SPIRIT OF THE PRESS,
BDIVOHUL riSlOlTfl OT THB UADTWI OrBWAW
PWR CUBUBJf TOPIOU OOMPILKD SVBBT
DAT FOB HI IVimiKO taXBOBAM.
Ocean Telegraph Cables ad Telegraph
Monopolies.
grom the N. Y. Ecrald.
The subterfuges, false pr-itensoa, and schem
ing of the telegraph mouopoliata, and of those
members of Congress who are their tools, to
favor aud protect existing monopolies are
astounding. We talk ot Treasury rings, rail
road riiigs,Jand other rings, but this telegraph
monopoly ring beats them all in cunning
management and in contempt for publio
opinion or the publio welfare. Its power, too,
Beems to be equal to its impudence, for it has
Eotafirin grip on the Senate of the United
tatea, and its chief advocate is Mr. Sunmer,
of Massachusetts. Under the pretext of legis
lating to facilitate ocean telegraph enterprise,
measures are insidiously introduoed to pre
vent that, to defeat projects already inaugu
rated and ready to be carried out, and to per
petuate the existing monopoly. That was the
whole scope and intent of the resolutions
offered some time ago declaring that no cable
Should be landed on the shores of the United
States without the consent of Congress, and
that the Newfoundland and London Company
should have permission to land a cable; and it
is the same now under similar propositions to
authorize the London and Newfoundland and
the American and Atlan'.io Telegraph Com
panies to land cables. It is all a trick of the
Jjritibh monopelists and those Americans who
have sold themselves to the British telegraph
line and British interests. The object is to
prevent the French cable being laid, or any
other. The monopolists pretend to facilitate
telegraphio communication when companies
with no means or chance of doing anything
start a project, but as soon as a oompany like
the Franco-American goes earnestly to work,
manufactures a cable and puts it on board
ready to be laid, these monopolists and their
agents in Congress throw every obstaole pos
sible in the way. The conduct of the members
of Congress who are thus working against
their own country, the welfare of the American
people, and the progress of the age is simply
Infamous.
Why should not telegraph cables be laid
anywhere on our shores 1 Why should not
any company, American, French, German,
Spanish, or English, land a oable wherever it
chooses, from Maine to Florida? Yes, one,
two, five, or twenty, if companies have the
means and enterprise. The more cables the
better. By the largest competition the people,
the press, and the Government would have
telegraphio communication cheapened, and the
dangerous monopoly whioh is now confined to
Britibh territory, and whioh can be used in
the interests of a ring of speculators to influ
ence the markets, would be destroyed. It
would be just as reasonable for Congress to
say what foreign newspapers or books should
be landed in the United States as what tele
graphs shall. . It would be no more narrow
minded, illiberal, or absurd to limit emigration
or tiade than to limit the trans mission of ideas
or the means of communicating them. One
would think from the oourse of Mr. Sumner
and those who are acting with him that we
have gone back to the dark ages, when blind
rulers and bigoted priests shut out the light
of intelligence. If any one thinks we are too
severe in these remarks, we call attention to
the fact that when Mr. Stookton offered an
amendment in the Senate to one of the tele
graph cable resolutions to which we referred,
lor permitting any and all companies to land
their cables on the same terms as those pro
posed to be given to the London and New
foundland Company, the amendment'was bit
terly opposed by the Sumner ring. Yet could
anything be more fair and reasonable or more
for the interests of the publio than Mr. Stock
ton's broad and liberal proposition f
There is sot an ooean telegraph enterprise
started in this country that does not meet
with hostility from the British cable oompany
and its allies. Among its allies, too, we regret
to say, are Americans. The opposition is not
always open, but is made generally in disguise
and under the pretext of being favorable. The
existing Atlantic Cable Company is British
throughout, and looks only to British inte
rests. Its objeot is to make the mo3t
gigantlo monopoly ever known, embracing
telegraph companies and lines to operate
from the eastern shore of Amerioa to Great
Britain, and from thence aoross Europe,
the Mediterranean, Egypt, or Persia, to
India and China. It is earnestly at work
sow on this stupendous project, and
with the aid, too, of some Amerioans. It is
Beoretly hostile to the Faoifio and Asiatic tele
graph projeot now before Congress, and to the
East India Telegraph Company, which is en
tirely American, and which proposes to lay
cables along the coast of China, and to oonnect
that empire with the western shores of this
continent by means of cables across the Faoi
fio. It is using its enormous capital and influ
ence to prevent American telegraph commu
nication to Asia by way of the Pacific, and to
turn all the advantages of this great agent of
civilization and commerce in the other direc
tion, by way Jo f India and across Jhe conti
nents of Asia and Europe.
