The evening telegraph. (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, February 17, 1869, FIFTH EDITION, Page 2, Image 2

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SPIRIT OF THE MESS.
BorronuL opi5iobb or tus lkadiko kcmim
CTOB CXEBSBT TOPICS COKniJID IVKUt
DAY FOR Till BVKBIBO CKlZUBAf K.
Ueucral (Jraufs UtUr il A i-pptuncc.
from the if. Y. Wot Id.
General Grant bt-traja fruivtouis of tm na
tion. The Maceration of t'-ie Kopublioan
Congressmen slut Lu FpertU ou Batnrday,
and their muttered luteal of opposition,
have Induced him to smooth ru.ittera by giving
A virtual aoeurauce that he do.ia not intend to
desert the Republican party. As a median of
OOBTevirg this asdarauuf, ho has aloptea tua
unusual and. bo fur ai we kuow, the iiuex
ampled course of Bonding to CocgreBB a l itter
of acceptance. There is no reason in tie
world (aaide from his wlhta to ponr oil on the
troubled waters) why he euoiild hare wrilten
a letter of aoceptanoe, or why such a letter, , u
written, Bhou d be addressed to Congress, lie
was not elected by Congress, but by a body
of Electors Horn wfcopi llnotCon
rresa ara excluded by the Constitution.
Vhen the Electoral ('ullage- had discharged
their duty of voting, and making out aud
tranfmK the cJtiliJAtea 0 their votes,
they were immediately dUsolwd and had no
longer any existence. Ai there U no orga
nized hody from whom the ue 1 r.'Bi lent re
ceived hid election, there ia none to whom a
letter of acceptance couli with any propriety
tie addressed. CoLgres', at a very early
period, pael a law which completely dis
penses itlany formal aoceptanoe by a newly
elected l'resident, by providing that nothing
8hort of an instrument in writicg deposited
With the Secretary of H'ate should be con
sidered as a refusal. The la (passed in
1702) is in these words:
'The only evidence of a rrfnsal to accfif, or
Of a realisation, of the oilieo ot PreeMiut, or
Vioe-rresldenl, sbail bo an instrument ia
writing uecUHDg tUo same, ami subscribed by
tue poison refusing to acceptor resigninpr, bs
the case may be, anil delivered into tuooiiico
of th eHecretary of Btme."
If a President-elect does not execute and
deposit Buch an instrument, the law assumes
that he accepts, and makes unnecessary any
formal declaration to that eil'eet. All former
Presidents have acted in the spirit of this law;
none of them have committed the absurdity of
Bending a letter of acceptance to a body who
took no part in the election, who are excluded
fcjr the Constitution from taking any part in
the election when there has been a choioa by
the Meotoral Colleges, and who are merely
present as spectators at the opening and count
ing of the votes. Yhy has General Grant (and
Mr. Colfax to keep him couutenance) deviated
from the custom of his predecessors, and done
a superfluous act which goes beyond the re
quirements of the law ?
The reason is easily conjectured. The party
hubbub caused by General Giant's speech of
Saturday, has moved him to undo its ellects
by assuring Congress and the Republican
party that he does not mean to cat loose from
them. Ilia virtual declaration ot indepen
dence was made on an occasion so formal, that
be felt constrained to invent an occasion
equally formal for counteracting the impres
sion It made. Henoe this unusual step of
Bending a formal letter of acceptance to Con
gress. General Giant's letter U in the follow
ing words:
' Gbhtlbmkn: Please notify the two aouses
Of Congress of my acoeptnuce of the irupji'laut
trust which yon have Jiiii nnUilud toe of, my
election as President 01 the Uul:e 1 states, antt
Buy to them that It will he my endeavor mat
they and those who elected t'.iem snail have no
cause to recrel their action."
General Grant, to ttse a slang expression,
has "oaved." Close upon the heels of the
gpeeca in which he ignored the Republican
party and the Republican policy, he sends
this letter virtually promising that that party
shall have no reason to be dissatisfied with
their choioe. This letter is an afterthought.
If he had Lad any intention of Bending a
written acceptance, he would have told the
committee so on Saturday. This expedient
has occurred to him, or been put into his
head by friends, since, as the readiest means
of quieting the alarm excited by his speech,
and increased by the compliment and assu
ranoe of Democratic support tendered by Mr.
