THE DatijT pVENING TELEGRAPH PHILADELPHIA, WEDNESDAY, MARCH 31, 1869. spirit or tem muss. KDITOBIAL OPIiriOM OP TBI LKADnrd JOCRBAIA VTOt OOKBBRT I0PI08 COMPILED 1VMBT DAT fob thi tiunna txlkbapb. Canada and Annexation From th N. T. Timet, Mr. Cndllp'B resolution in favor of annex ing New Brunswiok to the United States has been declared "treasonable," and ignomini oobIt "refused a place on tbe notice book." Let Mr. Cndlip bide his time. New Brans wiok is not tbe whole dominioo; most cer tainly as regards tbe disposition to "gravitate towards the United States," New Brunswick is not Nora Sootia. Rome was not built in a day, nor can tbe formation of onr "ocean -bound republio" of the future be widely pre cipitated. Hut if to resolve annexation be treasonable, clearly it is not treason to talk it. The Lon don Timet itself, which holds that the Can federation movement of the provinces makes them "more free than ever to dispsse them selves as they please," declares now that "if the mass of the people should hereafter desire to enter the American Union, England will assuredly not lift a finger to prevent it." Is this presentiment of Canadian annexation in the future a general one in England ? It should seem so, sinoe the Times declares that its opponents on the Confederation question also hold that "the territory must be absorbed sooner or later by the United States." Amerioans sometimes are ridiouled, aud oftener ridicule themselves, for a "manifest destiny" Inflation a thirst for territorial ac quisition. But it is not In the United States that this Bubject is most talked about. To find the manifest-destiny fever running highest we must go to the press of Canada and Mexico, which countries stand half hoping half dread ing, and altogether certain to be annexed, and to that of Great Britain and France, which have made np their minds to annexation as something inevitable. It is the London Times itself whioh exhorts us to seize Mexico, and whioh dimly hints at the Canadians "gra vitating towards the United States by a natu ral law," and "destined one day to obey the centripetal force." Mr. Reverdy Johnson's after-dinner speech to the British Colonial Soolety, suggesting that "some of the colonies whioh now flourished under the dominion of her Majesty might, in the process of time, find themselves under the Stars and Stripes," was reoeived withont any indignant protest. The papers that commented on the speeoh took the prospect of annexation, some with grim, Indian-like fortitude, others with more Indian-like reticence, and some on the optl mlstio theory that it would be Just as well, for all parties, to let Canada go. The British tourists in Canada are, how ever, the most outspoken advocates of an nexation, and the most oheerful and confident prophets of its happy results to everybody. Take, for example, Mr. Frederiok Whymper, who declares, "That it is the destiny of the United States to possess the whole Northern Continent, I fully believe." This writer, so far from doubting or deprecating such an issue, declares "We shall e released from an Incumbrance, a souroe of expense and possi ble weakness; they (the provinces) freed from the trammels of periodical alarms of invasion, and feeling the strength of independence, will develop and grow; and speaking very plainly and to the point our commercial relations with them will. double and quadruple them selves in value." It would be easy to cite similar advioe from dozens of intelligent Eng lish tourists. Now. the noticeable point in these aud similar ntteranoes occurring every day is the drift of public sentiment. There has been a wondrous change in this respeot within ten years. Formerly, the talk of speedily "ab aorbing" Canada was indulged mainly by enthusiasts; now we find a general, indistinct, but powerful impression prevailing every where that annexation at some day is inevita ble. Formerly, very lew people believed in the wisdom of annexation; now, Englishmen themselves are arguiDg its advantages. The lesson is obvious. Ten years hence that which is now a possibility may have be oome an actuality a happy and paciflo con summation to whioh Great Britain, British America, and the United States may have all with equal alacrity lent their hands. For that very reason the talk of "oonquering Canada" in war, of buying it for a hundred millions in peace, of giving it over as a prey to Fenians, and the like, is all gratuitous. Canada must come to ns, if at all, by the free consent of her people and ours. It is a fruit that is not to be gathered till it falls ripe to the soil. The Alabama Convention, FromthlN, Y. World. No one of our readers has inferred, we trust, because we have advocated the ratifica tion of the Johnson treaty, that it is a matter ef any concern to ns more than to