The evening telegraph. (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, April 08, 1869, FOURTH EDITION, Page 2, Image 2

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    THE DAiLf- EVENING TELEGRAPH PHILADELPHIA, THURSDAY; APRIL 8, 18G9.
spirit of the press.
SDITORIAL OPINIONS OP TUB LBAD1NQ JOOR5AL8
DPOK OURRKBT TOPICS COMPlLKD KVKRT
DAT FOK THB EVENING TBLKOKAPU.
Rcorg;iini-Jnx tlie Civil Nervier.
From the H. Y. Timet.
Testimony in favor of a thorough reorgani
zation of the Civil SurvlcM rapidlj aocuma
Utes. . The brunt of the battle in Congress
falls upon Mr. Jeuukj. Outbids, however,
he has supporters whose words should long
ago have been conclusive. The general ob-
Ieot of his labors is concurred in most heartil
those who have the best opportunities
for Judging of the neoenshy of ruform. The
abstraot ideal has become a practical deside
ratum. The heads of the departments con
fess, in general terms, the embarrassment
and injur to pnblio interests resulting from
indifference to the standard of fitness in the
appointment ot subordinates.
Mr. Wells has declared that nntil the Gov
ernment disoaids partisanship in the ohoioe
of its servants, and makes charaoter aud
capacity conditions essential to the acquisition
of the smallest office, it will be idle to hope
for material improvement in the revenue ser
vice. Mr. Rollins, the late Commissioner of
Internal Revenue, confessed the same need in
his field of duty. The whole revenue servioe
Buffers from the same class of influences, the
rootfcf whloh is found in the subjeotion of
offloes and olerioal positions, high and low, to
politioal and personal considerations, instead
of the exaction of qualifications that would
insure effloienoy and fidelity in the various
bra iohes of labor.
The latest contribution to the volume of
evidence upon the subject is the report of the
Joint committee respecting Treasury manage
ment in the matter of bonds and currenoy.
Amidst the doubts suggested by "discrepan
cies," and the caution whioh prompts an
eqnivooal handling of frauds, the committee
found one resting-gronnd, clear and strong.
They oondemn, without hesitancy or reserve,
the manner in whioh the subordinates, with
whose work they oome in oontaot, are ap
pointed. They declare that satisfaotory re
sults oannot be looked for "so long as per
sons are employed there npon the recom
mendation of Senators, members of Congress,
and other persons having politioal inflaenoe
wUhout very striot regard to the qualities
essential to faithfulness and aoouraoy." They
urge reform at this point as indispensable, if
the reoords and transactions of the depart
ment are to be freed from the blunders, the
"innooent mistakes," and less innooent "dis
crepancies," which hare for years soandalizsd
its management.
' Is it probable that the improvement whioh
the entire civil servioe greatly needs will
be effeoted save under compulsion? We
apprehend that any change must be partial
and incomplete whioh laoks the binding force of
law. The higher grade of offioers seleoted by
the present administration may be a guarantee
of some reform; but in the natuie of things it
must be imperfeot. The Influences whioh
have heretofore corrupted the departments,
and notably the Treasury, are still at work.
Senators and Representatives still have retain
ers, or the friencs cf retainers, for whom pro
vision must be had in the clerkships and
minor offloes. And as, under any government,
the heads and their deputies are in a large de
gree dependent upon their subordinates, the
evils will probably continue. Modified they
may be by more intelligent direotlon and more
thoiough supervision, but with greater or less
foroe they will oontinue in operation.
Adequate amendment will oome only when
the eervioe shall be reorganized on a basis
- from whioh personal and partisan considera
tions are exoluded. Ability and charaoter
must take the place of the present recom
mendations; faithfalness and discipline must
: have their rewards in permanenoe and pro
motion; These are ends aimed at by Mr.
