAILY--
- EVENING-TELEGRAPH rniLADELPHT A, .TUESDAY, MAY 1L 18G9.
i ;i
' SriRIT OF run PKESS.
EMTORI At PISTONS OF T1IB tSAmsa JOURNALS
VPon CDBRKNT TOPICS OOMPILRD BVBBT
DAT FOR THB BVlJUNO TKLSOBAPH.
11
1 ' 'ACROSS TUB CONTINENT.
Vom f A JV. K. Tritmna. -
''Man has real! snooHadefl In turning th
enftrglflB of nature, ben ling them to his owfl
will, taming theai ani l from tbir own course
and oorupelling them to eabserve the general
purposes of haman life. All around us are
the traced of this glorious and saocessftu
Struggle. Indeed it seems as if there were
nothing man feared to attempt. The invasions
of the sea are repelled and whole provinces
rescued lrom its graup, mountains are oat
through and turned into level roads. The
coarse ef trade, the extent of commeroe, and
many similar olroamstances, determined of
old by the existence of rivers, or the facility
of navigation, now find their determining
cause Dot so much in these physical peculiari
ties as in the skill and energy of man. For
merly the richest eoantries were those in
whioh nature was most bountiful; now the
richest countries are those in whioh man is
most aotive. For In our age of the world,
If nature is parsimonious, we know how to
compensate her deficiencies. If a country 1
difficult to traverse, our engineers can remedy
the evil; and so marked is this tendenoy to
impair the authority of the natural phenome
na, that It is seen even In the distribution of
the people. It may be said, without the
slightest exaggeration, that every new rail
road whioh is laid down and every fresh
steamer which crosses the Channel are addi
tional guarantees for the preservation of that
long and unbroken peaoe which, daring more
than forty years, has knit together the for
tunes and the interests of two of the most
civiliied nations on the earth." These are
, the words of one of the most profound of
modern historical scholars we mean Henry
. Thomas Buckle and they are Intended to
apply specially to European civilization, and
"to the bonds it has wrought between two
1 anoient rivals. But the event of to-day gives
them a new significance and a wider meaning
than their thoughtful author Imagined.
' At 305 P. M. yesterday the last rail was laid
cn the great national railway that unites the At
lantio and Faoifio Ooeans, and marks the
crowning triumph over the oontlnent that the
Puritan and the oavalier Cntered three centu-
' ties ago. Its progress has been marred by
many misfortunes and many results of human
imperfections. We have done, we trust, our
.full share towards deploring the one and fix
ing the stigma of public reprobation upon the
other. But to day we have only room for
words of praise. In the glory of the final
triumph we gladly put behind us for the
moment the memories of the blunders
and crimes by the way. The day that marks
the completion of a railroad line ia working
1 order aoross the oontinent, and gives us the
power of passing in but a trine over a week
from New York to San Franoisoo, Is a day that
shonld suggest only honor to the companies
that have wrought this marvellous achieve
ment. We remember how long and how vainly we'
looked for men to undertake this work. We'
remember how soienoe demonstrated its perils,
experience maintained its impraotioability,
capital shrank from Us gigantio ooot and un
certain returns. At last the geut'emen who
subsequently beoame the corporators of the
Union Paoifio and Central Paolflo Railroads
stepped forward. When Congress hesitated,
they begged, argued, lobbied, till they secured
charters. When Wall street sneered and pre
ferred copper mines and corners in Erie, they
famished the capital. When the great money
centres of the world, and the great go vern-
i ments of the world, believed that tab nation
was drifting helplessly into disruption aad,
anarchy, their sublime faith in its future
enabled them to prosecute, in the midst of
war, an undertaking mightier than any other
country, in its peaceful prime, had ever es
sayed. Through embarrassment and
distrust at home as to the national future,
through natural obstaoles that had hitherto
been regarded almost insuperable, through
frontier hostilities and the barrenness of the
great plains and the desolation of the moun-
. tains, they have steadily held their way. Yes
terday witnessed their final triumph aohieved
years before the limit granted by their char
ters. We would not take one leaflet from
their manfully won laurels. What we have
said in the past of their conduct we have
said. To-day we reoall only their services,
their bravery in the midst of danger, their
confidence in the midst of dlsoouragement,
the wonderful energy they displayed, the
risks they took, and the great triumph they
have won.
