THE DAILY EVENING TELEGRAPH PHILADELPHIA, THURSDAY, APRIL 1, 1869.
SPIRIT OF THE PRESS.
EDITORIAL OPINIONS OT TIB LBADUfO JOOHNAf.
VrOK CCKRI5T TOPICS OOMPILHD B7BBT
DAT FOB TBI BTISiNd TBLBOBAPK.
President Wrant
from the iV. Y. Tribune.
It is not often that a President ia Assailed
t the ontBet of Lis administration with the
vindictiTeness shown by th Democratic press
to President Grant. In all free governunnts
the least courtesy auy party in opposition
can show to a new administration is patlenoa.
The transition from one rule to another is
awkward, aud oftentimes attended with jars
and "tumbling. Tbe men who oom In now
are new to their work, aul to eaou other.
Until they gain this knowledge, matters will
go slowly. A new government generally
means a new policy, aud any new policy is, to
a certain extent, experimental. There is the
clamorous appealing of mtn who want oflloe.
Their claims are eagerly pressed, and in
many cases their claims are just. The
old politician who wants rest, the young
politioian who craves for honors, the
"friends" of Senators and Representatives And
men high in station the multitnlinoua
gathering of ambitious party men who de
mand recognition," all press upon the new
President. Every expectant goes to Wash
ington with his own ideas of his services to
the party. As these ideas are only limited by
the vanity or the ambition of each particular
candidate, a slight knowledge of human nature
will show the vastnesa and turbulence of the
currents ef office-beggars which sweep around
the President. We presume there are ten
men asking for office to one that can be ap
pointed. The disappointments that oome from
this form a large part of the vexation and
criticism which attend the beginning of every
sew administration.
There la Also a peculiar trouble attending
any new Government that begins with the
policy of reform. General Grant la the Presi
dent of reform. The Republican party dwelt
upon that feature of its platform with repeated
emphasis. We know how slow every reform
must be how patiently an administration
tnnst labor to accomplish it, and how very
diffloult it is to realize the dreams of enthusi
astio and imaginative supporters. Andrew
Johnson was a bad President, and the tone of
cur Government was reduced by him to a
lower pitoh than at any former period of our
butory. it was baa enough nuder JaoKson
and Tyler; hut with all their faults they com
manded personal reaped. Mr. Johnson was
disliked both as a man And a President, except
ly a small circle of bad men. This dislike
culminated in a yearning for Grant, so general,
so deep, we might almost say so plaintive and
sentimental, that when it was really known
he was President the joy was rapturous and
exulting. Men said in their gladness: "Now
we shall have peace, security, reform, econo
my, strength, good harvests, stimulated com
merce, a better currency, and every blessing
of good government." Well, men may vow
reformation, and declare that seven half-penny
loaves shall be sold for a penny 1 When aa
unpopular minister was once overthrown in
England (he poets Bang of a ministry by
Which "private life" ooull be by "wise aots
reolalmed," And Ardent youth to nobler man
ners framed. The fall of DUraeli and the
aooesBion of Gladstone and Bright we have no
doubt meant to many hopetul Englishmen the
instant remedy of every evil nuder which the
British people have Buttered Ireland paoified,
labor happy and more content. Thse good
results, and all good results, only come with
patience and effort and time 1
After a fever the body is weak, and after
dissipation the natural sources are clogged
and sluggish. Thus it is with man and to a
certain sense with nations I We have gone
through a war, And have been dissipating with
an Inflated ourrenoy, and a vast debt, and a
weakened credit, and wasting our substance
in a hundred ways. . For eight years we have
suffered from the war and Andrew Johnson,
and beoause the President iu the twenty five
days of hia government has not succeeded ia
resoning us from All these evils, he ia held up
to pnblio eoorn as a failure aa a ruler who