all other citizens of the republio whether it is ratified or rejected. An administration is now in power in this country with which we have no politloal connection or sympathy; but we do not wish, for that reason, to see the Govern ment commit what seems, to us a great mis take, or to see the country placed in a false position. It is not to be denied that, iu making the convention which has been sent home for ratification, Mr. Reverdy Johnson pursued, step by step, the speoiflo instructions of his own Government. By iustrnotiou, he asked the British Government to assent to a mode of settlement to whioh it has assented. By instruction he procured tha agreement of that Government to every stipulation whioh the treaty contains. Now it Is, we venture to say, a new idea in our diplomacy that . a ohacge of administration breaks tha continuity, if we may so express it, of its diplomatic aotion. The world at large doea not take suoh special notioa of our political changes as to expect to see one administra tion repudiate the stipulations entered into by another, when we ourselves, through our regulaily constituted organs, have induced another country to enter into those stipula lations. Something of this kind onoeooourred in the relations of Kngland and Franoe. The Ministry of M. Galzoc, under Louis Philippe, entered into a convention with England con ceding the mutual right of search'.by ve83els suspected of being encaged in the slave-traae. The treaty enoountered great resistance iu France, and the Chamber of Deputies flu illy passed a vote which condemned it. The ex ecutive government was thus placed in a grot dilemma, from whioh it was found very diffi cult to rescue the country with honor aul re nnnt.lillitV. Certainly, It Is true that a treaty requires the ratification of the Senate of the Lulled States, and that until that ratification is voii Trvthincr li vrovisional. or, to use ilia llnlnm atio r.hrase. the proposed treaty is a. mar "nrotoool." But when the Exeoutive h.a ant an meant abroad with speoiflo in ' straotions to propose a certain thing, and assent to it has been obtained, there ouglrt , to be a very clear csbc of inexpediency made out before tbe (senate can riguuuuy reiure u . ratify that to whioh a foreign government has been urged to agree and to which tUey have agreed. New, what ar tbe oViJtwtlong to this treaty We bave heard it said that the groan 1 Is to I 1m tikn bv the new admiuiairauon mat u is beneath the dignity or mis oountry to aK lor pecuniary recompense for the losses oansed by the Alabama, and that what is to be re quired is an apology for the affront offered t ibis country iu permitting her to be fitted ou'. from a Britieh port. The answer to tkls sug gestion strikes us with great force. In the first place, we have asked for peouutary re compense to the injured owners of the pro perty destroyed by the Alabama, and the de mand has been considered and a mode of try ing the question of liability Las bn assented to. Is it not rather late to say that we have hitherto mistaken our true dignity, and that what we have been clamoring for during the past three years was not what we want? In the next place, who does not see that the demand for an apology leads directly to the Issue of war, and that the demand for pecu niary reparation of tbe injuries assented to as it has been leads to no euoh issue f Who can iniBgine that Kngland will oonsent to apo logize lor the attitude of neutrality assumed by the Queen's proclamation, issued on the responsible advioe of ministers f It is not their habit to place their executive in a fake position. What one set of ministers has advised tbe Crown to do in foreign intercourse is invariably upheld by all administrations. But a succeeding administration may be very willing to submit the question of the diligence of their predecessors to investigation, because Such an inquiry involves their predecessors alone, and does not involve the honor of the Crown or of the country. We may be very sure that, if we press this matter to t'ae point of requiring an admission that the original attitude of neutrality, as between two belligerents, was wrongful and requires an apology, the unanimous feeling of the nation will be opposed to any such admission. No minister could stand up in the Ilouse of Com mons and propose it withont being instantly . - . I . . t I voted down. Buttho question whether there was negligence in the discharge of the duties of neutrality, is one that any ministry can agree to try without compromising anything but the official characters of their predecessors; and there is no practical utility in raiting this question, excepting to prooure reparation of the losses which the supposed negligenoe may have caused. From all the private advices that we have seen, we