For this triumph seems to us an epoch, not
below, in its national signifloanoe, the Declara
tion of Independence, the emacipatlon of the
slaves, or the acquisition of California. It
marks the crowning saooess won in reduoing
the oontinent on whose wilderness our fore
fathers entered to the uses of civilized man.
, It constitutes the definite bond and material
.guarantee for the perpetuity of an ocean
bound Union. It is the symbol of that now
' oertain future in which the English-speaking
' raoe inhabiting this "New World" shall be--come
the most gigantio and powerful nation
known in the world's history. It gives direc
tion to the great currents of population, Bhapes
the course of trade for a large part of both
' hemispheres, promotes peaoe and tho spread of
the civilizing arts, and beoomes thus an event
not merely in the annals of our growth to
national greatness, but in the history of pro
' gresa in human civilization.
CUBA AND THE FILIBUSTERS.
Fr om the N. Y. Ileraltl.
Several weeks have elapsed sinoe our sps
ital nnrraannndunta In Caba announced that it
was slack tide with the revolutionists; and
this faot has recently been oommunloated to
the Government by Admiral lloff, who states,
in his oflioial report from Havana, that neither
itaama a tu rtinr mtiftVi trial, nnw. fx
T W 1MB tv as) a viug juww f a w
incident with this state of affairs, the Cuban
Junta in this city made publio a few days
since an urgent appeal to that body from the
' insurgent Generals Marmol and Figueredo to
und them arms and ammunition; and the
tenor of all our advices from Cuba is uniform
in the statement that the revolutionists are
a&dlir deficient in these essentials. At the
nreaent moment the partisans of Caba are
. making great exertions in this country to
aariri tn thir friend in Caba these neoessarv
supplies, and the agents of the Spanish Gov
ernment in this city are equally aotive in its
behalf in forwarding similar material. The
only difference between the two consists in the
fait that one side does its work silently bat
ffloientlv. while the other endeavors to do Its
labor with a great show of results and a
waradeof movement, after the style of the
m flit.nu iUti of T.nnez and Quitman.
But there is no similarity whatever bstwean
the two movements or betweeu the aims an i
Tni nf tho rMi)iti vm aiM tutors and leaders
The position of the Cuban question of to day
. . ! 1 t 1 M A. . f t AHA
; and ttie means avauaiiio lor us inuuiyu o
widely distinct from those that attended the
. seme question in i860. Keen the attitude and
principles of the combatants are ohangei, as
will be seen by ft very cursory bat exact re
view of the history of the Caban question. I
The aspiration for a free government among
the people of Cuba Is oolnoident in Its ineep-.
tlon with the revolutionary struggles of the
Spanish colonies of the oontinent. It first
took form soon after the restoration of abso
lute government in Spala by the Duke
d'Angonleme, with a French army of one hun
dred thousand men, in 1823. At that period
a, conspiracy, which ramified from, Mexloo
under the name of the ''Black Eagle," gave
the Spanish ' authorities run oh uneasiness.
This was followed by another, oalled the
"Sons of Bolivar," connected with the pro
jected invasion of Cuba by General Boliva'.
The invasion scheme wai defea'ei by the atti
tude President Adams took against it, and the
seoret societies were effectively suppressed by
the Judioions policy, combining firmness with
moderation, pursued by Captain-General
Vives. I
From this time the Cuban question slept
until 1843, when it was resusoitated by Lopez.