doea not oomprehend the dutiea of his station
as a mere "man on horseback," insensible
to the wants and wishes of the coantry. lie has
done nothing but blunder, we are told ! Ilia
Cabinet is a "blunder." Well, let us look at
that I The Secretary of State caunot have a
polioy less in harmony with the country than
that of the former "deacon." The Seoretary
of the Treasury ia aa muoh better than the
one who preceded him aa it ia possible for com
parison to express. In the place of Browning
and his Indian And railroad scandals, we have
a man of commanding ability and purity of
character. Randall has given place to Crea
well, And Ev Arts resigns the office which he
bought with a prioe, to one of the wisest and
best men in Massachusetts. Mr. Bjrie takes
experience, culture, respectability, purity of
character, and business eminence into the
office where Mr. Wellea has sat so long like
the Old Man of the Sea. With tbe exception
of Washington's first Cabinet, which oontatned
Jefferson and Hamilton, and Mauroe's Cabinet,
whloh had Qulucy Adams, Crawford, Calhoun,
MoLean, and Wirt, and probably Polk's, with
Cuohanan, Walker, Uarcy, aud ltuoroft,
the Cabinet of President Grant ia as strong
in intellectual force as the Cabiuet of any
former President. We expsjt a greit deal
from Mr. Biutwell in his great office, and
especially from Mr. Creswoll aud- Gdneral
Cox. The Cabinet is not the only "blun
der," however. The appointuieut of Mr.
Stewart indicated an "ignorauce of law "
Well, lawyers like Hendricks voted for the
confirmation, and maty men learned
in the law argued that Mr. Stewart
could take his portfolio. Ve did not
agree with them. Mr. Stewart would have
pleased us as Secretary, but we ware not
pleased with the manner lu whioh he pro-
Dosed to be secretary. We ihir.ird with the
President. He was wise enough to ohangehis
mind. After four years ot the irresolnte
xnullshness of Andrew Johnson, let ua thank
Heaven that we have a man who can change
bla mind. The Stewart business was, per
haps, clumsy; but it was the clumsiness of an
honest man trying to do a wise thing. The
smallest of A. J.'s vetoes did a hundred times
more harm. As to the patronage thus far, we
have a better proportion of good ineu going
iuvo viuoo iuiu we uave seen tor mauv years.
The clamor about family and nerdonal an.
pointments is only the old ory of the men who
are out agamsi me men wno are iu.
we aonoi expect lrom Geut-ral Grant an
Infallible administration. We presume he
will make blunders. The wisest of men have
tripped and fallen. He is truly wise and
great wno Keeps aieauuy on to nia purpose-
every step bringing with it a new lesson
every success only stimulating to new suo
cesses every blunder serving as an admoni
tion. The President has done nothing to
change the oonildenoe of the oountry he has
done everything to strengthen it. Our credit
is better beoause General Grant is President.
In the South peace reigns treason recogniz
ing the moral weight of his power, aud not
needing any physical manifestation. . Every
step indicates that the work of reform ia beiDg
steadily and slowly pressed.- The labor Is
tedious, surrounded with embarrassments that
cannot be expressed and oan hardly be appre
ciated. The men are In office who mean to do
ft. Their hands should be strengthened.
This is our Uepublioan President, worthy of
all that we have done for him, worthy still
more of the support of the whole oountry.
Let bis enemies oritiulze and sneer, and de
tract we only ask that this Administration
eball be jndged by Its results, And until those
results Are achieved pAtienoe And confidence.
As for the President, we shall only quote the
fanciful conceit of Tennyion:
"The path of duly la tbe way to glory,
He that ever following hf r comoimds,
On with toll of hearts, and kneei, and hands,
Thro' the long gorge to the far light Una won
Hid path upward, and prevailed
Hball find the toppling crag of Duty scaled,
Areclose upon the Miinluit table lands
To which our Uod Himself Is moon and sun."
Rewards of the Political Abolitionists.
From the If. Y. World.
