THE DAH.T p-vTjNINQ TELEGIIAPH PHILADELPHIA, TIIUIISDAY. FLBKUAIIY 25, 1869.
SriRIT OF THE PRESS.
DITOBIAL oriJIIOM or YM LBADIHO JOJRSAT,B
troa cpRBBrr to run compiled "Tsar
DAT fob tb mntmt tkliwhaph.
TUo Heniite ninl llic Toi.urc-i!-Onicc Law.
jfrom lh4 A. Y. U. ruUL
A radical caucus of Ih HnaU baa deouttfa
nvon Uw postpoiiMiuuut of the r.peal or modi
Bon of th Teimr-of ()ffi, law till the 4th
of Maxoh. Huoh Jea.iinK Republican" of the
Senate aa Fosseudwn, Suaruiau, ami Morton
pluaded earnestly for the npHl aa a .ImpWi
iueftflure of Justice to the President elect; bat
It appears that VViUou aud Sumner, of Massa
ohuaette, gained their point by parading before
Ue Startled Bouiheru "oarpet-baRgerH the
ohoet of Andy Jouuhou. It waa true that the
reetriotiona of the exiting law, whloh hai
kept Johnson on Ma good behavior, were not
needed for Orant; but Btill, looking to the
future, beyond Urant, some inodilloationa of
the law would be wlaer than its absolute re
peal. 15nt inasmuch aa if a bill amending the
law or repealing the law were sent up to Johii
Bon he would seize the occasion for one of uih
Vlllanoua lectures to the Hnate, Wilson would
postpone the subject to avoid this satisfaction
to Johnson. And so, upon this childish pre
tense, the oaucua voted to pass the subject
over to the new Congress, when Johnson will
be out of the way.
Uiatrust of Urant Is the real explanation of
this proceeding. Wamuer has no faith in
Urant, Wilson lollowa in the wake of Sumner,
and Massachusetts rules the radical ring of
the Senate. It is tuna decreed that before
(Irant la releaned from the shackles with which
Congress tied up Johnson he must show his
hand, define his position in his Cabinet and in
his inaugural, or in hia initial message to the
pew Congress. Nobody knows what the
Cabinet ot Urant la to be; nobody knows what
his iuaugural will be; aud it is not expeuted
that it will be anything more than a few
appropriate and suggestive general remarks
on the political situation. But the first thing
after the organization of the new Congress on
the 4th of March will be the appointment of a
joint committee to wait upon the new Presi
dent, and inform him that the two houses are
organized for business aud ready to reoeive
any communication he may have to make.
What answer will the new President make to
this customary and direct application from
Congress for his views ou publio allaira ? The
Senate, in postponing the consideration of the
bill in question, say, "Let ua wait and see.
If he is with us, all right; but if he be against
us, we have him. Lei the oracle speak before
We bow down and worship it."
l!ot the simple question is whether the new
President or the Senate shall be master over
hia department, or whuther Grant shall oooupy
the executive status of Lincoln or be put in
the straight jacket of Johnson, lie will, most
probably, find himself on entering the White
House in the position of Johnson. If bo, hia
proper answer to the committee from Congress
will be that he has no communication to make
to either house for the present, exoept to sug
gest the propriety and expediency of a repeal
of the Tenure-of-OUloe law. Having in the
meantime requested the Johnson Cabinet to
remain in their places for at least the one
month Btill acoorded them under said law, let
the President await the Issue of his suggestion
to the two houses. If they fall back upon
their dignity, let him stand upon his aud the
rights of his cflioe, and make it, if they please,
a question of endurance on masterly inao
tlvity. Let him resolve to "fight it out on
this line if it takes all summer," and the
Jaoobina of the Senate will soou, from the
Outside pressure, be compelled to surrender.
It la well known by the Senate that Gene
ral Urant desires the repeal of the Tenure-of-Oflioelaw;
that he withes it in order to have
hia handa free in the great contemplated work
of retrenchment and reform "in a faithful
collection of the revenue;" that he whhes to
be able, in the absence of the Senate, not to
suspend, but to remove incompetent or un
faithful officials, without being compelled,
like Johnson, to give his reasons in every
oase or in any case to the Senate. There are
Senators, however, who have certain cousins
and nephews and other favorites in office aud
out of ofiloe to look after, and with the Pre
sident under the thumb of the Vice-President,
aa the head of the Senate, these people
may lie saved or provided for. Under the
existing law, so applied, the administration
will be subject to the trading office cliques of
the Senate, and will be powerless for retrench
ment or reform.