Jenckes' bill. It is less perfect, theoretically,
than the measure originally introduced by
that gentleman. He has been obliged to
acknowledge the impossibility of carrying
the comprehensive plan by whioh the entire
civil servioe would be lifted out of the slough
of partisanship; and he oontents himself
now with a compromise whioh should have
the support of every head of a department
or a bureau, and every Senator and member
who - would put an end to shameful mis
management. With the maohlnery of a
new department he proposes to dispense;
the higher or politioal offices he leaves un
touched. What he proposes la a Board of
Examiners, by whom all applicants for subor
dinate positions shall be tested, and whose
' .certificate shall be a condition preoedent of
every appointment. The prinoiple of selection
will be available then as now, but the selec
tion will be restricted to a class any one of
whom will be fitted by habits and acquire
ments for the servioe, instead of a class com-
' posed of the nominees of politicians and their
supporters, without training or capacity.
With duties thus defined, the examining
-hoard will be a valuable auxiliary of the de
partments, a bulwark against the invasion of
email office-seekers, whloh is one of the
plagues ei the oapital, and an assnranoe of
effloienoy which every honest ohief will readily
i appreciate.
Of 'course, even this modified measure will
o over to the next session, and will go inde-
nitelv. unless publio opinion shames Sena-
' tors and Representatives into a surrender of
the unworthy privilege to whloh they cling
so tenaciously. No measure more directly
concerns the ' publio welfare, none is more
nreentlv required to complete the purifica
tion of the Government and inspire oonfidenoe
in the integrity and soundness of its opera
tions. How long will legislators reoonclle to
their consciences opposition to a change whloh
is justified by vulgar considerations of
' 'economy as much as by a regard for the repu
tation of the Government and the comfort and
usefulness of its members r
Will iiirnnl'K Alminitrulloii lm
it Ku'''m or u l'liiliireV
From the S. Y. Herald.
Everything in the maohinery of the new
' administration seems to be running smoothly
.. The soillotine. at the rate of about one hun
dred ner dav. is taking off the heads of the
Johnson office-holders, and the active Repub
' ltoan politicians are cocaine in for a fair share
.' of the spoils. General Grant has shown his
dfSDObition in many things to cultivate har
mony with the Senate, and especially in his
approval of the equivocal modification between
the two nouses 01 iue xeuurtf-ui-ouiue law.
In his inaucural aud In his appointments, in
eluding soldiers and civilians, patriotto female
Union spies in the war, repentant Rebels, and
in.nB of African descent, vulgarly oalled
Y,iDcrrn. he has done something in behalf of
all the cliques and faotions of the dominant
and has nartloularly tickled the fanoy
f wndU Phillies on his latest ultimatum
Mi,annalrichta of the blaok man touoh
Inir the offices. In a corresponding degree the
rank and file, red hot ana Hike
' warm, have become disgusted with thedolDgs
that General Grant now
marks the dividing lines between the two
parties even more distinctly than he did as
the Republican candidate on the Chicago plat
form.
From the results of the reoent Conneutlont I
election it would likewise appear that in advo- I
eating the proponed fifteenth amendment to
the Constitution giving equal suffrage to male
citizens throughout the United States of all
races and oolors white, yellow, red, and
black General Grant has given a new popu
lar Impulse to this movement; for heretofore
in Connecticut the Kepabliuan party, when
ever it has distinctly broached the question of
negro suffrage, has benn signally defeated.
We might, then, plausibly conclude from all
these facte;" and from the general demoralize
tion of the forlorn Dnmooraoy, that the pros
pect for General Grant's administration is all
that could be desired, aud that, aftyr dip tu
sing his rewards to the faithful till the olllces
are all filled, be has only to sit down and
smoke the pipe of peace with Vice-President
Colfax as President of the Eenate, in order to
settle the question of the succession.
Hut all such estimates as these are shallow
and fallacious. Every one of our Presidents
so far who has had nothing better upon whioh
to build than the spoils has been a fall are.
Tyler, Fillmore, and Andy Johnson are the
most notable examples. Poor Pierce and
Buchanan failedthe one beoause he laid vio
lent hands upon those great compromise mea
sures on slavery whloh had given peaoe to the
country, and the other because he lacked the
moral courage to grapple with seoession after
the manner of Jackson. Since the time of
Monroe we have had but two Presidents
eleoted for a second term Jackson and Lin
coln. The recleotion of Jackson resulted from
his war against the old United States Bank as
a finanoial monster and monopoly, absorbing
the liberties of the people. The reeleotion of
Linooln resulted from his war with a great
rebellion. The States and people adhering to
the Union cause were satisfied with his efforts
during his first four years in the prosecution
of this war, and so they reelected him as the
surest and shortest way to finish it. With
these two exceptions we have not had for
forty-five years a President who has raised
an issue sufficient to supplant his rivals and
to give him a second term, and to all of them,
after John Qulncy Adams, the spoils have
been a stumbling-block, a delusion, and a
snare.