are satisfied that the feeling is gene ral in lingiana mat, H America does not choose to ratify this treaty, England is well out of the difficulty. It was a mode of settle ment which our Government Itself proposed; it obtained the assent of two suooessive minis tries. Private letters reoeived here within a week deolare that the feeling in England is almost universal that, it we are not disposed to meet tnem nan-way now that they have advanced half-way at our solicitation, there is nothing more to ba done. It is very much to be hoped that our Government will not enter into the hazardous enterprise of endea voring to obtain any other apology than such as is implied in the agreement to adjudicate the question of liability for certain peonniary losses of onr citizens. Any direct apology must necessarily be preceded by au agrtemeut of the facts which rendered the acts done or omitted a national insult. If Mr. Seoretary Fish and Mr. Thornton were to sit down in the State Department together for the purpose of settling the facts which are to form the basis of an apology, what prospect is there that they couia agree r Georgia. From the N. T. Tribune. Whatever Congress may see fit to do with regard to Georgia and we have forborne to urge any particular oourse the vital fact must not be ignored that her present difficulties are wholly the work of the upholders of "a white man's government." The state was reoon Btructed she had a Governor and Legislature of her own ohoioe, with Representatives in Congress the disabilities of her ex-Rebels had been practically, removed when the "white man's party" reopened the war, by ejecting all the colored members from either branch of the Legiilature. . This was done under the impulse given by the Demooratio National Convention which met in this city last summer and nominated Seymour and Blair it was, in fact, the most significant re sponse to that imposing demonstration a virtual echo of Frank Blair's famous letter The colored members had united in aooording seats to all the Democrats elected, though more than one-half of them were ineligible as Banting liebels under the Keconstruotioa aots of vongreBB; now, these very ineligible Rebels combined to expel those very colored mem bers, who might have objected successfully to ineir laning seats at ail. it is quite safe te say that this would not have been had the Rebels foreseen the election of Grant and Colfax. The wrong is persisted in. The colored members are still excluded from the seats to whioh they were overwhelmingly chosen Their exclusion (they being all Republicans) gives the Democrats a majority in either house. Enough of those Democrats were willing to vote with the Republicans to enable them to ratify the fifteenth amendment. But that would have kept in power those who ex eluded and still exclude the colored members, and who carried the State for Seymour an Blair at the point of the bowie-knife; and this some ot tne ttepubiicaus refused to connive at They voted against ratifying the fifteenth amendment not that they were by any means opposed to it, but that they did not see fit to surrender their State to tbe despotio oontrolof loombs, Mil'er, an t the old clique or pro slavery politicians who hare once already rufrnea Ler to rum. iney tniuk. that enough Theee facts are not generally understood. because too many have a palpable interest in perverting them. Every false-hearted trim mer, who calls himself a Republican or, at leabt, a Grant man is busy iu mierepresent ii'g them to prejudice the case of thn stead fast Republicans of Georgia. But "Time at last tets all things even," and the truth will at length be made manifest and understood. Whither Are Wo Tending J-TIie Danger Me fore I's. From the N. T. Herald. All the free governments that ever flourished became tyrannies, aud fell iu exactly thesame way. History is monotonous with the story of the ruin of nations by the same events in the same order. Always the motive power is a minority of plotting politloans. They study first to secure to themselves the plauder and r poll of tbe national wealth. They can only succetd in this by getting power, and they cannot get power so long as those constitu tional foims are intact by which power be longs to the majority. Down goes the Consti tution, therefore, crippled at lirst by a restric tion at one point, an addition at another, and overlaid by changes of every sort. Bat the most Important change is that the Exeoutive is always reduoed to a nullity. Ia a free gov ernment, especially a federal government, the Exeoutive is the only direct expression there is of tbe majority of the whole people. lie re presents tbe popular unity, while all other representation is of parts. He la the keystone of an arch. He is the will of the nation its