Pruyn. Mr. Colfax was induced to Bend a
similar letter, to cover the appearance of
singularity. Colfax having no distrust or dis
satisfaction to remove, his letter is perfectly
insignificant. It is in the following language:
"Gentlemen: Please convey to the two
houses of Congress my acceptance of tbe otlice
In whtnh T have been elected by the people of
the United States, and assure them that I snail
endeavor to prove wormy ui iuui iuu.cn. 01 uuu
lldenee by fidelity to principle and duty."
There is no promise by Mr. Colfax of an
endeavor to meet the expectations of the Re
publican party, because in bis ease there
were no doubts or tears crying aloud for re
moval. General Grant baa made a great
stretch of complaisance in acting as if be had
received Lis election at the hands ot Congress
when the Constitution explicitly provides that
'no Senator or Representative shall be ap
pointed an sector." Ana this almost obtru
aive complaisance is for the purpose of re
nouncing the attitude of independence which
lie assumed on (Saturday, and assuring the Ke
publican party 01 nis subserviency to Us
wishes.
Cabinet Tenure.
JVom tht If. T. Tribune.
The World finds fault with the Tribune'
theories about the new Cabinet and its state
ment of the duties ot Cabinet oniuers. Those
who have read carefully our speculations as
to the policy which would probably govern
General Grant, will find that they have been
fully endorsed by the speech of the General
nimself. We perfectly understood the "mean
ing" of the Civil Tenure-of-Oilice act when we
stated the responsibility of Cabinet officers to
tbe President. To be sure, the Senate by a
special vote did declare the President had no
authority to remove the, Secretary of War; but
subsequently it virtually decided that the re
moval of that Secretary was not a violation
of law. The effect of the impeachment inquiry
waa to destroy that provision of the Civil
Tenure of Office act which made Cabinet ofli
eers permanent. Even if that provision did
not exist, we can scarcely imagine a contin
gency (except the one under which Mr. Stan
ton acted) tbat would allow a Cabinet Minister
to remain In the counsels of a President after
he had bsen requested to resign. Practically,
Cabinet officers, even under this Civil Tenure
of Office bill, may be, and will be, deposed by
the President whenever it- sniU his pleasure,
the Senate consenting, if Johnson could re
move Btanton in spite of a hostile Senate,
what could Grant do with a Senate of his
friends f
The World objects to our statement that the
Cabinet Ministers act "by order" of the Presi
dent. President Jackson on ono conspicuous
occasion oertatnly oompelled a Secretary to do
acts in defiance of Congress, and was censured
for it. We presume if the ministerial acts of
every Cabinet were analyzed it would be found
tbat they have taken many responsibilities
and performed many acts independent of
Corgrcfs. We know that when Congress, in
the early part of Linoolu's administration,
censured eertatu Ministers, they were allovrt d
to remain, and no notice taken of the censure.
THE DAIlri RVENINCr TELEGRAPH PHILADELPHIA, WEDNESDAY,
When the IIonFe virtually oensnrrd Mr.
eward by passing resolutions In referenoe to
1'rmeh intervention in Mexico, no notice was
tiVen 0' that art, nnd the Secretary of State
rnvalurly explained away the vote of the
Hoiikp, by tellit'g foreign powers that it wa
lM.tb're more than an expiessiou of opinion.
Whether the Civil Teimie of-Offlea bill be
j.i.eaVd or not, General Orant, or any Presi
d.lt as 1 Irb'y in the ooaflden. e of the coua
trr will find no di dimity iu selecting men for
,-,VoUvetrnals. We venture to Bay that if
he wtre tvin to tend to the Senate on the 5;u
of Marc'' names for nine-tenths of the office?,
aud f lnij ly state that he made the rmovaU
"for the 1 ullio good," they would be c-vu-fumed.
Practically, therefore, we see no dif
ii.ulty in this .Civil Teunre-of-OiB j bill.
There will be no objection to the new Presi
dent making the Secretaries ministers of ui
j.owtr. The Civil Tenure-of Ollioe bill tried to
change tbic, and it probably would have bueu
wife if it had been done. It failed, and what
we have to do now is simply to look at the
facts. General Grant's Cabinet will be his
own. No one will object to that exoept the
'nru cognized statesmen."
Tlic Iiitcroccanic t'iuia!.
Yew the f. Y. Tribune.