It is evident, then, that we can form no
judgment of the issue of General Grant's ad
ministration from present appearances. All
the advantages of the situation are his; but
there are dangers ahead of fearful magnitude.
For example, during his present term he must
check the swelling tide of politioal corruptions
and demoralizations resulting from the moral
pestilence of the war, and we must have a
finanoial system established from whloh the
people shall experience a great relief from
their present burdens of taxation, and foresee
the removal, too, within the present genera
tion of the incubus of the national debt, or
the national election of 1 872 may give us a
touch of the deoisive financial settlements of
the great French Revolution. It is folly to
shut our eyes to the drift of pnblio sentiment
on this question. The masses of the people,
looking at our present finanoial system of
debt, taxes, national banks, and bondholders,
feel only the pressure of a finanoial oligarchy,
"making the rich richer and the poor poorer,"
compared with which the old United States
Bank was a farce, a humbug, and a baga
telle.
But can we hope for the removal of these
mountains of debt and taxation and spolia
tions and corruption's nndur General Grant
within the four years to 1872 f No. He may
out them down to a great extent; but if he
oannot utterly remove them, he must do
something else for a popular diversion in his
favor, litre are Cuba, bt. Domingo, Mexico,
and the Central American States down to
Darien. They are the looks and keys of the
Gulf and of the American Isthmus passages
from ooean to ooean. A deoisive American
polioy on the part of General Grant will
absorb all these outlying islands and States.
and add so largely to our material revenues
as to reduce the national debt to a mere trifle.
Then there are the Alabama olaims, a proper
basis upon whioh to negotiate the cession to
the United States of her Britannio Majesty's
JNortn. American provinces of the .New Domi
nion, from Halifax to Vancouver's Island; for
this thing, too, is in the order of "manifest
destiny."
Here we have soope and verge enough for
the most brilliant, imposing, and powerful ad
ministrations in Amerioan history. Cuba at
this moment presents a golden opportunity for
a coup d'tiat that will eleotrify the country and
open the way ror tne wnoie programme sug
gested. It is morally oertain. too. that unless
tne puono mma snail be diverted to these ex
ternal attractions, it will reooil on our inter
nal burdens of taxes and debt and culminate in
a politioal revolution more astounding to the
world at large than this last upheaval result
ing in tbe abolition of slavery, negro suffrage,
and equal civil and politioal rights. Territo
rial expansion, then, means the suooess, and
what is oalled masterly inactivity means the
failure of Grant's administration.
President .runt untl ilic Iteinl
iit-uia l-uriy.
JYom the X. Y. World.
The approval of (he new Tenure-of-Ofllie
bill closes and rounds off the brief and troubled
cycle of General Grant's first month in the
Presidency, rso other question threatening to
embroil him with his party is likely to come
up before adjournment, which takes place at
the end of this week. We are therefore in
possession of all the materials we are likely
to have in some time for estimating the rela
tions of the new President to the political
party that elected him.