British capitalists and statesmen are far
seeing, and they know that in the future the
telegraph will do more than fleets or treaties
In giving direction to aud controlling the com
merce of the world. They fear the rivalry of
America and the advantages it possesses with
regard to China and other parts of Asia from
geographical position. Hence the efforts to
centre all communication from Amerioa on
British Boil, and to keep this country as much
isolated as possible from China and Asia gene
rally on the side of the Faciflo. They will, if
possible, prevent New York and San Franoisoo
from becoming the oentres of commeroe of the
world, and will do everything to noia iionaon
as the centre. Our short-aighted statesmen.
or rather we should say our stupid Congress
men, are playing into the hands of the British
and helping them to carry out their vast pro
lects bv favorintr the Atlantio oable monopoly,
and bv throwing oold water on the enterprises
of other foreigners and those of our own citi
zens. In the name of common sense, and for
the interests of our own country, let us have'
no more narrow-minded action about this
ooean telegraph business, but let the liberal
proposition of Mr. btookton, to permit any
and all oompanies to land cables on the shores
of the United mates, be adopted at onoe.
TIic Irish Church Bill and the lory Oiio
sition.
VramtKtN. Y. Timet.
Mr. Gladstone' bill for the disestablishment
of the Irish Churoh came up for the sooond
raHn nn Tlmrsdav iiicht. and in aooordanoa
with the customary procedure of the House of
Commons, the Opposition toon me oooasiou
to announce the course they intended to par
ue. Contrary, however, to the usual custom
in inch nasns. Mr. Disraeli himself, as leader
of the Opposition, opened the debate on behalf
ui ma party, - ana movea as an amenumeud
that the kills "he read a seoond time that day
six months,'; that being the Parliamentary
lorn commonly made use of In order to pre
Tent the passage of a measure before the Bouse
THE DAiin EVENING- TELEGRAPHPHIL
As Parliament will not be eittlnir on "that
dav six months " the anccess of the amend
ment would be equivalent to the rejection ot
the measure. . Generally speaking, a motion
of thin nature is placed in the hands of a
member of the second rank, in order that the
leader of the party may hold himself in re
serve for a oritlcal point in the debate. But
in this case Mr. Disraeli himself, having re
gard to the Importance of the question under
consideration, which, he agreed with Mr.
Gladstone, was one of the most gignntio ever
brought before the House, moved the amend
ment. The debate will certainly lant a week,
but it is said that there is a taoit understand
ing to the effect that a division shall be taken
before the Easter holidays, so that Thursday
next may be looked to as the day on which
the fate of religions Inequality in Iroland will
probably be decided.
It is almost needless to say that there can be
but little doubt as to the result. Mr. Glad
stone possesses a majority of 115 in a House
of 58, elected on an appeal to the country,
made on the question of the Irish Church ex
clusively. The bill which he has introduoed
is the result of the consultations of a .Cabinet
which comprises representatives of every sec
tion of the Liberal party, and which has met
with the hearty approval of every organ of the
Liberal press. There can be no excuse for
mutiny, or even for lukewarmne3B, in the
Liberal ranks, and no professed Liberal who
deserts his party in a question of snch para
mount importance can ever regain the confi
dence of his constituents. Under these cir
cumstances, the result of the division is all but
a foregone conclusion.