initiative. And if a nation is to be really vital among nations to be respected, and etrpug abd free the only theory of government upon which it can stand Is that the Kmoutlve is the government, and all other parts are bnt safe guards prevent tyranny. This is the re verse oi wnat tne oilgarobs say they holding tbat a Congress is the government and tun Executive the functionary of Congress. Pur suing this idea, the ambitious minority always woiks upon tbe fears of thi people by repre senting the Exeontive as aiming at tyranny, and thus executive power is given into the bands of the legislature. Theu follow In the conlli.it of cchemes and counsels disorder, lioerise, corruption, anarchy, the destruction of property, the loss of all publio morality, till the nation becomes a baudttn and is blotted out, or till some fellow halts his guard in front of tbe legislative hall, strides in, and declares himself first consul, king, or emperor, ami cas the applause oi tbe union because at least he represents order and safety. One might write a formal history of republics on this outline of events, changing the names to suit occasion, and it would be alwavs true. We are led to these reflections by the ap pearance in the New York Sun of a proposi tion that tne American people shall now take one more step than they have hitherto taken in this career. The Sun is the orgau. and in great part, we believe, the property of a Sena tor who takes an aotive part in the support of the Tenure of-Uffiae law, and therefore, in shadowing forth the programme of the men who mean to rule this oountry by Uraut or without Grant, it may be supposed to have authority and to speak by the oard. We ought at least to be glad that the men who propose those steps that must inevitably lead to ruin will let us Know what they are at. Thus says the Sun: "The fact that Congress has been administering this Government these past three or four yeai s, in substantial inde pendence oi tne executive, inarms our course towards new methods ot politi cal development. This tendency to the limitation of executive authority is especially worthy of phllosophlo observation." Yes, it 1 as been worthy of philosophical obser vation a long while, and there is some good philosophy on the subjest in the debates of the body that lormed our rederai uon3tuu tion. Therefore we soarcely assent that it points to any new methods in government. With this sort of stuff for preface, we have laid before us the future programme of the a arohitsta lu the Senate, which is that if Grant will not relinquish his present attitude, if he will not give way to tbe pressure of the plan derers in their eagerness for office, if he will not send to the right about "the inferior and unknown men" now in his Cabinet, and put in their places ' distinguished representatives of lnllut'Utial political and national interests" the "recognized leaders ot opiniou and action" and will not give np to the poll tlcians the whole run ot Government patronage and plunder, -then they will regaid him as having forced the "first step towards the constitutional change which shall finally extinguish his office, aud will so order their measures that he shall be, if not the last President, at least the last with even a semblance of power, and the men of the future, with the Presidency blotted out, shall look only to the hal s of legislation for the theatre of their anticipated renown." Here is a plan. Here is finally the open announce ment of the intention to destroy the Govern ment, if possible, in the interest of the politi cians if they cannot otherwise be satisfied in their eemamis. The politicians are more than the people t This is their declaration. Grant is elected by the people; thedircot representa tives ef the people are with htm, and this Senate, a body of men holding places bought from venal Legislatures, fulminates ita deoree for his doom. The inipudeuue is sublime and ridiculous too. Iu this programme 13 sketched the natural culmination of the radioal policy. Whither oould it lead but to this ? Under our system the test of the power of parties before the people has been on the one grand point, the choice of an Executive. Radioaliam oouldbut hate this; for its purposes were not the pur poses of tne people, and it oould never seoure the Executive of its choice. Henoe, sure that it can never secure the omse, it desires to abolish it. Under our system the Executive is directly responsible to the people, and the radicals, knowing well how little their aots will bear scrutiny, have even desired to shut np the Supreme Court rather than submit their laws to revision. From the day when we saw by their reoonstruotion nigger legisla tion that they did not respeot humanity itself or the laws of ttod, when these were inimical to their