In ordiurry circumstances, a question of this
kind could not arise. A new President has
oommonly a politioal record which clodely
identnes him with his party, lie has gene
rally done battle for its leading measures, and
is so bound up with tbe party by his antece
dents and known sympathies, as to pre
clude all doubt or inquiry as to whether he
will be found in harmony wiih its lead
ing representatives. But General Grant
was never a Republioan uutil he
supposed'hls chances good for getting the Re
publican nomination for the Presidency. He
owed his nomination not at all to his politics,
but solely to his military prestige, whioh was
supposed sufficient to turn the 6oale between
the two politioal parties. The Republicans
took him for fear that the lJiiinoorata would
otherwise nominate and elect him. Being
thus forced upon the Republican party by his
independent popular Strength and his pre
sumed hold on the soldiers' vote, it was
thought by many, and evidently expeoted by
himself, that he would possess more freedom
and be able to aot with more independence
than an ordinary party President. Had his
tact and capaoity been equal to his opportu
nities, this mght not have been altogether a
vain hope. This rematkable reserve which
he practised previous to his inauguration, and
his selection of a Cabinet without any con
sultation with party leaders, bad an appear
ance of self-reliant vigor, as if he felt strong
enough to be the independent Chief Magistrate
of the whole people, and not the mere instru
ment or ally of a political party. The World,
as its readers well know, did not share this
delusion; but the fact that General Grant was
forced upon the Republican party, and
that be stood s conspicuously aloof from
its leaders after his election, caused even
some Democrats to entertain expwo'atlon
which have been speedily falsified by the
event.
It has now become too evident that General
Giant, instead of being more independent of
par'y influences than his predecessors, I to
be more helplessly their puppet aud their
slave. His whole course of proceeding, thus
far, has been founded on a mistaken naluula
tiou. He did not mean to be a party
President, and consequently adopted nine of
tbe means for exerting the legitimate Inllnenoe
of a ptrly chief. A party chief spares no dlll-
-Lee In oourling aud cultivating the leadiug
wen of his party, with a view to gain such au
UKceidanoy that he may use the in as the in
struments of hie will. A party chief carefully
avoids trying to carry any measure iu which
he is not pretty oertain to succeed, knowing
that to be publicly pitted against his party
and vanquished lowers htm in popular esti
mation. A resident who means to be a
party chief seleots well-known party men for
his Cabinet. Their Inflaenoe strengthens his
administration in the opinion of the party;
and when, as must sometimes happen, his
publio duty renders it neoessary for him to
go counter to party prejudices, the sano tion of
co many eminent men who enjoy the full con
fidence of the party shelters him against mis
apprehension and distrust. General Grant has
disregarded every one of these ordinary rales.
He has neither cultivated party leaders, nor
avoided damaging collisions with Congress,
nor composed his Cabinet of strong party
men who would serve as a breakwater against
distrust on those oooasions when it may be
necessary for him to deviate from the general
sense 01 the party and eituoate it to better
views. He has tried a vain experiment of
independence; and having been tolled and
humiliated, he is reduced to the de
grading position of a party President
stripped of au the usual means of exerting
party influence. A president who controls
his party, and rules by means of it, always
makes a respeotable figure. Jefferson and
Jackson, our two strongest Presidents, were
vigorous party chiefs. But a President who,
instead of being the chief of his party, is its
tool, cannot have the publio respsot; and this
is the part destined to be played by General
Grant. If he had had the sagaoity and self-
knowledge to foresee that he would have to
be a party President, his whole course from
the time of his election forward would have
been different. As he has actually managed,
he forfeited the advantages both of the posi
tion which he eonght and of the position
whioh he was not strong enough to shun. He
has neither the strength of a party President
nor of an independent President.
The neoessity which constrained him to
accept his defeat and sign the new Tenure-of-Office
act, will domineer over him throughout
his term. At the outset he had the Home on
his side, but not the Senate; at last both were
against him. it is quite impossible that he
should recover the lost ground, and he will
never again think of asserting his independ
ence, lie will not despair no President so
early in his term ever did despair of a re
election; but he will make an entire change of
tactics for securing another nomination.
What he cannot hope to accomplish by a free
use of the Federal patronage he will attempt
by the more servile method of obsequious
compliance with party prejudices. No other
resource is now left him. The influence
of his military prestige was spent in
his first eh c tion; politioal talents he
has none; his Cabinet is composed of men
who cannot help him; and he can make no
removal from office without the consent ot
the Senate. It would have been sheer folly
for him to have vetoed the new Tenure-of-
Offioe aot, as a veto would have kept the
old Tenure-of-Offloe act in foroe, and have
placed him in a position of open antagonism
with the Republican party. With his objects
in view, he could not afford a position of de
olared antagonism, even if he could thereby
have seoured the repeal of all restrictive.