The tRctios of the Tories appear to be
simple enough. They light, of course, with
the courage of despair, and will probably
divide with sullen obstinacy on every occasion
available under the form3 of the House.
Their leaders still raise the cry of "confisca
tion," and hoist the old Church and State
standard, but few rally round it who are not
personally or pecuniarily interested in the
maintenance of the threatened establishment.
They attempt to divert attention to the laud
question in Ireland, as more urgent in itself,
and more likely to furnish an opportunity for
giving proof to the Irish people of the, de
termination of England to deal with her in
terests in a just aud conciliatory spirit. But
they are evidently fighting egahist hope, and
the tone of Mr. Disraeli's speech itself shows
that such is the case. There will be a week
of biilliant oratory on botk sides of the House,
and the great measure of justice will be tri
umphantly carried.
The Cuban. .War of Independence.
fyotntheXf. Y. Tribune.
The war in Cuba continues with unabating
fierceness. Engagements between the hostile
forces are now of almost daily occurrence, and
there is hardly one among these in which the
Spaniards do not claim to have come off vic
tors, But notwithstanding these numerous
victories, and notwithstanding the frequent
arrival of fresh troops from Spain, no pro
gresseven according to Spanish aooounta
is made in the suppression of the revolution.
For some weeks the struggle has been par
ticularly active in the lutisdiotions of Sagua
la Grande, Keuiedios, Villa Clara, Colon, and
Trinidad. The Cuban force in these distriots
is numerous, in two, Sazua la Grande and
Remedlos alone, the Spauiards estimate them
at 70U0 men. The Spaniards claim to have
defeated them in several enoounters, but are
"forced to admit that the Cubans have de
stroyed the railroad from Managua to Alva
rez, and thus interrupted the whole railroad
communication with the eastern part of the
island. The Spaniards are unable to protect
the Spanish planters, and a number of the '
largest plantations in the districts above
named have bsen burned by the insurgents.
The liberation of the slaves begins in good
earnest. Wherever the Cubans reaoh a plan
tation, they set the negroes free and draft them
into the army.
All this is ample proof that the revolution
is certainly not losing ground. The Spaniards
are determined to keep the Queen of the An
tilles at all hazards, and continue to fill the
gaps in the army by fresh troop3, sent from
Spain. The Cubans are sanguine of final suc
cess. They hope for large relnforoaments
of their armies from the neighboring Ameri
can countries; and count on the ooming hot
season as their most efleotive ally.
The TCDurc-of-Ofllce Latf.
Joi the N. Y. World.
The World Is bo carried away by Its hatred of
Grant mat it actually wains Congress not to
repeal tbeTenaie-of-Oflioelaw, and speaks of it
as a wnoiesome ana necessary eaieuara. is
this to lusiruot the people in the principles of
government? and does the World sneak by au
thority, and, as the organ of the Democrailo
party, defend this mischievous lwmlJCoening
JPost. 1
It is needless for the World to say to its
own readers that the fost inexcusably per
verts what we said on this subject. The
World, whioh opposed the Tenure-of-Offioe act
in its first inception, denounced it on its pas
sage, demonstrated its unconstitutionality
when it was made tho instrument of impeaoh
ment, and has consistently urged its imme
diate and total repeal, has not changed its
opinion of the character of that law; but it is
not our practice to discuss public questions in
a narrow spirit which sees nothing in them
beyond their bearing npon the transient poli
tics of the hour. 1 he evils which the Teuure-
of-Oilice act pretends to guard against are too
real, as they are of the graveut character.