The great anti-slavery movement by which
the country was precipitated into a bloody
civil war derived its ohief impulse from
political ambition. Tne Garrison-Phillips
abolitionists were indeed mere fauatica, or, if
you please, philanthropists, without political
hopes or aspirations; but if the anti-slavery
movement had been left in their bands, it
would have resulted in nothing but empty
agitation among a small band of headloug,
excitable people. It was not till calculating
politicians took it up, and saw that politioal
capital could be made out of it, that it as
sumed formidable proportions and con
vulsed the oountry. The politicians did
not aim at the abolition of slavery, but
to play upon the natural repugnance- of
Northern citizens to that institution,
as a means of building np a political
party and gaining control of the Federal
Government. They steadily disclaimed any
intention to disturb slavery in the States.
By preventing its extension into new Terri
tories, they would not have released a single
negro from thraldom. A negro would be
none the less a slave by confining him within
certain geographical limits. The anti-slavery
politicians did not seek to confer freedom on
the blacks, but only to open a career for their
own ambition. Slavery was at length abolished
by the suicidal folly of the South in attempt
ing to sever the Union; an attempt which was
certain to be resisted by arms, and to end, if
the war was protracted, in the overthrow
of the institution for whose protec
tion the war was waged. It ia absurd
to credit the Republican party with a
result which it never had in contemplation
nntil after the shock of arma had shaken
slavery to its foundations. That the aim of
the party was merely politioal and selfish is
proved by the fact that it steadily disavowed
any intention to confer liberty upon a single
human being. Not many slaves would have
been taken into the new Territories, when
the climate was nnsuited to their labor. A
few might have been carried thither aa domes
tic servants in wealthy families, the most easy
and desirable form of servitude. Slaves in
new Territories would have found an Improved
condition and kinder treatment. The Repub
lican politicians must be judged by what they
aimed at; they deserve no credit for what was
accomplished by the progress of events and
the force of circumstances.
The rewards of the most noted Republican
leaders have been pretty well proportioned to
their deserts. There is hardly a man who was
conspicuous and influential in inspiring the
anti-slavery movement and building np the
Republican party, whose fondest hopes have
not been blasted, whose career has not ended
in bitter disappointment, who has not found
the coveted fruit turn to ashes in hia mouth.
Mr. Seward, altogether the ablest and perhaps
the most ambitious politioian in the Republi
can party, has gone ipto final retirement after
a long succession of bitter and humiliating
disappointments. Ten years ago there was no
member of the Republican party who, if asked
to name the first man in it, would have hesi
tated an instant to say William U.
Seward. He was its universally re
cognized leader, its foremost statesman,
the originator of its ideas, the author of
its watchwords, the chief object of Demooratio
attacks and of Republican eulogies, its one
orator who spoke with the greatest weight of
authority, the one man whose every utterance
was promptly published in every Republican
newspaper and eagerly read by every Republi
can voter. It was he that nursed the Repub
lican party into vigor; that shaped its policy:
that strengthened its organization; that confi
dently, and not unreasonably, expeoted to be
its official as well as its intellectual head, if it
should ever be strong enough to elect a Presi
dent. But Nemesis is ever on the watch, and
it was Mr. Seward's destiny to be constantly
supplanted by small rivals, constantly sub
iected to the keen humiliation of seeing ele
vated over his neaa men wnose claims on the
party bore no proportion to his own.
Another 01 tne uepnmican leaders wno naa
encountered from the party an incessant series
of slights is Mr. Greeley. Without him and
ma newspaper tne anti-Biavery agitation would,
have made comparatively little progress
among the masses of the people. But the
party lias never bestowed upon him any of
the recognition and rewardaby which political
services are usually requited, lie was onoe a
member of Congress for a brief period to fill
out the fraotion of an unexpired term; but
that was while he was simply a Whig, long
Deiore me uepnDiioan party uad an existence.