Bcbemes, we could not suppose that they would reFpeot in the same contingency our forms of government, ttom the first dis oovery of their power in Congress theee men have proposed euoh a change in our government as would give them power, though the deluge came after; and in the enaotment of the Tenure-of-Office law they made use of the mis takes of a foolish Executive, using him as a cover in laying the foundation of their plan. But how far oan this go f What is the point at which the President is no longer bound to stand still f At what exact point does the tentative towards anarohy untie the hands of tbe officer whose primary duty is to uphold order ? It has been accepted as a theory of our law that the Constitution supposes its own protection, and James Buchanan is held as having been altogether in the wrong in that regard for certain parts that would have sacrificed the whole. The same is true of the Executive. Regard to its own existence and intecritv is presumed as the first of its duties, and it is in hands that will render up its powers as good as they were found, from an Ju&tinot of natural honesty. Although the nolitiktans have forced Grant into some tight nlHfi-8 and bothered him with intrigue aud bullying, it may not be untimely to remind theni that when the element of force Is Intro duced they will put him to a power with whose use he is more familiar. rmk'ent Uraut and Moprcscutallre Mulier. From the N. T. World. It is the oddest, and. if one will well con sider it, not the least significant olrcumstanoe of the present embroilment at Washington, that President Grant is borne upon the shoul dera of General Butler, like an iuSxpert swimmer in a roaring torrent npon the back of Lis late enemy. Butler is Grant's foremost cbiiinBion iu bis chief controversy. Grant 8 heart is (or vat) eel npon the repeal of the Tenure-of-Office aot; and Butler is the ally who baa enabled him to protraot the fight during these three turbulent weeks. It was Butler who, in Grant's Interest, introduced aud carried promptly through the House a repealing t ill early in the lasfsession. It was Butler who reintroduced and pushed through the eame bill a seoond time, soon after the aste mbllrjg of the new Congress. When the Senate passed a substitute and Bent it down to the House for conourrenoe, it was Butler who marbballed the President's friends, managed his care, and, by a combination of Democrats with the KepubUoan minority, aeiemeu me Senate's amendment, and strengthened the waverinsr President to stand UP again for re peal after suoonmblng to the Senators. It is needless to inauire into Butler's motives, but certain it is that General Graut oould not have been Bnbjeoted to a greater humiliation tbau in aooeptlng snob, a champion. Butler is tbe last man in the Kepnblloau party to whom the nnw President would spontane ously wloh to be indebted for a favor, least of all for tnch a ooncpicuons servloe as Batter is now rendering him. Wha poor old King I.wsr, In the play, has no friend left to take his part against his thankless daughters but the injured Kent, we get a more vivid impres sion of bis forsaken desolation than the ioet could bave given ns in any other mauner. But Lear was spared the degradation of accepting tbe eervioes of Kent knowing who he was. Sbakeppeare would have sunk that wonderful tragedy into a faroe, he would bave stripped its hero of all dignity, if be had not made the ban ished Kent disguise himself so that the deso late old King thought he was iniebtnd to a stranger, not to a courtier whom he bad dis giaced in a freak of passion and driven from his presence. But General Grant's pride in not thus saved in aocepting the championship of Butler. Everybody knows who Grant is, who Butler is, and what malignant stabs they have been so long pnblioly dealing at each otter's reputation. The new relation whioh has so suddenly sprung up between them does not in the least humiliate Butler; it is rather bis triumph. It enables him to spread the tail-feathers or magnanimity; to patro nize a man who has aileoted to despise him; to figure before the country as the Congres sional organ of the President. But nothing should be more mortifying to General Grant. It bbows bow poor he is in vigorous friends, when he is reduced te acoept, as bis leading advocate and manager, a man whom he has publicly scorned and disparaged, and whom he canted to be sent home from the army in disgrace. This President Grant, who leans so surpris- icgly upon Butler, is the same General Grant who made au annual report in whioh he ridi culed General Butler as having been bottled np with his army on the James, who aooused him of going to tort tisher without orders, and who made that fiasco the oooaslon of stranding him as a soldier, and ending his military