Our objection to this law, besides its repug
nanoe.to the Constitution, is, that it is a sham
remtdy, which introduces greater mischiefs
than it affects to cure.- The manner in whioh
the Federal patronage is used is a stupendous
abuse which threatens the stability of our
free institutions; aud we are not willing that
the present effort to repeal the Tenure-of-Oflice
act should blind the country to the
enormity and the dangerous tendency of those
abuses. We will restate our views npon this
subject, and we hope to do it with clearness
enough to secure for them the favorable con
sideration even of the Post. We should be
glad of its co-operation, and of the aid of all
journals whioh aim to discuss publio questions
on their merits, in calliug publio attention to
abuses which will destroy our institutions if
they are not remedied.
We, of course, do not dicgulse our want of
confidence in General Grant; but, in saying
that he will use the Federal patronage to pro
mote his re-election, after the Tenure-of-Offioe
act is repealed, we imputed nothing to
him which would not be equally praotised by
any other President in his place. It is noto
rious that, for the list quarter of a century,
all Prepidentx, without distinction of party,
and irrespective to their cltiuis to publio
confidence, have sought to make this use of
the patronage. The fault is not in any
particular man, but in the syttem. The
temptation is too strong for ordinary human
virtue to resist, and it beoomes constantly
greater with the growth of the country, the
multiplication of offices, and the facilities for
profit and plunder consequent upon our
colossal debt and exorbitant taxes. To turn
this enormous mass of patronage loose to be
ecrambled for every four years by rapacious
politicians Is demoralizing political life in this
country, and subjecting our institutions to
constant, violent wrenohings which they can.
not long survive. When the Taure-of-OHU
aot is repealed, General Grant will undoubt
edly use the patronage of the Government to
promote his chances of a reflection; aud no
man of maoh penetration, who is acquainted
with political life in this country, can doubt
that his wish to employ it for that purpose is
the chief reason why he refuses the liberty
which would be given him by a suspension of
the law, and insists so stubbornly upon its
reppal. Its suspension for eight or ten months
would enable him to fill the publio service
with new men, his own appointees, and
he could afterwards remove for cause
all who were unfaithful or inefficient. But as
the great mass of officers would be entirely
independent of him, they would have no
stronger motive to work for his renomination
than tor the nomination of any o her member
of their party. The 1'ust, whioh cannot be
blind to the ordinary practice, must admit
that it is a gross abuse for the publio offices
to be thus used to promote any man's ambi
tion, and we think too well of its good sense
to suppose it expects the evil can be remedied
by the election of Presidents whose virtue
would be proof against the seductions of
ambition.
We have no expectation that an adequate
remedy can be found in any such measure as
Mr. Jenckes' Civil Service bill, although that
scheme is not without its merits, to which we
have endeavored, at various times, to do fa 1
justice. Such a reform would merely lop off
some of the branches of the evil, instead of
laying the axe at the root of the tree.
We incline to think that the best remedies
which have yet been devised were those
adopted in the abortive Confederate Constitu
tion. In points which did not touch npon
the subjects in immediate controversy between
the North and the South, the alterations made
in the Federal Constitution by the Confede
rates were, in the main, wise and Judicious,
and were founded on the experience of the
Southern statesmen in connection with the
Federal Government. Except on the great
questions upon which the war hinged, the
Confederate leaders were under a strong
bias in favor of sound principles ana
good govornment, and for pretty much
the same reasons that impel new
Beets in religion to affect a strict
and austere morality. They wished to con
ciliate pnblio opinion in favor of a revolution
of doubtful propriety, by introducing such
reforms as would meet the good sense of In
telligent men without any elaborate argu
ment. The Southern leaders were so bent on
seoui in g independence, protecting slavery,
and establishing the right of secession, that
they were unwilling to aid those objects by the
prompt adoption of snoh reforms a3 the ex
perience of seventy years showed could be
introduoed with advantage into that Federal
Constitution which they made the basis of their
own.