The first and main purpose of General Grant
therefore, on the outset, should be to suggest
the repeal of this crlpplintr and demoralizing
Tenure-of Office law. Upon this issue, as in
volving the hiehest publio interests, we think
be oan cheerfully reconcile himself to John
Bon's Cabinet for a mouth or two, from Seward
down to Urandtatner Welles; and to the policy
of masterly inactivity, likewise, iu reference
to his foreign missions, the custom houses,
Internal reyenue offices, postmasters, district
marshals, attorneys, and everything else.
Doubtless, however, the experiment in relation
to the Cabinet would be tnllicient. Let the
Presidentelect, then, on the 5th of March, in
answer to the committee of Congress, say
that, as under the Tenure-of-Oillce law the
members of the Cabinet of Mr. Johnson are
entitled in equity to one month more in office,
be baa requested them to hold over for that
period, subject to the repeal of the law, and
that iu the interval he will have no special
communication to make to either house, and
the result will be the prompt passage of
ltutler'a bill. Sujh an achievement in the
interests of the Government would be hardly
Beoond in importance to the capture of Port
Uouelson aa the 11 rat victory of General Urant
in bia new position. Let him try it; for upon
this isaue the country is Heartily with him.
The Suiate and Kemovals from (Wlce.
Prom IM N. Y. Times.
Why does not some Senator bring in a bill
in abolish the office of President ami declare
the Senate, or rather the dominant party ma
jorlty of the Senate, to be the executive power
In the Government I It would certainly look
better to do this than to seek the same eud by
piecemeal legislation aud by practical con
struction, as the Senate is now doing. The
Republicans of the Senate met in oaucua ou
Monday to regulate the future oonduot of the
Executive fepartment oi ine wovernmem,
and adopted the following resolution:
itMnhrL Thiit In the s use of Hi Is cuocumio
Hermlor sUoul.i fclgu recommendations looillou
for any ierou ui of urn owu Htale, excepting
Territorial uppoiutnunteupou wuuue continua
tion lie may be culled to aoi."
"Signing recommendations to oflloe" is an
Jnnooent-looklcg phrase, but it meana dicta
ting lnnolntmeuta to office, for when a Sena-
r wnmmenili an appointment the Preaident
is expected to make it, under penalty of being
assailed aud treated aa recreant to his duty
and traitor to his party. Resolving that
Senators should not thus make appointments
outtlde of their own States, involve the doo--
thatther are to' control all appointmenta
within them, ftnd this Is the doctrine which
the Senate intends to praotioe. The Republi
cans in the Senate intend to control General
Uiaat's appoiutttjuta to oi&oe 'the Senators
from raoh State taking charge of thoM within i
that Slat. Th refnital to repeal the Tenure- I
of Office law, which was passed solely boaue
the President aud the Seuate were not in po
litical sympathy not being of the same party
and the obstinate maintenance of tbt law,
row when the two branches of the Govern
ment are iu sympathy, aud when there is no
pretense of a reason tor it based ou any differ
ence of political views, Bhows this oouolu
ftively. It la designed as a tuxajure of coer
cion as a means of inducing General Graut
to surrender that portion of hia executive
functions which Involves the appointment to
office into the hands of the party majority of
the Senate.
We have Already more than onoe shown
bow fatal such a course would be to all the
hopes of reform in the lvil service whloh
General Grant's election haa inspired through
out the country. But the change proposed
would also destroy everything like vigor and
efficiency iu the Executive administration of
the Government at all times and nnder auy
circumstances. It ia not possible for a large
body like the Senate to perform Kxeoutive
dntitts with efficiency and suooesa. The ex
periment has often been made, and haa always
failed, as it always must fail whenever it is
tried. This whole subject waa debated with
great ability when the leading administrative
departments of the Government were or
ganized, and when a direct attempt was made
to require the advice and consent of the Senate
to removals, aa well as appointments; and it
waa maintained by Madiaon and by all the
ablest and soundest men of hia party, and de
cided by Congress, that as the duty and re
sponsibility of executing the laws devolved
exclusively upon the President, it followed of
necessity that, in order to perform It, he must
have the prompt and summary power to re
move incompetent, corrupt, or inefficient offi
cers, for causes short of official misbehavior
in the legal sense. To take that power away
from blm, or to hamper him in its exercise, is
to destroy and render impossible the prompt
ness and vigor indispensable to a proper per
formance of executive duties.