laws. For it is oertain that if he is renomi
nated. it must be by the Republican Con
vention, and the patronage would be of no
avail for packing it after an open breach
between him and the party. His original
plan was to keep on terms wita the
Kepublioan organization, ana use tne patron
age sb a maKe-weight against iiepuoucan
rivals. This expeoted mate-weight being lost,
he has nothing to rely on but his favor and
popularity with a party whioh he cannot
mould, and must therefore be moulded by, as
clay is by the potter. His only obanoe of
another nomination lies in unresisting sub'
servlency to the humors, whims, and preju
dices of a politioal party with which he has
never sympathized. He will be more servile
than ordinary party Presidents, beoause he
starts without any oapital, and has his whole
character for party staunchness and fidelity
vet to establish.
On publio grounds, the weakness which
General Grant has disolosed is very much to
be regretted. A strong Kepublioan President,
exerting a commanding inflaenoe over his
party, would have aided in restoring to the
Executive branch of the Government its just
authority, whioh has been so greatly our
tailed and retrenched by Congress. A vigor
ous and sagaoious party chief in General
Grant's place would probably have made no
immediate attempt to secure the repeal of the
Tenure-of-Office law. preferring to establish
his personal ascendancy as a fulcrum for
future operations. He would have had no
difficulty in getting all his party nominations
confirmed, and his suspensions during the
recess would doubtless have been sanc
tioned without any striot scrutiny into
his reasons. A'ter the lapse of a year or two,
under a strong and popular President, the
Ttnure-of-Office aot would have dwindled into
inbignificance in the estimation of the Republi
can party, and when it had fallen into praotioal
desuetude it might have been quietly repealed
without exciting auy debate ormuch attention.
General Grant foolishly insisted on its repeal
at a time when the impeachment of President
Johnson was fresh in the minds of the
Senators, arid a repeal had to encounter tbe
strong tide of party passions aroused by that
most exciting affair. With the moral support
of the House ef Representatives, voluntarily
offered, he would have been strong enough
for immediate purposes, and the Senate would
have more easily yielded after having regu
larly sanctioned all the President's suspen
sions during the first year of his administra
tion. By General Grant's unbkilful and short
sighted management, the affair has been got
into such a shape that a repeal is impossible
until after a general revolution In the politics
of tbe country. His authority as President,
instead of being strengthened, has been weak
ened and prostrated by a premature contro
versy in whioh he has been completely
worsted. Tne troper weight of tbe hxeou
tive will never be reestablished until we have
a strong and able President, whose personal
ascendancy will enable blm to reoover what
Copgress has so successfully usurped.
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Driil'tn for Sule on lnubiiiil, Ireland, France,
(icriiiuny, J'.tc.
QYERLINC & WILD MAN,
BANKERS AND BROKERS,
.o. 11U S. 'rillltlk St., l'lilla.,
Speciul Agents for the Sale of
Danville, IlaIelon, nnl Wllke
karre ICailroutl
I'ik.st nioim; ;k honhs,
Pat
ed 1WS7, due In 1StC. Interest Seven Per Cent.,
le hall .vearly, on the llrst of April and Hint of
...I i'U.hV tf kIu!i iiml I 'niteil KtaLcH TaXCS. At
juival
Octol
pUbent these bonds lire ollereii at ine iuw
iiL.il accrued interest. They are in Uenuiuinaliona of
Pamphlets containing Maps, Reports and full 1 1 1-
. .v.. . ..V ... - it! bill
rormution on mum lor uiuum"'i
by mail on application. cw.nWfins t iken In
liovei mucin Bonds and other Securities uktn
exchange at iiiarktt rates. tmim
Dculei
ITS 111 MOCKS. ;
P. s-
PETERSON & CO.,
Stock and Exchange Brokers,
No. 39 South THIRD Street,
Members of the New Vol k and Philadelphia Slock
and Oold llimi'ls.
(stocks, BONDS, Etc., bought and sold on com
munion only at either city. lii-iS
WATCHES, JEWELRY, ETO.
JAS. E. CALDWELL & CO.,
JKWELLEKS,
v
flo. 819 CHE8NUT Street,
(I'ntll their late Store is reiiniit),
IIAVK NOW
An Entirely flew Stock of Goods,
To replace Suit destroyed by fire, and aro now
opening
PARIS MANTEL CLOCKS,
Single aud in 8e1s, with SIDE ORNAMENTS.
