THE Daiii pNING TELEGRAPH PHILADELPHIA, TUESDAY, MARCH 23, 1869.
SPIRIT OF THE PRESS.
IDITORtAL OPISIOM OF 111 MAMS JOPRSAL8
WOBt CUBKIHY ToriCS COMPILED STIIf
dat roB m nuiM telmbafe.
IhC Freich Tress on Urncral GrantM
In.ngnral.
From the If. T. Herald.
In diacnesiDg the national debt and oar
taeans and resources for its payment, and In
reminding the yonng man of the coantry or
the importance of maintaining the iaionaI
honor intact, General (Irant In hifl Inaugural
Cajg: "A momHnt'i reflation upon what
Vill be our commanding influence among the
nations of the earth in tbnirday" (theday of
cur young men) "should inspire them with
national pride." The French press has seized
Upon this hint of "our commanding influence
among the nations" as a figure of speeoh sig
nifying war. The DMats sees in it "the germ
Cf many future wars." The Jloniteur is fear
ful that "the future preponderance of which
General Grant speaks may be big with
Btorms." The rublic thinks that "apart from
the pretensions about preponderance" the in
augural is harmless. These French journals
are barking up the wrong tree. They trans
late "oommauding influence" as "prepon
derating Influence," in the European sense,
and as involving the European balanoe of
power. General Grant speaks of the glory of
paying off, fairly and fully, every dollar of
our national debt in his reference to our
''commanding influence among the nations,"
and in uttering the words was not dreaming of
a war with France. Napoleon made it all
Tight with us in backing out of Mexico; but
If there is a hint in the inaugural touching
British neutrality, which may possibly mean
gunpowder, that is all.
Johnson.
'From the If. T. Tribune.
Last Thursday, at Lynchburg, Mr. Johnson
observed, "In rising at this time to acknow
ledge the honor paid me, it is not for the pur-
Eose of making a speech." The next day, at
reenville, Mr. Johnson observed, "In rising
fit this time to acknowledge the honor paid
jne, it is not for the purpose of making &
Speech." In each plaoe he likewise observed
that since the 4th of March he was no longer
n slave but a freeman; and in each it was no
ticed that he didn't seem at all glad of it. He
farther observed at Lynohburg, and likewise
at Greenville, that Congress was a body of
usurpers; that he had been battling for the
Constitution; that the-people would soon rouse
from their apathy and vindicate their vio
lated rights; and that he should cherish
the memory of this welcome so long as his
heart continued to beat. And with this con
clusion our hero of the cirole sinks into his
own plaoe. We are free to say that we are
disappointed. We expected to hear of the
flag with thirty-six stars. Does Mr. John
Bon mean to "go back on" the flag? We
made sure of another discourse on Judas Isoa
Tiot has Mr. Johnson lost his old-time regard
for that eminent independent Christiau ? We
even trusted that with the freedom from the
Sense of offioial responsibility might come
a burst of the old virtue that proclaimed
treason a crime and promised to hang traitors
fcy the score. We are afraid we muBt give up
Mr. Johnson. He has not fulfilled the pro
mise of that golden prime when he swung
around the circle and fought traitors at the
other end of the line. Henoe forth we shall
have to depend upon Mr. Jewett alone.
The Postal Telegraph.
from the N. Y. Herald.
The signs are clear and positive that the
IOBtal telegraph is a coming thing. Senator
lamsey, of Minnesota, has introduced a bill
in Congress "to establish a postal telegraph
system and to incorporate the United States
foBtal Telegraph Company," whioh has been
lead twioe and referred to the Committee on
Tost Offices and Post Roads. Its plan is a
great advanoe on the proposition presented
at the last session of Congress, and shows
how muoh the question has grown with Mr.
Hubbard and his coadjutors. Bat it contains
the germ of an immense evil, whioh we hope
the gentlemen interested in the promotion of
the plan will consent to modify in behalf of
their own interests, those of the Government,
and the preponderating interests of the public
England has preceded us in this movement,
and has contracted to purchase all the tele
graph lines In Great Britain and make them
adjuncts of its postal system. But it has now
Leen discovered that the railway and telegraph
companies there have contrived to oonvert
this wise measure into an immense job, and to
saddle the Government with obligations to pay
for the existing telegraph lines a sum far be
yond their real value and what it would have
cost to build new ones. It is against the per
petration of a similar evil in this country that
we demand precaution Bhall be taken by the
Senate Committee on Post Offices; and we
shall point out, before we close this artiole, how
the interests of the people and the Govern
ment oan best be protected in this matter.