At this period an abolition party had been de
veloped in Spain, whioh gave life to the desire
for separation among the great siavenoiaing
and aerlonltnral interests. Lopez was exe
cuted in 1851, and the Caban agitators sought
Quitman as a leader, ihe advent of l'ezaela
as Captain-General of the island, with direc
tions to prepare the oonntry for the abolition
of slavery, so alarmed the wealthy and plant
ing interests that they embraced the cause of
independence with great fervor, and the cof
fers of the Cuban Junta of received
abundant supplies of money. The Spanish
Government, alarmed at the portentous growth
of the Quitman movement, changed its policy,
and the filibuster attempt subsided. All
through these agitations peace reigned in the
island, excepting two short periods of a few
days each, when Lopez made his desoents, and
the plan of revolution rested entirely upon 1 a
proposed invasion by an organized body of
armed men, the leaders of whioh looked for
assistance from the people when it should be
seen that protection could be afforded to those
who joined the movement.
The revolution which now rages in Cuba Is
of an entirely different charaoter. It has been
the people who have moved firBt, and the
wealthy class, particularly in the western or
sngar-produoing district, has not sided with
them. In the eastern and central portion of
the island, where the slaveholding interest is
comparatively small, all classes have em
braced the revolution. Freedom has been
proclaimed for the slave, and hatred to the
Spaniard is the burning motive in every
Cuban breast. Bat the people are poor, and
as the wealthy classes of the west took no part
in preparation and have not slnoe made remit
tances as they did in 1852-3 to the junta in
this country, the resources of the revolution
ary agents here are small. Nor are their
needs the same as were those of 1S53. Then
a strong force was needed as a nuoltus for the
revolutionary movement, and the army of
Quitman presented many of the brightest
names of our army of that day, with thousands
of organized followers. To-day the revolution
has its thousands of men in the field, but is
sadly wanting in arms, munitions, and leaders
skilled in the art of war. . . ;
These causes have made the ohange whioh
is seen in the Cuban movements of the pre
sent day. There is no opening for the thou
sands of armed filibusters of the past. To
send men to Cuba would be waste; for it con
sumes the available means which should be
expended in arms, and thus diminishes the
supply of these. Such numbers only as are
sufficient for easy and successful landing of
munitions are all that the case requires and
the means of the present junta will warrant.
It is for this reason that we see no prominent
military names now oonneoted with Cuban
affairs and with such small ventures as those
that leave our shores. Bat these very facts
make the movement more worthy of our sym
pathy and support. The revolutlonjis truly a
popular movement in Cuba, and not a filibus
ter movement outside of it. The call for arms
and not for men is a proof of the strength and
righteousness of the cause; and the faot that a
mass of unarmed country people have driven
the Spanish troops in more than one-half the
island to take refuge in barricaded towns is
a significant evidence of the popular sentiment.
Their affairs may be at slack water for the
present, but all revolutions have their defeats
as well as their viotories, and there is strong
promise of Bnooess in the faot that the men
who are making the present revolution in
Cuba call for arms, and not for filibusters.
THE ALABAMA QUE3TION.
From the X. Y. Times.
The report that Mr. Motley goes to Eng
land without any special instructions in regard
to the Alabama claims, gains strength and
seems to be generally credited. We can easily
believe it, because, as the case now stands, a
wiser Government than our own would be
sorely puzzled to know what instructions to
give him; and when you don't know what to
do, the best thing to do, aocording to the old
maxim is, to do nothing.
it must be pretty clear, by this time.twe
imagine, even to Senator Chandler, that ne
statesman can hope to gain popularity at
home by fomenting war with England. There
is always a sentiment among our people whioh
is pleased with threats of such a war; and
just so far as these threats can be indulged
without actual danger of war, it is usually a
"sure card" to utter them. Our Irish fellow
citizens are always pleased by that sort of
statesmanship; and, curiously enough, when
ever any ambitious politician makes a strike
for popularity, his first experiment always is
upon the Irish. Even the Republican party,
whioh never has had, and never will have,
anything but sharp and embittered hostility
from the Irish, every now and then shows its
stupidity by playing the sme sorry farce
again and again, never gaining a vote and
never profiting in the least by its failures.