Dtirdou Son's newest and best grades Ot
OPERA GLASSES,
Bridal, Tarty, and Opera Fans.
The latest contributions of Art In
REAL BRONZE.
A largely increased Biipply of
Diamonds, Fine Watches, Jewelry,
AND
ARTISTIC SILVER WARE.
Also, a very full line of
(JOIUIAM MANF'Q COMPANY'S
FINE ELECTRO-rLATED WARES.
PMCKS MODERATK. f4 5lm
E M O V A L.
vV. TJ. WV RDEN,
mrOKTEK OF
Watches, Diamonds, and Jewelry,
Has Removed from the 8. K. corner of Fifth ami
Chesnut Streets to
No. 1029 CHESNUT Street,
PHILADELPHIA.
N. B. W ATI I IKS REPAIRED IN THK BEST
MANNER. Sllthstul
LEWIS LADOKIUS & CO.,
JEWELLERS,
NO. 802 CHESNUT STREET,
Would Invite especial attention to their large stock of
Ladies' and Gents' Watches,
AMERICAN AND IMPORTED,
Of the most celebrated makers.
PINE VEST CHAINS AND LEONTINES,
in 14 and 18 karat.
DIAMOND WORK of the latest designs.
Sold Silver-Ware for Bridal Presents, Table Cut
lery, Plated Ware, etc. 3 2'il
n fir a PTOTTTfrrcrftT n.
MANVKACTURER3 OF
'ATCII CAHES,
AND DEALERS IN AMERICAN AND FOREIGN
Io. 13 ftoutli SIXTH Street,
MANUFACTORY, No. 22 S. FIFTH Street.
ESTABLISHED 1&28.
WATCHES, JEWELRY, .
CLOCKS, SILVERWARE, and
FANCY GOODS.
Gr. TV. RUSSELL,
m
NO. 8 N. SIXTn STREET, PHILADELPHIA.
WILLIAM B. WARNE & CO.,
Wholesale Dealers in
WATI'lHM AMI) JCWlfinT
S. K corner SEVENTH and CHESNUT' Streets,
o IVJ nctuuu jiuur, unu Ol Ao. BO . 'I'lUKD tSl.
ENGAGEMENT AND WEDDING RINGS.
A LARGE ASSORTMENT OF COIN AND H
KARAT ALWAYS ON HAND.
LEWIS LADOMUS A CO., JEWELLERS,
rp No. 802 CHESNUT STHKKT.
DRUGS, PAINTS, ETC.
ROBERT SHOEMAKER. & CO.,
N. E. Corner FOURTH and RACE Sts.,
PHILADELPHIA.
WHOLESALE DRUGGISTS,
Importers and Manufacturers of
White Lead and Colored Paints, Putty,
Varnishes, Etc
AGENTS l-Ott THE CEI.EIJKATKI)
FRENCH ZINO PAINTS.
Dealers and consumers supplied at lowest price
for cash. 1-2 45
GROCERIES. ETC
p I U E GROCERIES.
The Largreht stock and (freatest variety of
Choice Family Groceries
For table use iu this clt.v is to be found In our ema
bll.iliment. No expense or trouble is upared to meet the wants
of our riiMtoinei. Everything In Hold at the I nvu.st
cash price. Orders promptly altetid"il to, and
goods packed securely for an.v part of tlu- country,
and delivered free of charge to any depot or waiii
boaU SIMON CGLTON & CLAUSE.
8. W. Corner BROAD and WALNI'T Streets,
tilths PHILADELPHIA.
c
It N E X CHAN O K
BAG MANll K A ( T ) K V.
HIN I'. HAII.KV,
N. E. comer of AlAliKKT ami WATER Street,
T'h i lni I'ljiind ,
DEALERS IN UACH AND HAGtUNcJ
. Of every dewriptum, for
Gruin, Huur, bait, hu per 1'lmHphuie of Lime, B)ii3.
Dust, Hto.
Liugo aad UUUtX Ol'NNV itAt.S constantly ua hand
AUu, WOOL SACKS. V