But before taking up that point we will look
at the bill as it now stands.
To do this we must reverse the order of the
till, as in it the cart has been skilfully placed
before the horse, for evident purposes. It is
proposed to incorporate Gardner G. Hubbard
and his associates by the name of the United
Btates Postal Telegraph Company, with a
capital of four hundred thousand dollars.
This capital seems ridiculously small for the
Ereat purpose which it is proposed to aohieve;
ut we will refer to this again. This oom'
pany, itls proposed, will build its lines be
tween Washington, Naw York, Boston, and
Chicago within six mouths; to Cincinnati 8t
Louis, and New Orleans within two years;' and
to every other oily of C re thousand or more in
habitants within three yeais from the execu
tion of the contraot. The postal telegraph
Offioes are to be in connection with tha post
Office in every city, at railroad stations, and at
such other places as the business of the coun
try may demand. Messages are to be reoelved
at every postal telegraph omoe, post office, sub
Office, and select letter box, prepaid by stamps.
and to be delivered free within the limits of
free delivery of letters from any post offioe, or
Within one mile of every postal telegraph
office, and to be transmitted by mail to or
from the nearest postal telegraph offlja when
received at or destined for any place not Lav-
- iK a xi .
ing suou viuwp nuu yopii woudj orders may
he remitted by telegraph. The rate of toll for
this service to be one cent a word for eaou five
hundred miles or less, and the miaimum
message to be twenty words.
The advantages of this system to commeros
and ta every private interest in the country
are obvious. It win quicken trade to an lm
mense degree, while in a proportionate
measure it will diminish the capital requisite
to transact the exchange of commodities, by
Anablinar every dollar to do Its work in muoh
less time than Is now required. The disad
vantage! contained in the bill are pertinent
mi tn tha manner of establishing this im
mense reform, and sot to its plan for the postal
telecraiih avstem. It lfl vroposed that this
thafi be dose by authorising the Postmaster
Oeneral to oontraot for the transmission of the
messages with any telegraph company or
gomptules now or that nay hereafter li laoor-
rorated. Herein lies the same Job that has
fastened upon the British Government a great
debt for an incomplete and vicious system
cf telegraphs, constructed by private
companies, and which it - Is found
necessary in a great
reconstruct. If the exietiog lines, or those
to be constructed by any private oompany,
re equal to the work that h to be required of
them, we have no objection to their being
purchased at a fair price; but we do insist
that the country shall not be culled upon to
pay forty millions of dollars for a set of old
and much worn lines, when better ones, oover
iDg the same exteDt of territory, can he con
structed for ten millions of dollars. And it
is in view of this fact that we referred
to the small proposed capital of the new
company four hundred thousand dol
lars. There is a further proposition in
the bill before us, to the e fleet that the
company may from time to time in
crease its capital stock to an extent not
exceeding two hundred dollars for eaou mile
of wire owned and operated by it. We do not
hesitate to characterize this proposition as an
immense swindle. An excellent and substan
tial two wire telegraph line can be constructed
at a cost not to exceed one hundred ani fifty
dollars per mile, with stations furnished and
complete at every twenty-five miles; and the
Bame posts and construction will carry eight
wires, if necessary for the business. These
extra wires can be put np at a oost not exceed
ing thirty dollars per mile; and why the com
pany should be allowed to increase its capital
Btock two hundred dollars for every thirty
dollars expended is not clear to the mind of
any honest man.
We accept the plan of a postal telegraph aa
proposed in this bill, and will now point out
the amendments which we call upon the
Senate Committee on Post Offices to make to
it before pntting it upon its passage. Drop
the words Washington and New York in the
twenty-first line of section three, and add to
the bill the proposition made by Mr. Wash
burne last session for the appropriation of
sixty thousand dollars for the construction of
an experimental postal telegraph between
Washington and New York, and direct the
Postmaster-General to advertise immediately
for the construction of said line in the best
manner known to telegraphic science anil skill.