But war is not so mnoh of a joke with our
people as it used to be; and talk of war has
ceased to be quite so fascinating ana rtea ao
tive, even for Irish voters, a it was before
the great Rebellion. Visions of glory are less
dazzling, and visions of debt are a great
deal more alarming, than of old. We are not
anxious to increase our investment in either
just at present. There are people who are
anxious to repudiate the debt we have already
inourred, and they, of oourse, look upon a
war with England as the shortest way of
reaching that result. They are doubtless
right, but they are not strong enough yet to
accomplish much. Nor do we observe any
large inoreace of the class of men who think
we ought to go to war because Eogland did
not "sympathize with ua' daring our Rebel
lion, but rather with the other side. It be
gins to be dimly discovered that lack of sym
pathy is not aoauHH of war, and that we mast
tind ground of hostility, if we find it at all, in
the acts of the British Uovernmeut, and not
in the feelirgs aud sentiments of the whole,
or any part, of the English people.
It has been asserted very roundly that we
shall by-and-by present our ''bill of damages"
to England and demand immediate payment.'
Payment for what ? We have already refused
to regard the question as one of damages, and
have taken the ground that the injuries w
sustained from England's aotion are not to be
measured by the value of ships burned or th
oommeroe destroyed by the ehipj she built
and sent out against us during the war; and
the treaty, negotiated ou this basis by the
authorized representatives of thtwo nations,
has just been contemptuously rejeoted by us.
If we are to demand .payment of damages
now, after this action, in what do these
damages oonalstf We shall not, we imagine,
be foolish enough to demand payment ot the
ooftt of the war j for the 'whole time during
whioh England's action prolongs! it nor for
the hostile "sentiment"- which Eogland
evinced towards us throughout, the straggle.
Nor . would An .'apology! rom Eogland for
the course she pursued, even if there were
the ghost of a chaooe that we ooul 1 obtain it,
followed by the payment of actual liases from
the depredations of Englixh-bnllt Confederate
privateers, make the matter any1 better, or
restore kindly feelings between the people of
the two nations. i
We see nothing that can be more wisely
done at present than to let the whole matter
drop take Its plaoe among the things of the
past, which cannot be reversed or remedied,
and whioh no amount of disonsaion can make
any better. When we aotually get ready for
war with England, this may serve to swell
the tide of national hostility oat of whioh such
a war may grow. Bat for that resu't we can
afford to wait, as we must wait, a good while
longer. Meantime, the wisest thing the Gov
ernment can do, is probably to instruct Mr.
Motley to do nothing, and to say Just as little
as possible. We presume the wisdom of the
administration will dictate this disposition of
the case. -
IS THB PRESIDENT AIDING THE CUBAN
INSURGENTS?
From the JV. lr. World.
If, during the years 1862 and 1863, there
had been in London a newspaper press, inde
pendent, fearless, and powerful enough to un
cover the inner purposes of Earl lUssell in
respeot to the Florida, the Alabama, the Vir
ginia, the Rappahannook, and ihe Shenandoah,
English henor and American oommeroe would
have had a different fate.