If the treaty which Mr. Caleb dishing has
ju.it negotiated with the United States of
Colombia for the construction of a ship canal
across the Isthinu3 of Panama is such as we
have a tight to expect, Mr. Seward has
achieved a enccess far eclipsing the glory of
his icebergs and earthquakes. The project of
a canal across the little neck of land that
separates the Atlantic and Pacific Ojeaas is
nearly three centuries and a half old. The
early Spanish adventurers were quick to per
ceive the immense advantages which must
fellow the cutting away of this barrier; how it
would give them easy access to the wealth of
India and control both of the rich coasts of the
two American continents. Barely forty miles
of land intervening between the two seas aud
yet for those forty miles the treasure-laddn
galleons had to coast along both sides of a
great continent and risk the . perils of the
stormy cape. In the sixteenth century,
Philip II of Spain sent two Flemish en
gineers to explore the isthmus for a
proper route; but they encountered in
superable dilJiculiies; political reasons
also came np whieh rendered the scheme
undesirable: and the canal project was put
under ban, and death decreed against anyone
wno Should revive it. In the present ceutury
the plans of the old Spanish pioneers have
been canvassed over and over again with re
doubled earnestness. The Government of New
Granada has once or twice taken up the work;
Prance and Great Britain have entered into it
with zeal; and our own country has devoted
to it extraordinary pains. Tne surveys of the
tangled and dangerous forests by our Ameri
can engineers, several of whom lost their lives
in the enterprise, fonn one ot the most thril
ling chapters in the history of modern adven
ture. The task of selecting a route is no easy
one, cor will the labor of building the canal be
by any means so simple as it may seem. The
interior of the country is so abaol utely uukuo wn
that tho surveyor must examine nearly every
foot of ground in person; there are few records
of previous scientific exploration to guide
him. And though the strip of land between
the two oceans is so narrow, it embraces natu
ral obstacles which it will require the genius
of superior engineers to overcome obstacles
eo great that it has repeatedly been sought to
avoid them by the choice of long and tortuous
routes through the peninsula of Central
America. The great trouble is that right
through the isthmus runs the mountain chain
which connects the great ranges of the North
ern and Southern Pacifij coasts. To cross
this range with a ship-canal involves a tre
mendous system of locks, cuttings, and enor
mous tunnels, high enough and wide enough
for the passage of large ocean vessels; and
locks require feeders which at high lovels it is
difficult to find. These obstacles, however,
are only such as money and perseverance can
overcome. The work will pay in the long run;
but can the capital be raised to defray the first
cost? The Suez Canal is mere child's play in
comparison with a canal through Panama or
Darien.
A canal, however, the interests of the world
imperatively require, and we cannot doubt
that the building of one is close at hand.
Commerce between the United States and the
Eastern coasts of Asia, and the islands of the
great South Sea, is rapidly developing. The
traffic between Asia and Europe, also, has been
gradually making a highway of the American
continent, even though the transit involves a
double transfer of cargo from ship to railway,
and from railway back again to ship. It is
estimated that the saving in money to the
trade of the world by the opening of this canal
will be annually nearly $50,000,000, and the
saving to the United States no less than
3G,0liO,00O. The saving in distance in the
voyage from New York to Calcutta will be4oo0
mites; from New York to Melbourne, 3340
miles; from New York to Shanghae, 9(300.
There are questions concerning the neu
trality of the canal in time of war which have
been difficult to settle, and we shall await the
publication of the text of Mr. Cushing's treaty
with Borne anxiety to see how they have been
disposed of. All civilized nations, however,
seem yearly more and more anxious to lessen
the horrors of war, and .render its burdens as
light A3 possible to non-combatanU-; and we
doubt not that an agreement can be made with
which the contracting parties aud the world
at large will be entirely satisfied.
Coin Contracts An Important Decision
by the Supreme Court.
rrom the ,Y. r. Timr.
The question as to the payment of ooin con
tracts made prior to the passage of the Legal
tender act was on Mondsy decided by the Su
preme Court of the United States. The deci
sion waa that Bitch contracts mutt be satisfied
in coin. As the matter is one of very great
public interest and importance, we may give
an outline of the cace which called forth this
decision.
In liectmber, lt-ol, Christian Metz and wife
executed to l'redeiick EronBon a mortgage
upon certain lands in Erie connty, New York,
to secure the payment of $l-K'0 on the 1st day
of January, it'ol, "in goliand silver coin,
lawful money ol the Laited Sates," with in
terest lend-annually, ' in coin, ai aforesaid."