The oountry will then have a praotioal test of
the cost of telegraph construction, whioh will
serve as a type lor the purchase of old exist
ing lines, or the oonstrucliou of new and im
proved ones; and we shall be saved from com
mitting the great blunder England has just
committed, and while securing the new sys
tem will avoid incurring an immense and
needless debt.
Our Differences with England Settle
ment of the. Alabama Claims.
From the AT. T. Times.
It is quite clear that the Alabama treaty,
conoluded by Mr. Keverdy Jouhaon with the
English Government, will be rejected by the
Senate; and that rejection will be approved by
public sentiment. A great many motives
combine to produce this result. A large and
influential part of the Senate is opposed to
ratifying the treaty, because doing so would
give a triumph to Andrew Johson's adminis
tration and to Mr. Seward. Others object to
speclfio provisions of the treaty; and others
Btill maintain that the wroDga of which we
complain are not such as can be rediessed by
payment of the peonniary damages which we
have BUBtained.
This may be true. We are Inclined to think
it Is. But it is by no means easy to see how,
upon this theory, those wrongs can be re
dressed, or in what way any adjustment of
difficulties can possibly be reached.
We insist that the conduct of England in
conceding belligerent rights to the Confede
rates, in acknowledging their flag on the high
seas before they had achieved their inde
pendence as a nation, in creating for them
a navy when they had not a naval port on
the face of the earth, in building, arming,
and manning for them Bhips-of-war and
Bending them out in their servioe to prey
upon our commeroe, was what gave to the
Rebellion the enormous proportions it finally
assumed, prolonged the war at least one or
two years, added enormously to its ooBt in life
and in money, and was in gross violationf of
the laws of neutrality, and open disregard of
the obligations of friendship which England
had assumed by treaties with the United
States. Such acts are not atoned for such
wrongs are not redressed by paying for the
commerce they destroyed, or the losses they
canted. Admit this to be true; the question
still secure how are they to be redressed?
In what form can the English offer satisfaction,
or in what form can we demand it ? Mr.
Johnson's "administration strove very hard
to bring about a settlement of this question.
Mr. Seward spent four laborious years, first
in trying to prevent England from doing us
the damage she did, and then in trying te
convince her that we were entitled to some
signal redress, which he put in the form of
payment of losses sustained. And England
has finally been brought to take the initial
step towards a settlement of the question on
this basis.
Now the mere rejeotion of this basis does
not establish any other. The question will
still remain, and none of its difficulties will
be removed. General Grant's administration
will sucoeed to all the embarrassments in
dealing with it which Mr. Johnson's encoun
tered, with some very formidable ones freshly
added, by the contemptuous repudiation
which everything thus far done is likely to
receive. What demands will General Grant
make upon England, in Batisfaotion of our
complaints f The London 'J imes, in an article
which we reoently copied, oontends that
nothing less than the concession by England
an (meiiif, or an Insurrection of which England
had no right to know anything whatever, will
Bausiy tte LnlUd states. This, though
eiaiea in extravagant terms, is not as wide
of the truth as the 'limes afl'eota to
believe. Throughout the whole diplomatio
controversy Mr. Seward insisted that the con
flict in the United states was not war in any
sense Known to publio law, or in any such
sense as authorized tha
applicable to war between sovereign and inde
pendent powers, lie insisted that in the eye
Cf tin Vvll lain W i . . .
rv Mw aw noo menjiy au lnaarreotkna,
v. . T J uuol parties had ever
obtained recognition as an independent nation
or had ever established a claim to such recog
nition and until suoh claim should be esta
blished he demanded that England should
remain faithful to the treaty obligations into
which she had entered with the United States
and abstain from aiding in any way, or to any
extent, those who were striving to overthrow
their authority and destroy their national
existence.
We still Insist that this position was right
and that England ought to have aoted upon
it. Her wrong to us lay in the faot that she
did not do so. Virtually and praotlcally she
joined our enemies In making war upon us
not bo fully nor bo openly as she mieht bat
unjr ciwuju vu uu u ouvruious aamage, and
as openly as she dared. General Grant will
probably feel . that England owes ua an ac
knowledgment, that she was wrong in treat
ing the Rebellion as a war, and the Confede
racy as a sovereign nation, capable of making
war, and he may demand that she shall make
this acknowledgment as preliminary to p.viug
whatever damages an impartial commission
may decide that her action inflicted upon us.