Thia ia precisely what the Tenure-of-Offioe
bill does, its original enactment was justified
solely by the plea that the political hostility
between President Johnson and Congress ren
dered their harmony of action impossible, and
maae n oertain that the President would use
this power, if left in hia hands, in hostility to
Congress. And yet, even iu this oaae, Its
practical operation haa been of doubtful
utility. As a matter of fact, more corrupt aud
dishonest officials have been kept in office than
have been kept out, in oousequeuce of it.
Senators have used the power it gives them
for the fielilbh and dishonest purpose of keep
ing their own personal or political frieuda iu
office, rather than with any retard to the publio
good; and so they will continue to do, so long
as it ia suffered to stand. Not a single instanod
has occurred since it passed in which the
Republican majority of the henate have re
moved a single mau of their own party, no
matter how llagraut hia corruption or ineffi
ciency.
bo long as this Jaw Btanda we shall have a
feeble, lax, and inefficient adminiatiation of
the civil service, no matter who may be Presi
dent. It is utterly impossible for such a body
aa the teuate to investigate, with intelligence
and to any purpose, the reasons for the re
moval of a public officer; and individual Sena
tors will alwaya be too much under the con
trol of personal interest and favoritism to do
it farly, even if it were possible to do it at
all. If they are to aot iu the spirit of the
caucus resolution and "recommend" the Presi
dent's appointments, what possible chance
will there be of securing their assent to the
rimtii al of those same appointees ?
1 he whole thing is preposterous and ab
surd. It deprives General Grant of all ability
to do the very work which he waa elected to
perform, and which the people expect at hia
hands the purification of the publio service
from the corruption aud imbecility which
have disgraced and degraded it so long. If
the Senate had any proper sympathy with
this demaud of the people, and any due sense
of the necessity of this great reform, it would
repeal thia obstructive and unwise law, aud
leave to Gen. Grant the means of performing
the duty Imposed upon him by the Constitu
tion, to "take care that the laws be faithfully
executed."
The Muminotu Frauds.
Prom the jV. Y. Tribune.
Did you ever know an active Democratic
politician who either proposed or urged the
elleclive Drevenuon vi iiuuuwuv vvuuii r
We preBB thia question, because tue country
ia full of sleek, respectable, and superficially
pious villains of the class Shakespeare had in
his mind when he maae "Lady Macbeth" say
reproachfully to her cowardly, shilly-shally
husband:
"Thou wonldHt not play false,
And yet wouldat wrongly win."
These men thoroughly know, and have
long known, that the Democratic vote ia sya
tematically swelled, especially in their Btrong-
lioidB, by the ballots ot non-residents, minora,
aliens, "repealers," ana others not lawfully
clothed with the right of suOrage that Repre
sentatives in Congress are chosen, and States
are carried, by these frauds, aud that their
engineers are liberally rewarded therefor with
"the spoils of victory." Thua waa Heury
Clay beaten in It'l l, being defrauded of the
Klectors from New York aud Louisiana; thua
waa General Grant cheated out of the votes of
this State and New Jersey in 18U8. Ilia
ftiends in each polled more votes thau they
expeoiea ai leusi uuu more in JNew Jersey,
and nearly yn.OOO more in this State. We
had carried this State against the most despe
rate ellorta of our adversaries iu 18G4. aud
again in 1800, polling iu either contest lesa 1
than 370,000 votes. We felt confident of
polling 4,000 last fall in thia city, and over
-100,000 in the State; aud this, with only the
usual cheating of teu to twenty thousand by
our adversaries, would have sufficed to insure
the State to Grant aud Griswold.