career. It la tbe eame Ueneral Grant who has never sinoe, till within the last five months, spoken to Butler at all, nor of him but in terms of contempt and dislike. And this Butler, who figures as Grant's foremost counsellor and champion among the Republi can members of Congress, is the same But ler who kept paid spies about General U rani's headquarters in the Army of the Potomac; who made a record oi au the ugly and discreditable . facts he could gather; who, after he was sent home to Lowell, made a harangue to a large publio meeting arraigning Grant for butcherly saciinoe of lite, aconsing him of thwarting all arrangements for the exohange of prisoners, and making Lim the beartlees author ot the cruel euiierings ana loathsome deaths of cur poor soldiers in the Rebel mili tary prisons, it is the same liatler who wrote, and less than a year ago caused to be printed, a scathing pamphlet exposing General Grant's incompetence as the commander of the army which operated against Richmond, aud held that pamphlet in reserve as a rod in pickle for Grant, to be used on the first op por'.une occasion. it uenerai arani were nainrauy oi a placa ble, forgiving temper, his present de pendence on Butler would not seem quite eo humiliating; but everybody Knows that the new President is singularly stiff and stubborn in his resentments. His hatred of President Johnson was bo obstinate that he violated the customary decorum of inaagura tion day. although the retiring President, himself a man of a dogged temper, mads suoh voluntary overtures that General Grant oould gracefully have yielded on that ceremonious occasion without the slightest sacrifice of rea sonable ptide. Ills surprising reoonoiliatiou with Butler goes very far beyond a publio oon cession to deoorum on a ceremonious ooca Bion. To have rede in the same oarriage with President Johnson would have implied no restoration oi oordiauty, nor even of pri vate civility. But he is more than reconciled to Butler. A magnanimous man may nobly forgive an injury; but it is not magnanimity, it is meanness, that descends to aocept a load of obligations and cervices from one who has persistently belittled and disparaged you, aud whom yon have persistently disparaged, as Butler has Grant, and Grant has Butler. In proportion as Grant's hatreds are notoriously inveterate andhts prejudices unyielding, just in that proportion is it evident that he has aocepted the championship of Butler from the lack of other strong supporters. His poverty, not nis wiii, consents. If General Butler's standing In the Repub lican party were different from what it is. it would not be quite bo degrading a humiliation to the President to have formed with him these close relations of dependence. It might be claimed that General Grant had saorifloed his personal antipathies to Butler's reoognized position of leadership. But it is notorious that Butler holds no suoh position. A strong effoit was made by the Republicans of other parts of the country, at the last eleotion, to defeat bim in his own distiiot. Three-fourths of the Republican papers of the oountry pub licly deprecated his election. Another Repub lican candidate was put into the field against bim. Money and hostile speakers were sent into the district to defeat him; his reelection being generally regarded as a calamity and scandal to the Republican party. Besides Butler's minor audacities and esoapades, and his known trmity to General Grant, be had bddly ttolen Mr. Pendleton's thunder. He had advocated not only the payment of the bonds in greenbacks, but the overthrow of the national banks. He was thus in hostility both to the Republican platform and the Re publican candidate. In accepting suoh champion the new Piesident most assuredly bas not deferred to the wishes of the Kepub 1 can party. Butler bas probably espoused Grant's quairel to revenge himself upon his Republican enemies. By the same means he tau expose the weakness of Grant and breed disturbance in tbe party. The Republicans who opposed his return to Congress on the ground that he wan the enemy of General Grant must feel rather queer in seeing these two quati Republicans pulling in the same harness, in opposition to a majority of the paity, in a joint effort to show that the law wbiub President Johnson was impeaohed for vitiating is an infringement on the constitu tional rights ot tbe Executive. It is a good index of General Grant's present standing iu the Republican parly that Butler is the Re publican member of Congress on whom he chit fly leans. - A French oollege has lately been esta blished at Constantinople. It now has 500 students. Michelet intends devoting himself exclu sively to historical studies, it is said, daring the rest of his life. The dentists of Japan loosen the teeth by blows from a mallet, and then poll them out with their fingers. Emigrant wagons have been going through Illinois carrying stoves in full blast during the past cold weather. 