The party which he, next to Seward, some
may think beyond Seward, has done more
than any other man to build np, has never
paid him the compliment even of a nomiua
tion to any desirable office, although it haa
for many years had the bestowal of nearly all
the offices in the conntry. It has never nomi
nated him for Governor, it has again and
again refused to eleot him Senator: he haa
never had the offer of a plaoe in the Cabinet
or of a foreign mission. Mr. Linooln put a
blur upon mm ana tried to render him ridiou
Ions, by making him the yoke-fellow of that
care-brained fool, Loloralo Jewett. aud send
iug him on a bootless peace mission to Niagara
cans.
Another of the most distinguished of the
Republican magnates and party chiefs was
Mr. Chase, who has fallen short of his aspira
tions, and regarded hia appointment to the
bench of the Supreme Court aa an exile from
his chosen sphere. He was au unfaltering
anti-fclavery man from the beginning; he haa
alwaya bad an intense desire to be President;
he had far higher claims to that honor than
any man on whom the Republican party ever
bestowed it; but never made a respectable
show in any Republican National Convention.
We might extend this list until it Included all
the most distinguished leaders of the Republi
can party, and we should find a repetition of
the same story of blasted hopes and dis
appointed ambition. Fremont had the
empty honor of a nomination when he
had done nothing to deserve it; but his mill-
vary uruer in tbe west which first sounded
the tooBln of emancipation, though greatly
applauded by the radloAl press, never met
with Any Bolld recognition. The family of the
lilairB, who were Fremont's politioal oreators,
never reoeived anything from the Republican
party tut the oflioe of Postmaster-General,
which was taken awAy in . such mAuner
V df,tr?y U the satisfaction of ever
haviog filled it. Cameron, who undertook
to ride the anti-slavery hobby aud make him
self a oandidate for the Presidency, shared
tbe common fat. The Republican party has
had three Presidents; but none of the three
ever oontribnted either inflnenoe or Ideas
to building up the party previous to hia elec
tion. Linooln was an obscure Illinois lawyer;
Johnson a vigorous pro-slavery Demoorat until
the war broke out; Grant au eleventh-hour
convert who joined the pArty to get elected
President. The anti slavery leaders have
beaten the bush for otheis to catch the bird.
Never did a great politioal game so completely
disappoint the expectations of those who hal
the chit f hand in plating it. It la a uiot im
pressive warning against the folly, as well as
the wickedness, of plunglog a conntry into
convulsions and civil war aa a means of open
ing a great career ior amouion.
'lhe anti-slavery ohlefs have not only failed
in their aspirations for office, but they have
nearly au uiaae snipwrecK ol tneir popularity
wuu me party wuicu tney oreated. The Re
publican party no longer treats with honor,
affection, esteem, or trust, either Seward, or
unase, or ureeiey, or tremont, or the Blairs.
or oameron, or veea, or any ot tne men
whose energy, astuteness, and influence called
the party into existenoe, moulded its organi
zation, and led it to victory. The fruits of
their ambition cannot be better described than
In the words of Webster in that striking Das-
sage of his reply to Hayne in which he gave a
siueiong nu at vainoun: "inose who mur
dered 'Banqno,' what did they win by it 1
Substantial good? Permanent power? Or
disappointment, rather, and sore mortification;
duRt and ashes, the common fate of vaulting
amniuon overleaping ltseiir"
The Campaigning Season hi Europe.
From the N. Y. Times.
The campaigning season in Europe ia now
Here, ana two slight simultaneous movements
ef Prussia and France have heralded its
coming. The former power haa mobilized ita
troops kin tne western provinoes, and in
stantly thereupon tbe latter has demanded
an "explanation," pending which it has put
an end to tne winter's furloughs, and or
dered all officers and privates now on leave of
absence to re lorn their regiments on the 1st
of April. In addition to thia, we have the
unpleasant and suspicious relatione between
France aud Belgium so muoh, and nothiog
more, aa tbe Bum or disquieting military
rumors.