But the Democratic managers were early
apprised that no ordinary amount of cheating
would Eerve their turn that, to take the
State from General Urant, they must cheat by
tens of thontauda where they had formerly
cheated by thousands. So they began sea
sonably the L suing of bogus natuializaliou
certificates by the ream, aud scatttered these
broadcast over the S:ute aa well aa city, aui
over New Jersey as well. We personally
know decent, quiet Irish laborers, living iu a
sober rural township, and working for lie
publicans, who were each supplied with a
naturalization certificate by a Democratic
wire-worker, though neither of them had
been long enough in the country to entitle
him to naturalizatlou, neither had declared
his intentions, and neither left the farm ou
which he worked to take any oath or make
any obligation whatever. We know of in
stances where Germans, having just joined
a Grant club, applied to it for naturalizatlou,
but, after due inquiry, were told that they
wt re not yet entitled to it; whereupon they
went over to the Beymeur Club, and were
"put through" without hesitation. We know
that there are not living in the Sixth ward of
thia city bo many legal voters in all by oae
thousand aa the majority returned therefrom
for Seymour and Hofiman, under the manipu
lation of two well-known DomooraAio politl-
clan. Bo we might go on for hour; but to
what end t It is just as well known among
the Democratic politiuiaun of thia city thai
thi-y swindled General Grant out of the
vote of this State aa that General I. .. ren
dered to blm at or near Annoin.ttnr n.mrt.
House. They couoooted the nini-
devised the means; ther euinlnvurl tl. n.
lalns (many of them under iudlntiiiHnt an, I in
dread of being brought to trial); who swore
lalsely In order to give a Bhow of legality to a
part of their naturalization frauds, who per-
All.... ' 1 . II - . - '
pvu uiueic wuu wuum not swear falsely
that they were entitled to naturaliza
tion, but wiuld register and vote on
pspera obtained through the perjury
of others; and they hired aui nal.l t).u
"repeaters" who began to vote early ou lHn.
tion morning and kept on voting till the set
of sun on names registered fraudulently aud
with deliberate intent to cheat the people of
our State out of their choice. These are facta
now authenticated by mountains of testimony,
including that extorted from several of the
perpetrators of this gigantio crime. The preg
nant negative proof of the same faota aff,irdd
by those who declined or rofuaed to testify is
even more Indubitable. He who swears may
possibly lie, even to his own damage; but he
who refuses to swear, with the prison staring
liim in the face, makes a virtual confession.
which cannot be refuted nor explained away.
in me lace or such facts, lie who plea la,
"There is cheating on all sides." betravshis
complicity in the fraud. We might name the
men who, being Whiga or Republicans, were
zealous advoeates of efficient registration aud
other safeguards against cheating in elections;
dui, becoming at length Democrats, never
more lisped a word in favor of such legisla
tion; while othera who, so long aa they were
democrats, wanted nothing dona iu the pre-
miaes, on becoming Republicans at once
joined in the demand that fraudulent voting
or counting be precluded and punished. No
man among ua is so iguoraut aa not to know
ou which tide fel iiy and vice naturally range
themselves, nor which party would protit
most by wholesale illegal voting and repeat
ing. We are confronted by a comprehensive
brotherhood of crime, and must comprehend
and act accordiugly. Let there be no ad
journment of the Forty-first Congress till all
shall have beeu done that law can do to save
ua from future repetitious of the stupendous
villainy that gave the electoral vote of New
Yoik to Horatio Seymour aud placed John
T. Hofl'mau iu the station formerly henored by
John Jay and the Clintons.
Holirc incut nf 1'rcHidrnt Joliusou.
Prom the JV. Y. World.
If it be Eeemly to pay a parting tribute to
Mr. Johnson ou his desceut to private life,
this ia perhaps as suitable a time aa could be
selected. The preparations for the inaugura
tion of bis I accessor aud the formation of the
new Cabinet will presently absorb the public
interest; aud by the time that adulatory
tumult ia over it will be difficult to fix atten
tion upon the plain Tennessee citizen. Hia
administration will have passed from the
domain of journalism to that of history.
The horror and funereal pageantry which
attended Mr. Johnson's sudden acoesaion
cast forward a dark aud blighting bhadow
upon his whole administration. Iu its earliest
aud most critical mouths he had no more
liberty of actiou thau in its closing period.
Dunng those timt months, the real President
lay in Mr. Lincoln's coffiu. His tragio eud
had given him the rank of a martyr, and a
martyr's empire over the smitten affectious
and sympathies of the Republican party.