It ia now declared that the administration
in Washington admits so much as that a
steamer "chartered by a Cuban, and contain
ing war material, and carrying about three
hundred men," esoaped from this port last
week. It is not probable that so large a num
ber left here for Cuba, under such olroam
stanoes, without having been by some one
hired or retained to go, with the inteution of
giving military aid to the insurrection. They
must have been enlisted in New York by some
agent or offioer of the Caban rebellion. The
enterprise, therefore, is not only in violation
of our municipal law, but of international
law; and if the aooredited agents in Wash
ington of the Cuban insurrectionary party
have been concerned in setting on foot this
expedition, they should be expelled from the
country aa summarily as was Cramp ton, the
British Minister, and his confederating con
suls, for a similar outrage npon the sove
reignty and dignity of the United States
dnring the Crimean war. Whoever thus
hired, retained, or enlisted these persons,
and they who were thus hired, retained, or
enlisted to take part against Spain, are liable
by our laws te be arretted, indicted, and im
prisoned. And yet how many of them are
probably aware of the pains and penalties of
their acts f
It is said that the Spanish authorities in
Washington and New York knew nothing of
the starting of the expedition, and gave no
notioe to us. But does that dear our skirts f
It is no part of the duty of the Spanish Min
ister to set on foot the exeoution of our neu
trality any more than our criminal laws. It
was a standing complaint of Mr. Adams in
London that English officials would do nothing
to repress unneutral expeditions, unless he
inaugurated the business and furnished proof
sufficient to oonviot. Not a step would they
take on primd facie evidence. Oar neutrality
laws are the means provided by Congress to
enable, not foreign ministers, but the Presi
dent, to proteot our rights as a neutral power
from seoret or open violation, and falnl all oar
obligations to other governments at war. And
these mnnioipal laws are not the full measure
of our accountability in this regard. '
It appears, from the Tribune, that the
Minister of Spain has asked the President to
issue a proclamation, warning thoughtless or
evil-disposed persons to abstain from acts in
violation of oui neutral obligations, and direct
ing the proper Federal officers to be vigilant
to prevent all such illegal enterprises. There
certainly were and are reasons to make suoh a
proclamation proper. The fact of a rebellion
in Cuba ia well known; persons claiming to be
representatives of the revolutionary party are
in Washington asking audienoe with the Pre
sident; the situation is considered sufficiently
grave to demand an inorease of our naval
Fleet In that violnity; our new Consul General
in Cuba has been instructed in respect to the
disturbances; the sympathies of many of our
best citizens for the insurgent oause are well
known; large publio meetings have been held;
and the publio ear has been filled with rumors
of recruiting and drilling in New York and
elsewhere, in behalf of the rebellion. Suoh
proclamations are usual under these circum
stances, the test being not whether a revolu
tion is going on, but whether illegal expedi
tions from our shores against a friendly nation
are to be apprehended. The warning is due not
only to our national honor, but to the thought
le?H, heedless yonths of the land.
The first proclamation to enforce our neu
trality, issued by the United States, was by
Washington, April 22, 1793, enjoining neutral
conduct in the war between Austria, Prussia,
Sardinia, Great Britain, and the United
Netherlands, combined against France.
The seoond wbb by Washington, Maroh 24,
1794, respecting enlisting men in Kentuoky to
invade a neighboring nation.
The third was by Madison, September 1,
1815, respecting an apprehended invasion
of Spanish territory from the State of
Louisiana.
The fourth, January 5, 1838, and fifth,
November 21, 1838, were by Van Buren, en
joining neutrality as to Canada.
The sixth was by Tyler, (September 25, 1841,
for a similar purpose as the last two.
The seventh was by Fillmore, April 25, 1851,
to prevent an invasion of Cuba.
The eighth was by Fillmore, Ootober 22,
If 51, respecting an anticipated invasion of
Mexico.
The ninth was by Pierce, January 18, 1S54
respecting Mexico.
The tenth was by Pierce, May 31, 1854, to
stop enterprises against Cuba.
The eleventh was by Pierce, December 8,
185 5, to prevent citizens from enlisting or en
tering themselves or hiring or retaining others
to participate in military operations in Nica
ragua. Several of these oooasions wherein
the official predecessors of Grant deemed it
their duty to issue proclamations of warning
were not nearly so serious as the present one,
and the refusal of the President in this case
to comply with the request of the Spanish
Mlnlbter was, we fear, in violation of our esta
blished precedents of neutrality and interna
tional fair dealing.
if President Grant really Intends to exert, in
good faith, the whole power of the Govern
ment, if need be, to preserve the national
honor in this regard, it is oertaiuly better anl
safer to give a general warning and a direction
to all Federal officers in advauce than to rely
nn fore-knowledee of each expedition, and
treat It as an isolated case.