This, though not expressed in exactly the same
terms, Is probably in substauoe what tha
London 7 imes means by the oonoession that
mere was no war, as the only couoession
which will satisfy the United States. And it
hup, as tun j. mtix says It 14, tint "no
British statesman will ever so stultify and
dipgraoe himself, or will ever be such a hypo
crite, as to make a publio confession" of this
sort.
Suppose this is so: what can harden then 1
It Is not easy to say what can happen, or
wuai may nappen. uotu parties may beoome
so exasperated over the matter as to go to
war about it though Mr. lieverdy Johnson
Is certainly right in saying that it is impos
sible to conceive greater insanity thau this
would imply. But the worst thine that is
likely to happen is that our differences with
England on this subjeot will remain unsettled
for a cood many vears to coma. Anil wa are
bound to add that in our opinion the Ameri
can people win be better satisfied, on the
whole, with this result than with any
other. There are too many elements aud
motives of hostility to make a peaoeful
and harmonious adjustment of our dif
ferences with England universally accept
able in this country. The Irish element
alone is, in numbers, in social weight, in reli
gious sentiment, and especially in political im
portance, too considerable a power to allow
full acquiescence in suoh a settlement. It is
a comfort and a consolation to a very large
portion of our people to reflect that we have
grounds of complaint outstanding azaiast
England upon which we can go t war with
her, and conquer Canada, to say nothing of
Ireland, whenever we "feel so disposed."
Not that we have any immediate purpose of
doing it, or intend to tlx a date when we will
do it; but we don't want to feel absolutely
precluded from doing it, with a show of
reasons wherever we may be in the mood.
Another point in the case our people do not
forget. England, in the acts by which she
wronged and damaged us, introduced new
rights and rules for neutral nations, of which
we may avail ourselves hereafter whenever we
choose. The right whioh England exercised.
and whioh she yet defends, of furnishing a
navy with munitions of war and ports of re
fuge to the privateers she herself builds for
communities in rebellion, but without any of
these things, remains open to us; and our
people are by no means blind to the emergen
cies which may open the way for us to retort
its exercise. And this is among the considera
tions which will incline them to be quite con
tent even if our Alabama differenced with
England are not at once adjusted.
Kacc "
Prom the N. Y. World.
"Race" that accursed mistake of the Al
niichty pokes np its heal in a atrauge plaoe.
It will not be legislated down There is a
general order just out in Washington whioh
sends the troops now on duty in Florida to
Nebraska; and those in pleasaut Louisiana,
two thousand miles away to the great north
lakes; and those iu lexas go, some to Kansas
and pome to Virginia; and those in Virginia
to Mississippi and to California; and from
California a recimeut goes to Kentucky ; and
from Kentucky another to Georgia; and from
DakotaU Still another to Ueorcia; and still
another from Louisiana to Minnesota; and
from Minnesota one to lexas; and so on, and
so on. and so on.
Now, why all this? Wherefore is the whole
United State army thus sent trapezing sll
over the country from one extreme end of it
to the other? What is the reason of this great
expense to transport so many thousand men
so far. and wnereiore is n mat, at me on
oomlnsr of a Southern summer, aocliinated
troops are withdrawn from its influences and
unaoolimated sent in tneir stead r
We will tell you. It is because the army
will not do the dirty work of reconstruction
bo Boon as it Bees how very dirty that work is
There is no disobedience, no revolt, no mutiny;
but they see and feel that they are white men,
nut there to exalt the negro above other white
men. and they cannot be relied on to do it.
Here and there some officer who disgraces an
honorable calling enters into this filthy busi
ness con amore, but, for the great part, there
is a mere stiff compliance with the exact
letter of the order, and no more. Wher
ever possible, commanding officers will
neither ge themselves nor send their subordi
nate oftioers (in this distasteful service
often their only companions and always
their onlv friends) on those disgusting in
quiBitorial parties so frequently demanded
by the ion reoonstruoting vagaoonas, wno
keen everything about them in a turmoil.
The colonel won't go, and the major says it's
the captain's time, and the captain thinks the
lieutenant ought to go, and the lieutenant
swears it's hard they can't sena a ser
geant and a file of men along with the dirty
beast, and so it comes down to a corporal and
three or four privates at last. Now, it has
been discovered by these latter that it is in
finitely more pleasing to eat a good dinner at
accused's house and top off with free whisky
than to take the man to the guard-house, and
if the loil vaeabond complains at this derello
ticn, he is apt to get a Bound beating the next
time he comes aooui ueaaquaners.