There was one subject on which there was
no room for difference of opinion among en
lightened observers of the operation of the
Federal Government. The practice adopted
by all the then reoent American Presidents of
using their power during their first term as an
instrument for securing a second, made it im
possible that men whe had served in the
publio oouncils should overlook either the ex
istence of this evil, or its magnitude, or its
dangerous tendency, when they set them
selves to inquire what beneficial changes
could be made in a Constitution which was,
in the main, excellent. The Confederates,
therefore, undertook to remedy this particular
evil, and they acted like wise men in using,
not their own invention, but the results of
other men's reflections. A great many of
the most sagacious statesmen of the country
had at various times earnestly recom
mended a change in the Federal Consti
tution making the President ineligible for
a seoond term. The Southern leaders, instead
of extemporizing' a new crotchet, borrowed a
sound idea which had commended itself to the
mature judgment of so many able statesmen,
and which was, moreover, so obviously self
recommending, that its adoption was not likely
to disappoint expectation. The Confederate
constitution accordingly contained this provi
sion: "The President and Vioe-President
shall hold their offices for the term of six
years; but the President shall not be reeligl
ble." If the American people were wise
enough to introduoe this amendment into the
Federal Constitution, it would cut tip by the
- - M 41 l - 1 1UI..1
room uue ui iuo worm, a u uses ui our political
system, lne federal patronage oould never
again be perverted into the instrument of one
man's ambition.
But even this change would not reach the
whole extent of the evil. If the President
were a strong partisan, he might use the Gov
ernment patronage for the advantage of his
party, although he oould not employ it for his
own. But the motives for abuse would be
comparatively weak. As the President him
self would retire from politios at the close of
bis term, and could receive no personal benefit
from the success of his party, party spirit
would not be reimoroea by purely selffsn mo
tives; and in cases where a man's partisan
feelings happened to be so torpid and negative
as those of General Grant, we might be almost
exempt from a prostitution ot the patronage.
But, in most cases, the President would be
an active partisan, and would use the patronage
for the advantage of his party. On this point
we have, indeed, but little light from experi
ence, Mr. tiinooin being the only President
reelected since Jaokson, and Lincoln did not
live to wield the patronage of his second term
in favor of a republican euocessor.
The Confederate Constitution had another
provision which was unquestionably wise,
although It bore a faint superficial resem
blance to the Tenure-of-Offioe aot. But it dif
fered from it fundamentally. It was in these
words: "The principal officers in eaoh of the
executive departments, aud all persons con
nected with the diplomatic service, may be
removed from ' office at the pleasure of the
President. All other civil officers of the
executive departments may be removed at
any time, by thn President or other appointing
power, when tneir Eer? ices are unnecessary
or for dishonesty, incapacity, inefficiency,
misconduct, or neglect of duty; and when so
removed, the removal shall be reported te
the benate, together with the reasons
therefor."
The fundamental difference between this
wholesome provision and the Tenure-of-Offioe
act, lies in tho oiroumstanoe that the aotion of
the President was compete and absolute, re
auiiintc so saro ion by the Senate, and per
witting no restoration of the officer. True,
the President was required to report his re a
scne: but his action was nevertheless final.
He was furnished with a rule to guide his
conduct, but his responsibility was neither
impaired nor shared. Be was the sole Judge
of the sufficiency of the cause of removal
although he could not remove trith
out caute. nor for causes wnion were
merely political or personal. The removed
officer oould never be reinstated; but if the
President violated the Constitution, or abused
his authority, he was responsible both to pub
lio opinion and to the impeaohlag power for
such abuses, his report of his reasons furnish
ing a basis of inquiry into his oondaot. We
should be clad to see this provision trans
planted into the Federal Constitution, and do
not doubt that it and the ineligibility of the
President for a seoond term would remedy the
abuses of the Government patronage whioh
threaten to subvert our lostuauona.
s
ADELPIIIA, MONDAY, MARCH 22, 1869.
' The Fiibllc CtTiit.
from (he N. Y. Tribune.