Lincoln was more powerful dead than Johusou
living. The Btate of publio feeling forbade
l'retident Johusou even to choose hia own
Cabinet. Mr. Seward lay disabled by wounds
from an assassin's knife; Mr. Stauton had put
himself impetuously forward as the avenger
of innocent blood; aud the new Preaident waa
borne helplessly along on a great tide of
emotion which would have overwhelmed as
treason any seeming want of reverence for
the freshly canonized martyr.
No combination of circumstances could have
been more unfavorable to the free exertion of
Mr. Johnson's faoulties. He waa from the first
hour a President only In name. The badges
of nubile mourning, displayed on every dwell-
icg In the land, were aa poteui an mieraici oi
. . . . - . . . . . .
administrative changes aa the lenure-oi-umce
aot became afterwards an interdict against
which the President had not even the poor
privilege of protesting. He waa aa powerless
as a bubble tossed upon the heaving wavea of
the sea. He waa destitute of every source of
inlluence which belongs either to a President
or to a party chief. He had never been a Re
publican; up to the beginning of the war he
had fought that party with characteristic
vigor and virulence; he had never afterwards
professed to be anything but a Democrat;
he was selected for Vice-President merely
aa a lure to eaten Democratic votes;
bo that when he was unexpectedly
lifted to the Presidency, he had no natural
hold upon the confidence of the Republican
party. The party did not feel that it had
requited an obligation in electing him, but
that it had gratuitously conferred oue. Mr.
Jobnton therefore came to hia new office with'
out any of the inlluence of a party leader;
and so sensible was he of thia as soon aa the
first llutter of his Budden and dizzy elevation
had passed away, that he bent hia thoughts
furtively, at first, and without avowing it to
the formation of a new party in which his
former Democratic associations would stand
him in some stead. Hia official lull ueuce waa
almost as Blender as hia personal. Kvery
officer in the publio service had beu appointed
by the canonized martyr; most of these would
have been retained if the martyr had lived;
every oue of them waa a Republican; and Mr
Joliusou would have gained little by
merely substituting oue member for
another of a party with which
be had never been identified. That party had
not elected him to distribute the patronage;
it had elect (I Mr. Lincoln for that among
other purposes; una the offices were generally
in the same hands in which Mr. Lfucolu
would have continued them. Mr. Johnson
durst not affront the memory of his predeces
sor, lie durtit not presume to overrule a
party to which he owed obligations, but on
which he bad no claims. He durst not throw
hiinrtlf upon the Bu;port pf the Demoora'lo
party, firnt, becatiHe it whs a minority, and
theu because, even if it had beeu a majority,
two years and a half must elapse before a new
Congress would assemble In regular session
Mr. Johmon was thua bound hand aud foot.
He could neither leal the Repnblian party,
nor safoly break with It, nor ad Independently
of it. An administration beuiuiiintf with HUch
omens was foredoomed to failure unlosu It
Fuecnmbed to the Uepubllcau party, or could
uivuie ii.
The policy which Mr. Johnson actu tll
II
adopted was bis own, only by hia iirov
It descended to bim from Mr. l.liiuolii, lilii
bia Cabinet. If Mr. Lincoln bad lived, It
is doubtful whether even he could have car
ried that polioy in opposition to Connrii;
nut he would doubtless have made tun at
tempt, lie would have brought luto tl
Birupgie lue roniidenoe of the party, Irrndtly
testified by hit re election: consummate mill
tioal cunning; and a patient, forbearing spirit
wuicu wooi'j nave suunued an open rupture.
lie had hosts of Uepubllcau frlendd. He
would have beeu morally aud legally free to
wield the Federal patronage in favor of his
policy. Moreover, he would have begun hia
work in a period of congratulation and good
feeliug consequent on the successful olose of the
war. He would not have been obstructed by
such a fierce outbreak of exasperation as waa
caused by the assassination, and inflamed by
the trial of the conspirators. But with ad
theae advantages none of whloh were pas
Bested by Mr. Johnson it is not probibU
that Mr. Lincoln could have brought Con
grets to scoept his method of restoration. In
the preceding summer he had killed a recon
struction bill by a pocket veto, and hia pro
clamation explaining hia course bad been
harshly dexouueed in a manifesto bigned by
Mr. Wade and Henry Winter Davis, one the
chalruiAU of the Seuate, aud the other of the
House, committee ou thi subject. In the pre
ceding winter he bad exerted all hia influence
to get Congress to indorse the new State gov
ernments in Louisiana aud Arkansas, and ha l
failed. Congress would have treated him,
however, with more consideration than it
did Mr. Johnson. It would not have decided
against him in a caucus without deigning to
wait one day and listen to his message. The
result would probably have been a compro
mise, in which the President would have
yielded something and Congress something.