In March, tue mortgaged premises were
conveyed to Peter Kodes, who assumed the
payment f f th mortgage aud paid tueluterest
thereon as it accrued, up to aud including the
inteirfct doe January 1, Jbij l.
Ou He ltl.h of Jtnuary, lSi!:', Roles ten
dered to Rrunl.'-u ifl507 in 1 sited States legal
tender notes, and renuosted him to accept this
payment in satisfaction ot the mortg&ge, and
to execute a d'.:cbarge. This Brouson refused
to do, claiming tbat the mortgage should bi
paid in gold or diver coin. At the time the
oiler wri made the market value lu this city
of lMgnl-tonder notes, as compared with gold
or silver ooin, was one to tW5 aud twenty-are
one-hundredihs. Rodes thereupon commenced
action to obtain a judgment that the mortgage
be eatlKtled. The cause was triad in Kila
county before Justice Groves, who rendered
Iudgmeut dismissing the complaint with costs,
icluing that the plaiutiil had not made tender
acioidii'g to contract, an! that he was not,
therefore, entitled to th relief sought Oa
appeal to the General Term, in this State
that Judgment was reversed, and a Judgment
direc ted In accordance with the prayer of the
complaint; and this judgment was subae
nnebtly iffiimed by the Court of Appeals of
JNrw York. . .
In this state of facts Bronson, in Jauntry last
jehr, carried the csho to the United Slates
Supreme Crnrt. lie contended that the
mortgagor, Mr. Rodes, having for a valuablrt
and adequate ooutid-ration engaged to pay
fc l l 0"in gold or silver coin," as the ooudi
ibu of dm barging bis land from the lien of
ILe moitgage, he was compnllud to shoiv, ia
order to sustain bis actioD, that be had per
fciujtd or bail ollered to per 'or in his coutraot
jip stipulated, or bud b-n prevented from
perlorui'Ug it by the defnndaut, to entitle
liimtell to the relief demanded.
Rodes maintained the theory of the General
Turn aud Court of Appeals of tb.I i State, con
tending tbat the real intention of the parties
wts to secure the payment of the mortgage
' in lawful niouey," and that Congress was
posseted of power to pass thi a st in question
(the Legal-tender act), aai the Court shr.tld
tiiforce it.
The decision rendered cn Mou lay by Chief
Justice Chase is the conclusion of this pro
tracted series of litigations.
It Is not probable that the canes of which
this Is to serve as precedent are very nume
rous. For it will be obierved tbat the deci
sion applies only to such contracts, made
before the passage of the Legal-tender a? as
were made speciiioally payable in coic: when
the kind of currency is rut mentioned, then
"legal-tendera" are lawful money iu such
connection.
The judgment may produce eome disturb
ance in mercantile and moneyed circles, and
may give rise to some further litiga'.ion, but
its justke cannot be questioned. The Legal
tender aot would seem to have been a neces
sity of the. war time, and we expect to see its
constitutionality ifli'tDfJ; but a grUvons
wrong was committed when the State courts
made the enactment of this law a reason for
Invading the sanctity of contracts previously
in existence. Where silence was observed in
regard to the nature of the payment, green
backs were properly available as legal-tender.
In other cases, where gold was promised, pay
ment in gold should have been enforced. The
Supreme Court has now invested the equitable
view with the bindiug force of law.
This proceeding to some extent renders un
necef sary the measure pending in Congress
for the legalization of gold contracts. We
now know that they ara al'ready legal, aud
therefore obligatory. Some legislation is still
necessary, however, to provi.le against the
possible abuse of opportunities when two
kinds of currency are brought into play,
d-iieral tinmt'.s lro gramme.
From the N. T. Scrulit.
Since the advent of General Jackson as the
head of the nation 110 event has occurred at
Washington of gieater importance, as the fore
shadowing of a new epoch In the manngeaient
ol the Government, than the little speech of
Oenerai urant on Saturday last to tne Con
gressional coin mil tee iulorming him of his
election to the Presidential succession. It has
already made an Impression upon the leading
political aud fiuaucial circles of both hemi
spheres hardly less remarkable than the little
hirt of Louis Napoleon to the Austrian Am
bassador 00 New Year's Day, 18.ri!i, fore
shadowing the expulsion of Austria from the
basin of the Po and the unification of Italy.