At IaBt we see daylight ahead ! Congress
Stamps out the greenback hereny; Grant has
tens to make this the first law to receive his
signature; and now Secretary Boutwell an
nounces that he has plenty of money, that
the receipts irom imports are Increasing, and
that he means to use at least a part ef his
large surplus in buying up and oauoelllng
Government bonds. A better word has noi
been spoken for the publio credit s!no
Grant's inaugural. For months and years
we have been aimlessly paying interest on
from sixty to a hundred millions of debt that
might as easily as not have been bought up
at the current rates, and the gold wherewith
to do it lay all the while idle in the vaults of
the Treasury. The quadruple folly of this
prooedure coBt us the interest on debt that'
might have been stopped, the interest on
money kept idle that we wasted, the profit
we might nave made by buvlnz in our bondtt
at their current selling rates, and the im
mense impetus we might have given the
publio credit by showing that the bonds
were actually getting soaroer, and that
we were making haste to reduce the volnma
of our debt. Now at last we have a Secre
tary who comprehends that Government busi
ness, just like that of individuals, should be
managed to the best advantage ou business
principles.
ROOFING.
READY ROOPIN O.
This Hoofing Is adapted to all buildings.
it. cud De applied to bltKl' OK flat
KOOFN at one-half the expense of tin. Hid
readily put on old Bulugle Knofs without, re
moving tne Hningieu. inns avoiding the damns-
Inpr of ceilings and fur.ulture while undergoing
repairs. (Mo gravel need.)
PBESFBVK TOrll TIW BOOFK WITH
I am always prepared to Repair and Paint
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TO. A. HKIiTUH,
2 172 No. 711 N. NINTH St., above Ooates.
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LEDYARD & BARLOW
Dare Removed their
LAW AND COLLECTION OFFICE
TO
No. 10 South THIRD Street,
PHILADELPHIA,
And will continue to give careful attention to
collecting and scouring CLAIMS throughout
the United Btates, British Province, and 25a
rope.
Bight Draft and Maturing Paper collected at
Bankers'. 138 6m
MlIfflNG, DAVIS & CO
No. 18 South TlIIItD Street,
PHILADELPHIA.
GLEHBMNG, DAVIS & AMY
No. 3 NASSAU St., New York,
B1KKS AND BROKERS.
Direct telegraphic communication with
the New York Stock Doarda from tht
Philadelphia Office. u
BEJamisof&Co.
successors TO
P. F. KELLY & CO.,
BANKERS AND DHALEItct IN
Mi, Silver, anl Government Bonis,
At Closest Market Kates.
N. YY. Corner THIKD and C1IESNUT 8ts.
Special attention given to COMMISMON ORDERS
In New York and Philadelphia Blocks Boards, etc.
etc. S 11 8m
fMITHMHDQlPM
Dealers In United States Bonds, and Mem-
bers of Stock and Hold Exchange,
Becelre Accounts ot Banks and Bankers en
Liberal Term.
ISSUE BILLS OK EXCHANGE OH
C. J. I1AMBR0 & BON, LONDON.
B. MBTZLER, 8. 80IIN & CO., FRANKFORT
: JAMKB W. TUCKER & CO., PARIS,
And Otlier rrlnclpal Cities, and Letters of
UUt Available Throughout Europe
FINANCIAL.
Union Pacifio Railroad.
1040
KOW COXl'LETEU.
Tho First Mortgage Bonds,
UAYIKG 30 IE AIIS TO BUN,
Principal and Interest P.iyr.ble ia
Gold,
WE ABE KOW SELL1XU
AT
PAR A23D INTEREST,
Or exchanging for GOVERNMENT SECURI
TIES on tbe following terms:
Tor $1000 18K18, we pay a difference of.