Clearly, therefore, there is as yet nothing
alarming in the news. The Prussian action
is explicable; the trencn demand for ex
planation is natural; and the latter's recall of
lurloughed officers ana men is an ordinary
procedure. Suppose, however, the Prussian
answer should be evasive and unsatisfactory;
in that case it might possibly be construed as
the "insult" which tbe trench Minister of
War is preparing against, and we should have
instant war. We must remember also that.
after the experience of the Austro-Prussian
war, begun iu May, and finished ere midsum
mer, a tranquil winter no longer guarantees a
peaceful spring, nations alwaya armed cap-a-
;'(? need sound no warning note of prepara
tion, and can let a word be quickly followed
by a blow.
.Nevertheless, taking all luto account, we
cannot look for war yet. We do not believe.
however, with the Paris correspondent of the
Jiiltish Army and jyiavu uazeite, that the J5al-
gian business will nd in the Frenoh Govern
ment's hanging down its head and looking
penitent, while Marshal Mel is forced to put
bimselt in a corner, "thrust a nager into bis
mouth and sob." On the contrary, the reoent
French aotion shows that the Government ia
going to begin the season with prompt aotion;
despising, to be sure, the taunts and irrita
tions of Prussian papers, but overlooking no
action of the ISerliu Uevernmnt. The pre
sent, meanwhile, is an important moment.
The authority already quoted haa prophesied
that "if the Frenoh Emperor meana fighting
thia year, he will open the ball iu about a
month, when the six-months-leave men join
their respective corps." 1'or a few days or
weeks, therefore, all eyes will turn toward the
Rhine.
Our Financial and Political Plunderers.
from the IT. Y. Herald.
When our war for the consolidation of the
Union broke out, government was a pleasure.
not a burden, to the oountry. Everything
flourished, and indefinite expansion invited
internal and external enterprise. Oar oom-
meroe, so absolutely essential to national
greatness, was the boast of the nation, and in
every port we waged a generous rivalry with
the European maritime nations for tbe carry
ing trade of the world, uur foreign or regis
tered tonnage in 1857 was z,4bd.yu7 tons, la
1867 Jt had decreased to 1,213,812 tons, allow
ing for the new system of measurement.
These figure a decrease of over fifty per cent,
iu ten years. It will be said that the English
piratical expeditions caused this. They cer
tainly did not cause a decrease In our domestlo
inland tonnage, w til oh was, in isoi, d,4U4,auu
tone, and in 18G7, 2,202,942 tons a decrease
of thirty-three per cent. In three years.
Our national debt in 18G0 was less than
sixty five millions of dollars. It ia to-day over
two thousand five hundred millions. The ex
penses of administration were then estimated
at sixty-two millions; now they have swollen
to over three hundred millious. In 18G0 the
President, iu his annual message, in speaking
of the finances and comparing the Government
expenditures with those ot previous years,
said: "An overflowing Treasury bad pro
duct d habits of prodigality and extravaganoe
blcb could oiily to gradually corrected."
If thia was was said of IS GO, what Bhould be
said of lbb9r Three hundred millions of
dollars administrative expenses against about
one-uli that amount in lbuui And yet we
have not grown five times as large, have
not five times the population, commerce,
internal tiaie, and general national
development we had H 1 SUO. It la true one
hundred and forty millions of our expendi
tures go for interest; but cixty millions go for
civil service, the ktter. an euormoua amount
for tbe purpose, ia about equal to our whole
expenses eight years ajiO. While all these
financial and commercial evils have been
openly accumulating, there have been grow
ing up in their sba low certain assooiotions
which, feeing how poorly guarded is the
national wealth, have, with eatauio wisdom.
supposed thatin t'e decline of all prosperity
it is Weil to Btruggld for the spoils. These
associations curse ua more than our real
rational delit, and when we consider how-
they bleed us of our wealtn.we feel that our in
terest-bearing debt ia something near ten
thousand millions of dollars.