The nioture is a little highly colored, bat
the main tints are true. After so long a time
the irmr sees the nastinees of kicking a mau
when he is down for that, when you rub the
fine words off it, is about what this thing
and when it sees it. the only thing to
do is to give it the route and bring a fresh
force in.
llenoe all this marching and counter-march
lug, and Bkurrying this regiment off to
Dacotab, and t'other one back to Texas. It
u th Rm Btala old came to be found in any
good history whioh treats of the little dodges of
despotism. Keep cnanging your iruuy, uo
tVia mnttn of nrmruiisor for hundreds,
ves. and thousands of years. It was part of
the Roman polity to send the Sjrian levies to
Cappadooia, and the uappaaooiaun w oji,
,,, . navKi- lt them stav with a friendship,
md ninr&va keen lnovini vour troops. In the
oorrupt days of the French monarchy, just
. -mrmrw 11 .1 mvfr Af Vila
before Louis xvi was puueu uowu uu v
throne and beheaded, it was a chief funotlon
Minister of War to ohanee the troops.
i.i. v.ia Auv H was James II. 's device to
rut his English regiments in Ireland and his
rih troops on Eoglish soil. And just so
- utvin 1m Hn no djubt. to army
likes and dislikes, but the main point in this
general order m at wwu. --
be done in the South. Eight rogue Senators
ra to be lneced in: thirty-tnree rename wo
uun.iiroa . tn ha "elected:" the screws
are to be tightened In the sacred name ol
peaoej and to do this oiny wors uwu iuud.
Lad who will not find out what they are doing
ii4l1 iaa 1 of a
vw m. tHttmonv to the unutterable
nAnnnllam nf thi vile thlOgl ArfflV
offloers, proverbially the most careless and
InAttturaKt nf man In nival affairs. CSnUOt bUt
revolt at this botoh upon statecraft; and
army privates, drilled Into maouines, are ye
not so far drilled but that the blood in their
reins rebels at the unnatural work they are set
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GOLD, ETC.,
flo. 40 South THIRD 3trooty
II U PHILADELPHIA.
QA NKINC HOUSE
OF
JayCooke&CP'
Nos. 112 and 111 South THIRD Stret
PHILADELPHIA,
Dealers In all tiorernment Securities.
Old 6-209 Wanted In Exchange for Ken
A Liberal Difference allowed.
Compound Interest Notes Wanted.
Interest Allowed on Deposits.
COLLECTIONS HAD2. BTOCK9 botuTUl and SOU
on Commission,
Special basinets aooomntodmtloni reserrM
ladle.,
We win recelye application! for Pollclee of L
Insurance in the National Lin Insurance Company
of rnecnUedBtatet. mu Information given at o a
offioe. lltna
LEDYARD & BARLOW
Hare ltemored their
LAW AND COLLECTION OFFICE
TO
No. 19 South THIRD Street,
PHILADELPHIA,
And will oontlnue to give careful attention to
collecting and securing CLAIMS throughout
the United States, BrlUan Provinces, and Eu
rope.
Bight DraTU and Maturing Paper collected at
Bankers'. 128 8m
GLENDINMG, DAVIS & CO
No. IS South T1IIUD street,
PHILADELPHIA.
GLENDINNING, DAVIS & AIORY
No. S NASSAU St., New York,
DAAKIIRS AJiD UliOKERS.
Direct telegraphic communication wIU
the Ken York Stock Hoards from tha
Philadelphia Office. u -
MJamisoitRlCo.
SUCCESSORS TO
P. F. KELLY & CO.,
BAKKEU3 AND DEALERS IN
GoIJ, Silver, anl Government Bonis,
At Closest Market Kates.
K. W. Corner TI1IKD and CIIESXUT Sts.
Special attention given to COMMLSfc ION ORDERS
In New Yotlr, and Philadelphia Blocks Boards, eto.
etc. 2 U 8nt
Dealers In United States Bonds, and Men
' berg of Stock and Hold Exchange,
Keceire Accounts of Uanks andltaukers on
i Liberal Terms,
i ISSUE BILLS OF LXlllAMJE 03i
C. J. HAMBKO & BON, LONDOJN,
B. MKTZLKtt, 8. 80HN A CO., FRANKFORT
; JAMHB W. TUCKER & CO., PARIS,
AndOtlier Principal Cities, and Utters or
Credit ATallalAe Iluronglioat Lorope.