The country might have beeu spared the
long and exasperating muddle, and the final
oppressive rigor, of the Congressional policy.
Air. Johnson waa right iu principle, unan
swerable in argument, and be exhibited in
domitable firmness and pertinacity. But he had
neither prudence nor foresight. The heat aud
acrimony into which he waa provoked by op
position were unfortunate. When a President
la compelled to differ from a party with which
he cannot afford to break, he is lost if he dona
not keep up an appearance of defereuce aud
moderation. The more unacceptable hia main
object, the more oareful he should be to strip
it of Irritating accessories, lie should proceed
always by dexterous llauk mwemeuts, aud
never attack in front. JVlr. Johnson waa im
peded by his very virtues, by hia direct
ness, his sincerity, his iullexible adherence
to principle, hia uncompromising honeaty,of
purpose. If he bad been the geueral of an
army, he never would have made a feint of
retreating to draw the enemy into an ambush,
or to gain more advantageous ground. The
ceusequence of his want of taotics waa, that
he was uniformly beaten beateu at every
point. In each successive struggle he haa
been forced to submit to more objectionable
measures than he had previously opposed
The Republican party is more indebted to
bim than it could have been to the merest
tool and creature it could have elected in hia
place. The party would never have dared to
go to Buoh monstrona lengths if thia obsti
nate wrangle had not enabled its leaiersto
nurse the spirit of vengeance, and lead the
party on, step by step, from one degree of
passion ana lolly to another.
it waa the original design of Congress to
Keep the South out until after the l'residen
lial election. The Constitutional Amend
ment was intended to be rejected; provisions
were deliberately put into it which Congress
knew the South would refuse, in order that
the question might be kept open and made to
draggle, and an excuse be furnished for more
stringent measures. Aa thinga have turued
out, the South would have done better if they
had accepted that offensive ameudraent. Not
only has that been forced upon them, but
military despotism and wholesale negro suf
frage bei-ides. iiy acoeptlng that amendment,
they might have foiled the design of CongrHsa
to prevent the whole Southern electoral vote
from being given to the Democranu oandi
dates. The proposed reduction of Represent
atives could not have taken plaoe uutil after
the next census, ihe Mates would have
had their full electoral vote, aud they
would all just as certainly have gone Demo
cratic with the limited white disfranchise
ment as without it, the negroes being ex
eluded. After the election of a Democratic
administration, means could easily have beeu
found to circumvent or nullify the extorted,
unrighteous amendment. When that amend
ment was submitted to the States, Mr. John
eon bad become the pivot, the leader, the
rallying-point of the opposition, which oould
preserve its unity only by yielding to his
direction. He was not astute enough to see
that, at that stage, Congress oould have been
most elleotually thwarted by au acquiescence
which it neither expeoted nor desired, aud
which would have arrested its further pro
gress in the road of tyranny. If Congress had
not stood by lta own proposal after it had been
accepted, it would have lost the support of the
people, if it had stood by it, every Southern
btate would have been securely Democratic in
the Presidential conteBt.
While we cannot regard President Johnson
either aa a wise statesmen or a skilful poll
tician, we must concede that he has been
placed in a position bo trying and difficult
that no address or abilities oould have ap
peered to advantage in it. We must also pay
a sincere tribute to his personal character.
which is less distinguished perhaps by the
amiable than by the respectable virtues. He
Is a man of settled convictions and stubborn
fidelity to them. He cherishes a just aud deep
reverence for the Constitution of his country.
He has never been accused, never suspected,
of usipg any publio position for purposes of
private gain. With a Democratic Congress to
support him, he wouia nave maae a judicious
aud Buocessfni.thougn probably not a brilliant.
administration. His talenta are better fitted
for debate; aud if, after a needed interval of
repose, he Bhould be returned to the Senate
from Tennessee, he will be one of the moat
important and useful members of that body
a perpetual thoru in the side of the
radicals, and the fjarlesa champion of houest
legislation.