There are sound reasons to make the coun-
try suspicions of the aUltude of the President
in respect to Cnbai The position of the Heor.
tary of State ia well known- No on, ln thi
community at least, doubts At robust conser
vatism. It provokes the ooarse ribaldry whioh
daily crops ont in journals lik the Herald
and others, whioh affect to be la the oonndeuce
Of the President, advote the appointment of
bnniuer to the Department of Bta'e. and
uin uvuiu wmnpie nuaer iooi ail the re
straints of municipal or international law in
the path of the filibustering emotions of the
hour. But as to Preslient Grant, his outside
surroundings are bad, and his refusal to issue
a proclamation such . as his predeoessors
in office have done on similar oooaslons; ore
ates an uneasy fear that Banks and Sickles,
and such like influences, may be assiduously
poisoning his ear. It was Banks, it will be
remembered, who, two years ago, indaeed
the House of Representatives to repeal the
efficient provisions of oar neutral oode, de
nouncing it as unworthy yielding to the dic
tation of European nations, and an obstaole
in the advancement of Amerioan civilization.
It was Banks who engineered through the
lower house of Congress, daring the expiring
hours of the last session, a resolution to re
cognize forthwith the insurgent organization
in Cuba. It will be relief to the oountry when
a President who could be persuaded by Wash
burne, as the Evening tost publishes, to re
oast his whole Cabinet formed after month 4 of
deliberation, is sheltered by a proclamation
from that back stairs influenoe of that filibus
tering spirit whioh alms to relieve the itch
ing of Mr. Samner for the Department of
State.
The neutrality polioy of the United States
is a child of the statesmen and diplomatist of
the Revolutionary era. It is one of our chief
olaims te national glory. It was inaugurated
in the day of our infanoy and weakness. It
called forth those memorable words of Canning
in the House of Commons, when he said:
"If I wished for a guide in a system of neu
trality,! should take that laid down by
America in the days or the Presidency of
Washington and the Secretaryship of Jef
ferson." The underlying doctrines of the neutrality
code of 1818, which Banks would repeal and
certain political Influences would violate, were
worked out by Washington in his three
months' controversy with Genet, during the
war between France and England, wherein
not even the fresh memory of the priceless
service the former power had rendered in up
holding the faltering footsteps of the young
republics as she entered the cirole of nations,
nor the hostility of the latter power, whioh at
that time required all the wisdom and firm
ness of Chief Jastioe Jay to keep from burst
ing out in war, could dissuade or deter our
great chieftain, sustained by Jefferson and
Hamilton, from vindicating the inviolability
of neutral soil, even against our firBt and best
ally. And in all this primary struggle there
was no neutrality law to aid the Exeoutive,
as now.
We wish President Grant would study the
records of our early neutrality history, and
see bow the statesmen of the Revolutionary
epoch pushed aside all personal sympathy
when confronted with their duty to maintain
the national honorl
The enlistment of troops, the sailing of mili
tary expeditions, are very different things
from supplying, on our own soil, to either
fighting party, munitions of war. Of these,
we can freely aBd legally sell to both as much
as we please. Onr markets are wide open to
the insurgents as well aa te Spain, and we
oan transport to each, in our own chips, if we
see fit, subject to the right of capture by either
belligwrent aa contraband of war.
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Kl,AVONean beuiade to ordor fur tliow) who diiiire to
have ouintliiiiK novor before wwn in the United bUto,
Auri uwrioi' to any loe C'rtuiiii made in Knrope.
I'rimiiial Depot -No. Ur.it WALNUT HI root. j
Hi aiioli (store-No. lWiU tjPUINO OARDKCf Ktrnet.
tli If. J. ALLKUUKTTI.
FINANCIAL.
.41 5 0 0 , 0 0 0
SEVEN PER CENT. GOLD BONDS,
THIRTY YEARS TO ItUN, .
I88CHD bt ran
Lake' Superior and 'Mississippi;
uuvcr itauroad Company. 1
.( . ' . -
TUKT ARE A FIRST MORTOAOK BtNKTNd FUND
BOND, FREK OF UNITED STATUS TAX, SE
CURED HY ONR MILLION SIX HITNDRKD .
ANDTHIRTY -TWO THOUSAND ACRES
OF CHOICE LANDS,
And by the Railroad, Its Rolling Stock, and the Fran
chlRcs of the Company.