11000 lCs, we pay a difference of 17S-84
11000 1861s, we pay a difference of. 128,8i
Siooo 1865b, Nov., we pay a diff. of. 153 31
f 1000 10-40S, wo pay a difference of. 4331
81000 1865s, July, we pay a difference of 118 84
liooo 1867s, Jnir, wejpay a difference of 118'31
tlOOO 1868s, July, we pay adlffbrenceof 118-S4
Or In proportion, as tbe market for Uovem
ment Securities may fluctuate.
WM. PAINTER as CO.,
BANKERS ARB DEALERS IN U0TES5
BENTS, GOLD, ETC,
Ko. 38 South THIRD Street.
t!9 PHILADELPHIA.
pm 8. PETERSON & CO.,
Stock and Exchange Brokers,
No. 39 South THIRD Street,
Members of the New York and Fhlladel
phla Stock and Gold Boards.
STOCKS, BONDS, Etc., bought and Bold on
oommlpslon only at either city. 1 262
PAPER HANGINGS. ETC.
HOWELL & BROS.,
Manufacturers and Wholesale Dealers la
PAPER HAKGIHC8,
REMOVED TO
Nos. 3 and O liliCATUB Street,
BELOW MARKET,
Between Sixth and Seventh street.
taw
g$ E A N & Vi A R D,
BLA1N AND DECOBATIYE
PAPER HANGINGS,
Ko. S31 South TlXIltl) Street,
BETWEEN WALNUT AND BFBVOI,
PHILADELPHIA,
COUNTRY WORK PROMPTLY ATTKNDED
to. am
LOOK! LOOK It LOOK!! J WALL PAPERS
and Xilnen Window Shades niununio
tured, the oheapestlntheolty.atJOHNdTON'S
Depot, No. 10S3 HPKINU GAKDKN Street,
below Kleventh. Brunch, No. 307 iKUKHAL
Btreet, Camden, New Jersey. . aasj
A HANDSOME AWBOKTMKNT OV WALL
Papers and Window Shades. 8. K. BALr
DJS.RMXON AttON, No. 03 SPRING UAKDKii
Street. a 25 Bin
GENTS FURNISHING GOODsT
H. 8. K. G.
Harris' camlcsa Kid Oloves.
EVERT VAX A WABBAHTED,
EXCLUSIVE AQ JUSTUS FOB GENTS' QLOVJOI
J. W. SCOTT & CO.,
Bits, 814 CUEMSUT STUKMT.
pATENT BUOULDBB.BSAM
SHIRT MANUFACTORY,
AND GENTLEMEN'S FURNISHING STOSS.
PERFECT F1TTI2JQ SHIRTS AND DRAWK&S
m-le liom niftamretnent at Vfryhort noiioe.
All otier .mora ol OEiSTLiUAiaM'tt DiUCSS
GOODS In fan vwrlety. .
WINCHESTER & CO.,
Ill No. 7oCHEeNUTtreti,
PATENTS.
PATENT OFFICES,
K. W. Corner FOUBTH and CHESAUT,
(Entrance on FOURTH Street),
FRANCIS D. PA8TORIU8,
Solicitor of ratents.
Patents procured tor Inventions in the United
Slates aud Foreign Countries, and all business relat
ing to the same promptly transacted, Call or send
for circular on Patents. 15 smth
tFFlCE FOR FECCURiNG PATENTS,
F01UU&T BUILDLNUS,
No. 110 South FOUBTH St,, riUladelpnla,
AND MARBLE UUIL.DINUH,
No 4C0 SEVENTH B.reot, opposut U. U. Patent
Ottlct, YVasnlagum. D. U.
II. HO w roN, aoUoiior of Patent,
U, HUWttOJN, Attorney at Law,
tVinnvanlcatloiis 10 be dUretd to tile PrlnolraJ
Office, Pnliaaelpuia, Slliu
LAI1ZEI.ERE A QUICHE Y,
Custom House Urokcrs and Notaries Public,
No. 405 LIBRARY Street.
All Custom llouae BuKluess trannactcd.
PASSPORTS PROCURED