PROVISIONS, ETC.
MICHAEL MEAGHER & CO.,
Ho. 223 South SIXTEENTH Street,
WllOLKHAUC AND ItKTAIL DKAXK1W IN
rilOVlNIOftN,
OIHtKUN, A Bin NANU 11, ATI.
run rAJiar vsk.
TKIUUriKN IISI'KK DOZKM. U
GROCERIES, ETC.
TJtESH FltUIT IX CASH.
in: AC 11 KH. riKArrum, niu.,
GRKKN VOU.N, TOM ATOM
iHKCH PKAB, MObHKOOMH.
AMPAUAUUM. ETC. Kt'O.
ALI1KUT C. HOIiKKTW,
Dealer In Flue (Jrocarlen,
II 7rp Vot. KUCVUHTtL aud VI Wit btreuU.
JEWELRY, SILVERWARE, ETC.
ESTABLISHED 1823.
1
HOLIDAY CBKNEMTIt.
WA'lt'lIKH, JKWILRY,
IXOUBH, biLVKHWAKE. and
(7. W. RUSSELL,
ti M)ftTU SIXTH STKEET,
PHILADELPHIA
Ao.
FINANCIAL.
Union Pacific Railroad
io4o mxjin
WOW C03IPLETE1.
The First Mortgage Uonds,
IIAVINU Stf YEARS TO HUN,
rriiiciiuil and Interest Tayublo in
Gold,
WE AUE KOW SELLiMJ
AT
PAR AIND INTEREST,
OrexcbPiiglng for (JOVEKNMENT EEUUlU
TIES on the folio wlnn terms:
Kor 11000 1H8U, we pay a dlfferonoo of J13H7
$1000 1K02h, we pay a difference of - 14102
II0U0 lHGls, we pay a dllfurenoe of - 107-D2
81000 lSfos, Niv., we pny a dlfl. of 12f68
$1100 1010s, we pay a difference of. .. 90 42
(10L0 1805s, July, we pay a difference of 100 42
$.000 )HH7,.Iulv, wa.imT adifferHDceof 101 17
$1000 UeSa, July, we pay auirJeienceof 101-17
Or In proportion, as the market for Uovern-
mcnt Securities may fluctuate.
VM. PAINTER & C0.f
JJANKE1LS AM) UEAI.EIW LN UOVEIH
BENTS, UOEl), ETC.,
!o. 30 South THIRD Street,
219
PBILADKfjPHt A.
UWIOIU PACIFIC
RAILROAD
FIRST MORTGAGE
30 YEARS SIX TEK CENT.
GOLD BOK3DS,
FOR SALE AT PAR
AND
ACCRUED INTEREST.
DEALERS IN GOVERNMENT SECURITIES,
GOLD, ETC.,
No. 40 South THIRD Street,
81 tl
PHILADELPHIA.
PHILADA. AND READING Bl
6s,
IllKK f ltOM Al l. TAXi:s.
A M)iull amount tor sale low by
DliEXEL & CO.,
No. 34 8outh THIRD Slroot,
112 2w
riltLADKLPIIIA.
LCDYARD & BARLOW
Hare HeinoTcd their
LAW AND COLLECTION 0FI1CK
TO
No. 10 South THIRD Streot,
PHILADELPHIA,
Aud will continue to give careful atteutlou to
collecting and scouring CLAIMS ttiroutcUoul
ine United Htates, Bilitsh Provinces, and Ku
rope.
Bight Drafta and Maturing Paper collected at
Bankers'. H8i!iL
pm S. PETERSON & CO.,
Stock and Exchange Brokers,
No. 39 South THIRD Stroot,
Members of the Ken York aud 1'liUitdoU
lhla Stock and Uold Hoards.
STOCKS, BONUS, Kto., bought and tld OU
ooiuutUwlououly aielthiroiiy. Itn
FINANCIAL.
KKINC HOU8
Of
ayCoqke&Qx
Noe. 112 AJiQ 114 Soutb THiKJ) Bireet.
PHILADELPHIA.
Deuicn In bll UuTcrumcnt Securities
OW 6-208 Wanted In Exchange for Hen
A Liberal Difference allowed.