A DOUBLE SECURITY AND FIRST-CLASS IN
VESTMENT IN EVERY RESPECT,
Yielding in Currency nearly
Ten Por Cent. Per Annum.
Gold, Government Bonds and other Stocks received
In payment at their highest market price.
Pamphlets and full information given on applica
tion to
JAY COOKE & CO.,
NO. 114 S. THIRD STREET,
E. W. CLARK & CO.,
NO. 35 S. THIRD STREET,
Fiscal Agents of the Lake Superior and Mississippi
River Railroad Company. 8 10 doup
GREAT PACIFIC RAILROAD
IS FINISHED.
FIRST MORTGAGE BONDS
OF TUB
uwiorj pacific
AND
CENTRAL PACIFIC RAILROADS
ISOL'UIIT AM) SOLI).
DE HAVEN & BRO.f
BANKERS AND DEALERS US GOVERNMENTS,
NO. 40 SOUTH THIRD STREET,
PHILADELPHIA.
B
A N K I N G HOUSE
or
JAY COOKE & CO.,
Nos. 112 and 114 South THIRD Street,
PHILADELPHIA.
Dealers In all Government Securities.
Old 6-208 Wanted In Exchange for New.
A Liberal Difference allowed.
Compound Interest Notes Wanted.
Interest Allowed on Deposits.
COLLECTIONS MADE. STOCKS bought and sold
on Commission.
Special business accommodations reserved for
ladles.
We will receive applications for Policies of Life
Insurance In the National Life Insurance Company
of the United States. Full information given at our
office. 4 1 8m
GLE1IB1NN1NG, DAVIS & CQ
NO. 48 SOUTH THIRD STREET,
PHILADELPHIA.
GLENDMUG.DAYIS & AIORY
NO. 2 NASSAU STREET, NEW YORK,
BANKERS AND BROKERS.
Direct telegraphlo communication with the New
York Stock Boards from the Philadelphia
Oillce. ia
CITY WA R R A N T S
BOUGHT AND SOLD.
C. T. YERKESy Jr. & CO.,
No. 20 South THIRD Street,
41
PHILADELPHIA.
I ED YARD & BARLOW
HAVE REMOVED THEIR
LAW AND COLLECTION OFFICE
TO
No. 19, South THIRD Street,
PHILADELPHIA,
And wUl continue to give careful attention to collect
ing and securing CLAIMS throughout the United
States, BrltlHh Provinces, and Europe.
Sight Drafts aud Maturing Paper collected at
BjuikurgIUtea. j gs 6m
SMITH, RANDOLPH & C07,
CANKERS,
lMilIudclplila und Ieiv York. ,
Dealers in united states bonds, and mem
bers ok stock and gold exchange,
Rocelve Accounts of Banks aud Bankers ou Liberal
Terms.
ISSUE BILLS OF EXCHANGE ON
C. J. nAMBHO A SON, LOndon, i
B. M KTZLKH, 8. SOHN A CO., Frankfort
JAMES W. TUCKER A CO., Paris. !
Aud Other Principal Cities, aud Letters of Credit
Avulluule Throughout Europe.
FINANCIAL.
B. -It. JAMISON -& CO.,
BUCCES90KS TO
1. KELLY1 CO.,
BANKERS AND DEALERS IN
Gi, Silver, aM GoTeratBonils,
AT CLOSEST MARKET RATES.
N.W. Corner THIRD and CHE3NUT Sti
Special attention given to COMMISSION ORBER3
tn New York and odd I'hlladulphia Stock Boards, eta
etc sua
STERLING & WILDMAN,
BANKERS AND BROKERS,
IMo. HO K. TIIIKI) Nt., IMiila.,
Special Agents for the Sale or
Danville, llnzleton, and Wllke.
barre Ilnllrond'
FIRST MOUTUAGK BONDS,
Dated 1967, duo in 1887. Interest Seven Per Cent,
payable hull yearly, on the Hint of April and first of
OctotMT, clear of state and United Stale taxca. At
pretient theHe ImhkIr are offered at the low price of 84
and accrued Interest, tn currency.