FINANCIAL.
Union Pacific Railroad.
1040 I1ILES
ROW COMPLETED.
The First Mortgage Eonds,
BATING 50 1EAUS TO BUS,
Friacipal and Interest Payable in
Gold,
WE A ME SOW SLLL1XU
AT
PAR AIvD INTEREST,
Ol CXCbanslDB for GOVERNMENT SECURI
TIES ou tiie followlug terms:
For f 1000 1881b, we tay a fllfTerence of. V H8-31
$1000 1S628, ray difference of 173 81
tlOOO 1864s, we pay a difference of -128-31
S1000 1865s, Nov., we pay a din, or 153 31
(1000 10-lOs, we pay a Cstlerenoe of.WM 43-31
f 1000 1865s, July, we pay a difference of 116 34
81000 1867s, July, weay a difference of 11831
11000 1S68, July, we pay a difference of 113-31
Or in proportion, as tiie market for Uoveiu-
ment Hocurities may uuciuaio.
WE. PAINTER & CO.,
BANKEHS A3IU UEALEKS IS G0YEO
MEMS, tjOLO, ETC.,
Ifo. 36 South THIRD Street.
119
PHILADELPHIA.
No. 35 South Third Street,
PHILADELPHIA.
DEALERS IN
COYKRNMENT SECURITIES,
STOCK. COLD
AND NOTE BROKERS.
Ancounta of Hanks, Firms, .nil Individual received, iubjsd
Id check at aiglit.
INTEREST ALLOWED ON BALANCES. .
ENERAir Agents,
FOR
PENNSYLVANIA ,
,or T,HE 4
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.
The National Lifb Inhttramcb Company io
torporfttion oliurtort'd by siteclul Act of ComcrtsMi. fti
proved July 25, 186S, with a
CASH CAPITAL, $1,000,000, FULL PAID. '
Literal terms offi-red to A rents and Solicitors, wut
re Invited t apply t our ollU-e.
Full particulurg to be bud on application at our office,
located in the second Mtory of our Banking Holme,
.here Circulars and Pnmphleta, fully describing tlia
Uvautage. oll'ureU by tiie Company, may be bad.
li W. CUBK A CO.,
A'o. 35 South Tiird St.
pm 8. PETERSON & CO.,
Stock and Exchange Brokers,
No. 39 South THIRD Street,
Kembers or the Kew York and Phlladel
phia Stock and Void Boards.
STOCKS, BONDS, Eto., bought and sold on
OomPfllHBlon onlv al,Blihr city.
136j
BRANDY, WHISKY, WINE, ETC.
QAR STAIRS & IVSoOALL,
ROS. 125 WALNUT aad 21 URAA'ITE Sts,,
IMPORTERS Of
Urandlw, Wines. OHre OIU Re
PURE RYE WHISKIES,
IW POA'P AND TAX PAID. 411
HOTELS AND RESTADRANTS.
Mt. Vernon Hotel,
8 1 Monument street, Baltimore. '
Elegantly Furnished, with unsurpassed Culslns.
On the European Plan,
D. P. MORGAN.
NORTH PENN HOTEL, KO. 445 N. THIRD
f tret. PhllMrteliihiB. in NOW OPKN. on tlia
.iirot D pk.n. A e I'i KON. tnperlutendeot.
llooxu. to rent, with or wLUoul boardj boarding
with or without room. ' . ,,"
CLOTHS, CASSIMERES, ETC.
CLOTH HOUSE.
J A M E 8 & LEE,
HO. 11 ROBT1I MEOUJIU STUEET.
, Sign cf the Go! Jen Lamb, i ,
I Art new rectlvlo a BPLKMID LINE of
Spring Fancy Casslmeres,
j Oonoprisloi all (be b.st make. In t: . market
' I AT WUUJLfcJiAUE AJMU HtJLl'U liilm
W do.. 4 . . .; , , . , . '.i
j " ,' Jit' !'. ,il'-t '-' ''
i.. -.
. Ifll .
1