So great is the inflnenoe of the associations
emana'incr from thu illicit manufacture of
whishv. from the Lnilding of railroads with
the publlo plunder, and the thousand and one
m'.tor "jobs" that lance the veins of the na
tion, that they may.be said to rule what
honest, unsuspecting people are under the
delusion Is our republic. The "rings" have
wormed into Congress nntil its prlndpAl
branch stands lHe a rotten log In our pAthwAy.
Tlx. D&tiovi frutn t he lUbni of the war, from
the wreck of eur oommeroe, from tbe national
debt, and from the many evil that tne last
xiirlit vir liavu umrralud UDOa US, All the
elements of financial and consequent political
oorruDtion. aud have rolled them nnder the
wings of that august old hen, the Senate of
the t idied States. There Bhe sits in her wis
dom, mounted upon the hundreds of millions
Of annual spoils, clucking and clnoklng over
the eggs, twisting them, turning them, and
trying to hatch something acceptable from
them. The only prodnot that marks the last
four years of this Senatorial incubation is the
Tenure-of-Office act, and to this bird of evil
omen the Senate clings with as muoh tenaolty
as any old hen ever clang to a single chicken.
We nave in a few bold dashes shown our
financial and commercial condition. We pre
sent the pioture to the Senate. Dees it sup
pore that the nation will tolerate it muoh
longer if it clings to and protects everything
that threatens political dissolution and the
ruin of our prosperity ? It mistakes the tem
per of our people. We are not made of snob.
poor material. The refusal to repeat the
Tenure-of Office aot after the people, by elect
ing Grant, repealed it by their votes, shows
to-day that tbe Senate is iu conflict with the
people, who fancy that they placed tbe sena
tors in their seats to make such laws aa the
States North and South desire. Instead of
taking this view of It, the Senate haa beoome
so corrupt that, In its blindness, it Imagines
that It is simply a party instrument plaoed in
power to control the vast wealth of the natiou
and make such laws as the subtle bralna of the
men behind the scenes may suggest as neces
sary to increase the plunder.
Death sometimes occurs because the reme
dy is applied too late. It is often so in the
bistory of nations. The people have too often
waited until the wail of revolution waa forced
from them by the very weight of intolerable
government. Tbe people of the United states
have the sense to profit by historical prece
dent, and reasowfrom it. They will not wait
nntil the Senate, after destroying the Execu
tive power, usurps also that of the judiolary,
and enthrones itself upon the ruins of our
Constitution. They will at cnoe deoide
that it is better for the nation
to overturn the Senate than to have
the Senate go on in its usurpations until
it overturns the nation. Both these measures
would be revolutionary; but a lesser revolu
tion at once is better than a great revolution
in the future. The former would be effected
while the people have yet some religious,
politioal, and financial morals which the ruin
ous Senatorial legislation haa not yet touohed.
By waiting a few years longer there may be
but little of thia left, and the way may be well
prepared for a revolution out of which we
might only hope to emerge by a desperate
struggle of years, and by the retracing after
wards of the retrograde step with which the
Senate now threatens us. We say the people
in preference to the Senate, and down with the
senate ratber than down with tbe people I
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Noue genuine unless bearing our trade-mark as
arjnve. rallies ouering auy omer. win on uummum
prosecuiea. boo.
GROCERIES, ETC.
TTRESII FRUIT- IN CANS.
PEACHES. FINEAPPLES, ETC,
GREEN CORN, TOMATOES.
FRENCH FEAB, UTJSHROOMB,
ASPARAGUS. ETC. ETC
ALBEBT C. ROBERTS,
Dealer In Fine Orocerlea,
11 TJrp
Oor. ELEVENTH and VINE HtreaU.
PROVISIONS, ETC.