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A SUPERB LINE OF CHROM03. A large assortment of NEW ENGRAVINGS, ETO. - AiM, RICH STYLES FRAMES, of elegant aew patterns; l TRUNKS. IMPROVEMENT IN TRUNKS. . ALL TRUNKS NOW MADE AT The "Great Central" Trunk Depot, Have Pinions' Patent Safely Hasp nd Ball., which nfcurely tasteu. the Trim ou boi bends witn heavy JUolt, and la the ceo ire with, tha ordinary lode PoaUively no extra charge. GREAT CENTRAL TRUNK DEPOT, V. W. Cor. SEVEN III and CHESNUT Sts. TRAVELLERS. NOTICE. Purchase yonr Trunks with Simons' Triple Fasten ns, heavy Bolt.; no fear look breaking;, AT THE GBEAT CENTRAL, .Htm o. 701 CHE8N0T Ptreei ' CODFISH, US. PATENT OFFICE, Warhikuton, D. U, fetich 2, UM9. W. P. CUTLER, Esq i" leaRenna Deiow a communi cation from Ibe Examiner, In tbematur.f Interference be tween Rand, Lewis, and Cu If r, lor manufacture from Cod flib. Very respectfully. KLllSlf A FOOTE. ComnilBtloner of Patents. Examincb's Book: in tbe matter above referred to. priority of Invention IS AWARDED TO CUT LER, and tbe apuUculons t Rand aud Lewis are re ject, d. B. H. U END KICK, Jtxamlner. 1 bis establishes the patent under which tbe BOS TON AND PHILADKLPHIA SALT i'I8H CO&t- I'AHY. c.5!cl COLUMBIA Ayeoae, tuauutacture their DESICCATED CODFISH. For sale by all good grocers. WAKNKR, iraODHB & CO., WATER and CHESS UT Streets General Agents, None genuine unless bearing our trade-mark as above. Parties offering aay other will be summarily prosecuted. 8 2i 61 . GROCERIES, ETC. THRESH FRUIT IN CANS. PEACHES, PINEAPPLES, ETC., GREEN CORN, TOMATOES. FRENCH PEAS, MUSHROOMS, ASPARAGUS. ETC. ETO ALBERT C. ROBERTS, Dealer In Fine Groceries, 11 rjrp Cor. ELEVENTH and VXHg Streets. PROVISIONS, ETC. BPCIIAEL MEAGHER & CO., No. 223 South SIXTEENTH Street, WHOLESALE AND RETAIL DEALERS IN PBOTISIOKM, OISICES, AND SAND Cr.AM. rR ft-A-nixY VSR, teukai i9s io pcu sozea. g FLOUR. QHGICS FAffilLY FLOUR, For tbe Trade or at Retail. EVEUT BARGEE) WARRANTED. KE1ST0NE FLO UK MILLS, . MOR, 19 AND al UIUABD AVENUE, tlDimrp . East ot Front street lr- SBfilCK & HONS SOUTH WARE FOUNDRY, Wo. 130 WASHINGTON AVENUE, Philadelphia WILLIAM WRIGHT'S PATENT VAKIABL1 CUT OFF BTKAM-KNOINa. Rstulated by the Governor. JtaRRICK'H SAFETY HOISTING U ACHINN ateuteu June, 188. . " DAVID JOY'S PATENT VALVELEUS STEAM HAMMK.B D. M. WESTON'S PATENT SELF-CENTERING. BKLF-B ALA NOlMt CENTRIFUGAL SUGAR-DRAINING MAUHINX - AW ' . HYDRO EXTRACTOR, far cotton or Woollen Mannlaotor. , lamw COTTON SAIL DUCK AND CANVA9, OF all DDmbers and bxanda, Tens, Awuloft, au Wiou-Coverlnick. AIkOi I Pup'' Manufacturers' Drier Felts, from thirty luehe. losevenly-elx Inoltei wide, PaulHi.Rei Ins. Sail TwUMb etc JOHN W, KVKRlUNi ' Be. 108 CMU&VH SUM tMf UMts SHIPPING. iMl LCRILIARO STEAM E HIP LINE FOR WLlMJT0S,N. C. The Flml-clase Iron t.amshlp VOLUNTEER, CaiUln Jones, will tall from line's Pier, 31 KA.8T RIVER New York, on 8A1U. DAY, April f. Frrgbt received and thronga bills ol lading given at line's Pbll.de'.plila Plnr, Iff MHt II Wit iRVBi, up to 1 UU&-DA7 A F . ERNOOJJ, I o'olock, at Very low rates. Inburance In New York ofUces at loweit rates. For freight or further IsioruiaUon apply al line's office, Pl.r 10 NORTH WHAuVE. Stlt , JOU8 F. OHL. FF, LORILLAED'8 STEAMSHIP LIN 3 FOR NEW YORK. Balling Tuesdays. Thursdays, and Battirdays. REDUCTION OF RATES. Spring ratee, commencing March 15. Sailing Tuesdays. Thursdays, aud Saturdays. On and alter ltth of March freight by this Line will b taken at ll cent, per ldtt pouuds, cents per foot, or 1 cents per gallon, ship's option Advance charges cashed at office on Pier. Freight rauelved at ail times on coveru4 wharf. JOHN F. OHL. S 28 1 pier 11 North Wharves. B, B. Extra rates on tmrtll psckagos iron, metals, etc. rA CHARLESTON, 8, C. The Sooth and Southwest FAST rilEIGIIT LINE, evert tuvrsdat. , mo owRuiiiQH'S rKvjnjiifliiiD. vupiaiQ Gray. J. W. EVKRMAN, Captalo Vauco, WILL FORM A RJlUULAR WMBICLY LINO. The steamship PROMETHEUS will' sail on THURSDAY, April 1, at 4 P. M. 1 haoukb bills ol lading given in connection with 8. O. R. B. to points in tLe South, and south treat. liisurar.ee at lowest ratt a. Rates ol freight as tow as by any other tout. For freight apply to m. a, toucan d cc tat DOCK bTRKET WHARF. FllK f IVtfHltKir 1VI. I iT,..t i n tm TOW N. lnmau Lin. at Mali CITYOFNKVk ORK, Saturday, April I, at 11 A. H i.TIA(Vialt.!il., Tuesday, April tt. at if.k lilt OF i.U&uOZi. Baturuy, Airlllu, at 1 P. fiROOKLN. Si.lutday, Aprl, 17. at lit J. fl'ttA t?la ualilax), 'i'ueiid.y, April 2o, ail noon ana auu succe? nlu SAiurday and alternate 'lussOAt. from Pier N rih lavrr. UAiEtt OF PAsttAUJi: by run xtiu stsahsb miu syiar urumr, Payable in &old. Payable lu Currency. FIRST CAlilN .....