. uuiuiii.ui cuuiamiiiff Maps, KeporM, and full In- I
formation on hand for dlatrlbutiou, and will be sout I
by mail on applic ation. .
Government Bonds and other Securities taken la "
exchange at market rates. f
l)eahrs In Stocks, Honda, Loans, Gold, etc. 5 71m
p. S. PETERSON & c6
i
Stock and Exchange Brokers. I
"f
No. 39 South THIRD Street
Members of the New York and Philadelphia Stock J
and Gold Boards.
STOCKS, BONDS, Etc., bougUt and sold on com-
miBHlon only at either city.
1 SCi
SAMUEL WORK.
FRANCIS F. MILNK.
WORK & milTJE,
BANKERS,
STOCK AND EXCHANGE BROKERS,
5 6 Sn. 121 a. THIRD St., VnrT.ADF.WinA.
R E M O V A L.
ELLIOTT & DUNN
HAVING REMOVED TO THEIR NEW BUILDING.
No. 109 S. THIRD Street,
Are now prepared to transact GENERAL BANKING
BUSINESS, and doal in GOVERNMENT and oUier Se
curities, GOLD, BILLS, Eto.
ReceWe MONEY ON DEPOSIT, allowing Interest.
NEGOTIATE LOANS, giving Bpeoial attention to MER
CANTILE PAPKR.
Will execute orders for Stocks, Bonds, etc., ON COM
MISSION, at the Stock Ejohangea of Philadelphia, New
York, Boston, and Baltimore. 4 SOJ
PAPER HANDINGS,
PAPER HANGINGS,
BOTH DOMESTIC AND IMPORTED.
FINE GILT PAPERS.
PANEL DECORATIONS,
IN NATURAL TINTS.
NEW FEENCH IMITATIONS,
In MAPLE, WALNUT and OAK, rivalling in effect
the real woods.
Ceilings Frescoed and Kalsomined.
ORNAMENTING, GILDING, ETC. rf
CARRINGTON, DE ZQTJCHE & CO,
THIRTEENTH and CHESNUT Streets,
8 18 thstnsm PHILADELPHIA.
Jj E P O T
FRENCH AND AMERICAN
PAPER HANGINGS,
INoh. 11 and 13 I. IVI.WII Street.
AN ASSORTMENT OF
French and American Wall Papers,
Original In Design, Elaborate In Finish, Unsurpassed
In Quality, and Incomparable lu Price.
A force of workmen who combine taste with skill,
execution with promptness.
In store, and arriving monthly per Paris steamer,
the richest and most complete assortment of DECO
RATIONS and EMBLEMATICAL DESIGNS, suit
able for Ilall, Mansion, or Cottage.
The above now ready for Inspection, and a visit la
most earnestly requested by
8 8T stutham HENRY S. MATLACK.
pAPER HANGINGS
WHOLESALE AND RETAIL.
NAGLE, COOKE & EWING,
LATE WITH
HOWELL & B E.O TUBUS, j
No. 1 330 CHESNUT Street,
6 6thstu2m PHILADELPHIA
QEAN & WARD,
PLAIN AND DECORATIVE
PAPER HANGINGS,
NO. 251 SOUTH THIRD STREET,
BKTWKKN WALNUT AND SPKUC'B,
PHILADELPHIA.
COUNTRY WORK PROMPTLY ATTENDED
TO. S m
T OOK! LOOK!! LOOK MI-WALL PAPERS
-MJ and Linen Window K'm.lef Mnaulactured. thj
chi)...t in the oitv, t JOHNniOX'S Woix.1. JNu. I O i l
M'HINU (SAKDKN Htrwt, l.olow Kluwntti. Kraacb, JS
ai)7 H'.DKKAl. Ktrma. (J.uu.l.'ii. Kw Jtnmy. :35
A ilANDSOMK ASSORTMENT OF WALL '
bl'ON A bON.No. UOi bl'itlK" (.AUDI.N btt. (Sajtaa