MICHAEL JIEAG1IEK & CO.,
Ko. 223 SontU SIXTEENTH Street,
WHOLESALE AND RETAIL DEALERS VX
tf ItTEUSi AMD BAWD CLAIM,
run FA5iii,r can.
TERRAPINS I6 PER UOZEJf. SI
I
FLOUR.
nHOICE FAMILY FLOUR,
For tne Trade or at Retail.
, BTERT BARB Eli WABBAHTCD.
KEYSTONE FLO UB MILfcB,
HOI. 10 AMD tl
lUinurp
U1111BD AVE CM,
East ol Front siraefc
FINANCIAL.
UNION PACIFIC
RAILROAD
FIRST MORTGAGE
SO TEARS SIX PER CENT.
GOLD BOrJDG,
BOUGHT AND SOLD.
DEALERS IN GOVERNMENT SECURITIES,
GOLD, ETC.,
Flo. 40 South THIRD Street,
it m
FHIAA.DKI.FBXA.
gA NKING HOU8B
OF
J4yCoqke&(P'
Kos. 112 and 111 South THIRD Stret
Dealers In all GoTernmeiit Securities.
Old 6-20s Wanted In Exchange for New
A. Liberal Difference allowed.
Compound Interest Notes Wanted.
Interest Allowed on Deposits.
COLLECTIONS MADE. STOCKS bought and ioI
on Commission.
Special business accommodations res err
ladles;
We will recelvs Applications for Follolea of L
Insurance in the National Life Insoranee Company
Of tbe United Btatea. full Information given at pa
omoAi
4 l ua
LEDYARD & BAR LOW
IlaTe Eemoied their
LAW AND COLLECTION.OFFICE
' 19
No. 10 South THIRD Street,
PHILADELPHIA,
And' will continue to give careful attention to
collecting And aeoorlng CLAIMS throughout
the United BUtee, BrlUsn JProvlnoes, and Ea "
rope.
Bight Draft and Maturing Paper oolleoted at
Bankers' Bates, 1 38 6m
TERLING A WILD MAN,
BANKERS AND BROKERS,
No. 110 S. TUlItO Street, FlillaUelpUla.
Special Agents for the Sale of
VanTille, Hazleton, and Wllkesbarre KB.
FIKST MORTGAGE BONDS,
T.l.jl ton i. n a In 1sQ Tm...m Cha. Tl- r
1 B..r iwil. uwv au .our. lumCH DVIV I Tl VfflU...
payable hall yearly, on lb. H rut of April and hrst of
October, clear ol S'ate and United States taxe. At
pimeut tbese bouas are ottered at tbe loir urlceof 8IJ
and accrued interest. The arc In denominations of
Vxuu, wu, ana siuuu,
Pamunlets conUiiiii.ii IfatM. Resorts, and full In
formation on hand rcr distribdllLii, aud will be sent
by mall en pp Ileal Ion.
Government Bonds and other Beoarltles taken in
exchange at market rules.
jUeaiers in shocks, auuus. juuaus. uum, dhj. . at iui
BIOamisotT&Co.
BTJOCESSOBS TO
P. F. KELLY & GO.
BANKERS AND SEALERS IN '
(JoU, Silver, and Government Bonis,
At Closest market Kates.
S. W. Corner TJULD and CIIESNUT Sta.
Special attention glyen to OOMMISBION.OBDERS
In New York and Philadelphia Stocks Boards, eto.
etc. . ill am'
liTIIMIIBOLPH
Dealers In United States Bonds and Men
bers or Stock and Hold Exchange,
ICecelre Accounts of Hunks and Hankers ea
Liberal Terms,
ISSUE MILLS OP KXLJ1AN0E Oil
C. J. 11AM BRO & BON, LONDON,
., B. MKTZI.1R, S. BOHN 4 CO., FRANKFORT
JAWfB W. TUCKER & CO., PARIS,
And Other rrinclDal cities, and tatters of
Credit Arallable Taronguout Euro.,
FINANCIAL.