Compound In to-rent Kotos Wautttd
Interest Allowed oa LrepoBita
COLJLK4JTIONH MADE STOCKS bonaUt and aota
on Oommlmlon.
RpecbU boAlnc"! aocouiraodAilon rMenrea rat
Udlea.
We wUl rfcelv application fbr Policies of Lira
Insurance in Um National Lit IomrtiiM Company
of the TJnltetf B(w. Full Information given at our
oflloe. llin
GLENDIN1IIRG, DAVIS & CO.,
No. 48 South TIIIKD Street,
PHILADELPHIA
GLENLMNG, DAVIS & AMY,
No. S NASSAU Si., New York,
ISAMIEKS AND IKIUKEIM.
Direct telegraphic communication with
the Mew York Stock Boards from the
L'hlladelphla Office. u
BKJamison&Co.
SUCCESSORS TO
1 I KELLY & CO.,
BANKKKS AND DEALK11S IN
Golfl, Silver, ani Government Bonis,
At Closest Market Kales.
N. W. Corner THIRD and CJIESMJT Sis.
Special attention given to COMMISSION ORDERS
In New York and Philadelphia Blocks Boards, etc
etc. 3 it im
1 1 . 'j- .i
Dealers In United States Bonds, and Men
bers of Stock and Uold Exchange,
Receive Accounts of Hunks and Hankers on
Liberal 'J'enns.
ISSUE BlUH OF EXCllA-NUE ON
C. J. IIAMliKO & BON, LONDON,
B. MKTZLKU, 8. SOHN A CO., FRANKFORT
JAMK3 W. TUCKER & CO., PARIS,
And Ot her Friiiclpal Cities and Letters of
Credit Available Throughout Europe.
DRUGS, PAINTS, ETC.
JOBKRT SHOEMAKER & CO.,
N.E. Corner or FOURTH and RACJG Sts.,
miLADKLPHIA,
WHOLESALE DRUGGISTS.
OiPOBTKBiJ AND MJLN UtfAOTCRKRa OJT
YYhlta Lead and Colored FaLita, Pott
Varnlahes, Etc
AGENT& iOK THJB CKLUBRATEQ
IKEACH ZINC FAINTS.
DBA IJUta AND CON'S CM KRH
LOWKHT FJLIC&M FOR CASH.
6TJPPLIKD At
till
CLOTHS, CASSIMERES, ETC.
PANTALOON STUFFS!
JAMES & LEST,
HO. 11 MOBTIf IMl'VHD NTIIKIST,
Blgn of the CJolden Ljtvmb,
Have now on l:and a very larga and choice aort
wul of all th. utiMr KtylM ot
Fall and W Inter Fancy Citsslmerea
l; THE MAKXnir,
To which tbty hi vlu tUo attention of the trad, and
o Ultra. UK8W
AT WIKaMtLK AND K2JMIL.
BRANDY, WHISKY, WINE, ETC.
QAR STAIRS & IklcCALL,
No. 126 WAl.NLT and SI liKAXlTE Ht.,
i.Mi'Oai'KKH or
.trundles, W Olii, Olive Oil, Etc Ktcu,
WI101 l.'M.K DUAL hits IX
ruuK iiyi: WIIISKIKS,
IX U ' .V It A y TA X J'A It). 4 11
HOTELS AMD RESTAURANTS.
Mr. Ykrnon Hotel,
8 i Monument street, liahimorc,
Kli'ti.utly Kuuilalicd, with unaurrmiiisl Cultln
On the lluropcan l'lan.
D. P. MORGAN.
A NT MY 1 N 1) 0 W It ATTLER.
for DwcllliiitM, 0r, NtAiuboUf (.
revest lUMlluff mul HUnklng of tha Wla-'
down l.y tun wliiil ur ulluir cuuimm, tlgUlnua Ui
Mi.li. M-vt iil. IliawlnUauiliUi.llroiu euUirlua,
cui.lly itttuolitnl, unit i'iHuii'oa but m alUtfT
Kliiiu' to Jutluu it tl. iiuiiIm,
I VII Oil llio Ooiioi wl Atfoul,
a r. kosk
No. 7i7 J AVNE Street,
iiwu WrtvUr: nuJ Cuewnnl,
u tl rmwiui niii.i.iiKiU.
V; !v i " tl F" t