$100 ll'ttiUi AUiv ......... f!5 . to I)Uilou..... 106 , to Luudon..., 40 to Pari. nil us Paris. ...... 17 rBAa ir th TujasDa stcamkb via u iuru, rmsr OAniN, btjekb.ms. Payable la Uo.'d. Parable in Currency. LIverpool.M...M.80 Ltverpool...M..........30 Hailiax .. Sl) tlitiU.x is objonn-s, r. .,... 1 4 1 si. Joun's, K. b by Branch Steamer..- I Brauntv Hinanmr.. Paaseugers alsi fcrwartled to Havre, Hamburg, Tickets oan be bought here at moderate ratos fay pert one sendlDg lot tnolr friends. For further Information Hppijr at the Company's Offices. JOHN Q. DALK. Agent. No. IS BROADWAY, N. Y. Ox to O'bOiMiSiiXI. A PACLIC. Agents, NO. Ill CMESN UT St rett, Philadelphia. .Only" dirkct luse ro France. i lx. uaAJKRAL TRANSATLa NTIO COMPANY'S JIlJUU ClAAMOJlirO AAltTAllt 1-11, w xuikiL AMJ Ua VRE, CaLIJJSU AT BRUdT. Thespleudid low vessels ou mis Uvonte route for' the Continent will sail from Pier No. bo North river, as follow.: ST. LaUKUNT . Brocande...M.Saturday,Ook VILLK DE PAltiiS.m .burmoin.......baturouy,uct. 17 P EKflil BKmi. .......Iuohe.uo...satuf ay ixjti u PRICK Ob PAtiSAGA! , . lugOld(lDCludli-n lu), TO EXha f OR HA VRK, r ' FlntCablB.M..M.n........fi4ti I e-econd Cablu..MM.mMH fits 'IO A.bAUfc (Including railway ticseis, lurniahou on hoart!) First cal)io.....,l.. Ubcoud oi.I)1d.... 8S Tlitutj sttaiuers (lu lot carry steerage pasAenge'. tledicl aiienuauie lite of chaige, American travellers gulDg to cr returnlog from the continent of Jtuitpf. by taking the simmera of this ime avulU unmuessnry risk, from transit by KugiiBb rallwajs aud croksmg tne channel, besides (svuig kme, trouble. nd exptuuo. UtiUKUJi MACKENZIE, Agent, Ko.MliKUAlWAy, New York. For passage lu . Philadelphia, appiy t Atl.oia' Ekpreb. Company, to II. L. jLKaJTi ltf?t No. 820 CH KSN U f Htl eat. PHILADELPHIA, KlCHMOlia AND NUKTOUi BI'KAMeUIP LINT. liiiOtuU i AiliwHT Alii laHi TO TiZM EVERY oATUKIAY, At noon, from FliisT rYHAXK abwa market Street. TM ROUGH RATES and THROUGH JfCEIPla to all poll) i lu Monti and South Crollua, via Bo bond Air Line Railroad, couueutliig at Portamouiu aud to Lynchburg, Va.,Tonn6Mie, aud the Went, via Virgin! aud Tennessee Air Line and Rlcamond auji Danville Railroad. Freight HANDLED BUT ONCE, and taken al LOW ER RATKS THAN ANY OTHSR LIKB. The regularity, safety, and oheapueasof Ini. roms oouuueua It to the publio as tae uiout desirable me. dinm tor carrying every description of freight, Mo charge for communion, dray age, or sat saeasg Of transfer. Steamships Insured at lowest rates. Froikht reoeived dally. No. 11 North and South WHARVES. W. r. FOSTER, Ageut at luomuoaa ana City Point. T. Pi CBOWKLL CO.. Agents at Norfolk, 111 NOTICE. FOR NEW TOEK. VIA iJjDELA W ARE AND RARITAN7CANAL. nXPiUtba STEAMBOAT UOMPAJiv. TbeCHEApjusT and UUiCKES water communl cation between Pliiiadulpnla and Mew ork. tueanirrs leave dally from first wharf below Market street. Philadelphia, aud foot ol Wall street, Metv Ytra. fctuoda Jorwarded by all the lines running out 01 New York, North, Eaut, and West, free of oouizuImIoj., Freight received ou and after tbe 8lu lustaut, anl forwaidtd on accoainjodaliug terms. W Li. 1,1 A At P. CiiYihi k CO., Agent. No, l B. DMAjA WARE Avetu, Philadelphia; .AMtLa UaNC, Ageut, M Ko. 119 WALL Street. Mew York. NfcW aaPliESa LINK TO ALEJ.I th.gndria. Uttorsetown. and Wuhm,L.i. itecilons at Alexaudrla from the moat direct route for Lynchburg, ferii: 1, Knujtvllle, NaauvUie, Laitoa and the Southwust. Steamers lav resniarly every Saturday at Bona from the first whrl atxfa Market sUeet, RtfaMiwrtvrtfei. WM. Mj, No, 1 North and Houth Wuarva. J. B, DAVIL-4JN, Ageut at Georgetown. M. KLDRlDOiii A Co., AgeuU at AlUiaiidrLa, VTr. glma. ; el fsr-r NOHCE.-1-Olt JSKW YORK, ttfjL'X '. via 1 e aware and Raman Canai eiJi2 b v, 1 ft v ut. TrtANarua f Alio Ji tOW PA NY. DESPATCH MiV BWIkTWHE LINB, The bubiucs by Uiese liucs will be rtsuiued on ana alter thetiili of ,i.uicb. iuri'ro tn., which will ba taken eu accou-aioumlug u-run, i piy to w in. n iu. E UO., l No. iaA South Wharves. GEMVS FURNISHING GOODS, H. 3. it. G. Harris' Lamless Kid Crlovos. Btrti rAiit vVau&awt:i, EXCLUSIVE MEN'I& FOR GENTN GLOVifS . 4. to. SCOTT & CO.j ifri' o citrt.jtin vivljs?. p A I K I sLOOLPIB.IKH SniKT UAEUFACI'QUY, AND GENTLEMEN'S FURNISHING STORE. PElir KCT UVUKG SliluTS aNL O aa W EiiS mtuelipm maurnnt;Mt at vry .liort 110U0 All other arltclo. i Uku.'iTLEMEN'd DRESJ fJOODS In roJ variety. WINCHESTER & CO., 111 No. Ti OHEiSN UT btroet. AGRICULTURAL. lPHII.ACELPIlIARASPUERBY.JDCrjNDA, !ll1Agrlcullurl.t, and oilier fciraberri Lawtoa Btackbt-rry Pl.t U; ilarMoid, Concord." ud otUttl Orap, Vlueg. or.ale bg pLErCHER, tltf 1.0. u. J, j, j,