Union Pacific Railroad.
1040 MILES
ROW COMPLETED,
Tho First Mortgage Bonds;
IIAYINU 30 TEARS TO BUN,
Frincipal and Interest Tayable ia
Gold,
WE ARE NO W SEIXINH
AT
PAR AtiD INTEREST,
Or exchanging for GOVERNMENT SECURI
TIES on the following terms:
For 81000 1881s, we pay a difference of....l"18-84
$1000 1862s, we pay a difference of..... 173 84
$1000 1864s, we pay a dMTorence of.......' 128-84
$1000 1865s, Nov.. we pair a dlff. of. 153 84
$1000 10-408, we pay a difference of.. 43-84
$1000 1865s, July, we pay a difference of 1 16 S4
$1000 1807s, July, wepay a difference of 118'M
$1000 1868s, July, we pay a difference of 118-84
Or In proportion, as the market for Govern
merit Securities may fluctuate.
WH. PAINTER & CO.,
BARKERS AND DEALERS IS 60YESJ.
HEATS, GOLD, ETC.,
Uo. 30 South THIRD Street.
tU PHILADELPHIA.
4,500,000
SEVEN PEB CENT. GOLD BONDS,
THIRTY IEARS TO RUN,
ISSUED BT
The Late Superior and Mississippi
Hirer Railroad Company.
Thej are a First Mortgage Sinking Fund
Bond, Free of United States Tax,
Secured by One Million Six Ilnndred and
Vblrty-two Tnnsand Acres Of
Cbolce Lands,
And by tie Ballroatf, ita Boiling stock, and the
Franchises of the Company,
A Doable Secnritj and First-Class Invest
ment in every respect,
YIELDING IN CTJHIUENO T NEARLY
Ten Per Cent. Per Annum.
I'icscnt Trice Tar and Accrued Interest.
Gold, Government Bonds and other Btooka reoeived
In payment at thalr highest market price.
Uon toIilet d UU "lfolm,kUoa Sivea on applica-
JAY COOKE ft CO.,
Ko. Ill Sontii THIRD Street,
E. W. CLARK & CO.,
ho. so soutn TiiLuD Street,
Jlical Agents of the Lake Superior and Mlsataslpp
River Railroad Company. SlOoOMp
DBEXEL & CO., Philadelphia,
DBEXEL, WISrTnBOPtfc CO..W.Y.
DBEXEL, HABJES & CO.. Paris.
Bankers and Dealers In U. S. Bonds.
Parties going abroad oan make all their flnan.
clal arrangements with aa, and prooure Letters
or Credit available in all parts of Europe.
Draft for Sale on England, Ireland.
France, ttermany, Etc. - 1
HENRY G. GO WEIT,
(LA.TK OF COCflBAN. QOWEN 4 CO.),
BANKEll AM) IIROK12K,
No. I I I South THIRD Street,
PHJ LACE LP HIA .
Stocks and Bends Bought aud Sold on Com
mission Inl'iiiladelpblaandNew lork.
Gold and Uorernment Sccnritics Dealt In.
liew Tork Quo'.utlons by Telegraph constantly re.
celved.
COLLECTIONS made on all accessible points.
1NT"IU6T allowed on Oposlls. . IsOlm
GLENDIMKG, DAVIS & CQ!
No. 18 South THIUD Street,
PHILADELPHIA.
GLENDIMIM, DAVIS &AM0BY
No. 13 NASSAU St., New York,
BACKERS AND BKOKEIIS.
Direct telegraphic commnulcation with
tbe flew York Stock Boards from tht
rnlladelphla Ufflee. u
Pm 8. PETERSON & CO.,
Stock and Exchange Brokers,
No. 39 South THIRD Street,
Members or the Kew Tork and ThiladeN
' bla Stock and Gold Boards.
STOCKS, BONDS, Etc., bongat and sold on
comralaalon only aleiUuar oily. ' 1381