As a man of deeds more than a man of
worde, we know that this brief speech of Gene
ral Grant admits of the broadest interpreta
tion. And what does he say? lie Bays: "I
ran promise the committee that it will be my
endeavor to call arouni ine as assistants such
men only as I think will carry out the princi
ples which you have said the country desires
to see successful economy, retrenchment,
faithful collection of the revenue, and pay
ment of the publio debt." These will be the
great obiects of bis administration, and they
involve the twelve labors of Hercules. In
economy and retrenchment he will have to
tight the many-headed nydra or enormous
jobs, wasteful expenditures, and powerful
combinations ot politicians, capitalists, ana
adventurers of every stripe. In the faithful
collection of the revenue he will have to grap
ple with whisky rings, tobacco rings, Custom
House rings, Indian land stealers, and railway
bund and land libbers in short, all the rings
of Treasury thieves, whose aggregate spolia
tions have doubtless exceeded two hundred
millions a year under Johnson's tied-up ad
ministration. But If Grant can put a stop to
these spoliations the payment of the publio
debt will be a simple and easy matter, even
with the removal of halt the burden of oar
present taxations.
How does he propose to accomplish these
reforms 1 He says that bis first endeavor will
be to secure faithful and competent assistants,
and that "if I shall fail in my first choice, I
shall not at any time hesitate to make a second
or even a third trial, with the concurrence of
the Senate, who have the continuing power,
and I should just as soon remove one of my
own appointees as the appointee of my prede
cessor." In other words, saddled with the
responsibilities, he wi'l, like Jackson, be the
master of bis Cabinet and his policy. 11 is
ministers will not be, as were those of General
Taylor, his equals in Cabinet council, but his
staCc Hieers or subordinate generals. He will
not be, as the amiable Lincoln was, continually
harassed by the clashing intrigues of his Cabi
net; nor will he be a mere follower of his
Secretary of State or Secretary of the Trea
sury, after the fashion of Johnson.
He expeots in his removals and appoint
ments the concurrence of the Senate. At all
events, as occasion in his judgment may de
maud, he will not hesitate to try them,
Tennre-of-Oflke law or no Tenure of Office law.
He will give his reasons nnder the law, and if
in any important removal the Senate shall
refnte to concur, he may make a case of it for
tLe Supreme Conit, in order to have an autho
ritative judgment upon, tbe constitutionality
of this law. Johnson, it was said, at the time
of Stanton's peremptory removal, was aiming
at a case for the Com t, but he went the wrong
way about it, ana was caught in the impeach
inent trap set to catch Lim. Grant has no
snch trap to fear; for the present House is
with him, and the new House, on the 4th ot
March, will be with him, bdI, best of all,
justice and the people are with him. As a
I mere creature of the llepnbluan party, John
j son, aocijtntally advanced to the White
Home, in assuming to have a policy of his
own, wstf regaul-d by Congress as an upstart
and a false pretender. He had no rinbt, they
said, to be anything but a servantof Congress,
and they fought him npau this issue and mas
tered him. Grant, cn the other hand, was
taken up at Chicago as a necessity, and his
name saved the Republican party In Novem
ber last from a crushing defeat. He is right
fully, therefore, master of the 6ltuation, and
pioperly indicates his purpose to be so.
lu order to be perfectly free In his selec
tions, he notifies the Congressional oominit'.ee
that he has come to the conclusion "not to
announce who I am going to invite to seats iu
tie Cabinet until I send in their names to the
Senate for confioiation," or if he says any
thing about it it will be only two or three days
More (ending In their names. Why so? bV
ranse be has dlsoofored that iu proclaiming
in anvanoe any pnven nifii out or say a re
hundred expectaats, tht-re wM b a clamor
raised against the men chosen by all the
fiiends of the four hundred and ninely-thre
left cut, and he wants to "have pnft,-," at
leapt till be is harnessed for battle. This re
minds ns of an incident la the beginning of
General Jackson's Presidential policy. It wai
before bis first inauguration. A number of
1 is 1 arty leaders ca'led upon him to offi-r him
H eir Psi8tance In Cabinet making. "I thank
j on, gentlemen," replied Old Hickory, "but
though I cannot ssy anyt' hg about it jut
yet, my Cabinet is already appointed." So,
we gneps, is that of General Grant.
But in this significant ? pneoU of Saturday
last General Grant sajs nothing of recomtrny
tiMi. This Is a remi kabli omission, espe
cially when Senatoi M.r!on, the momhpieu
of tbe oflioial committee, expressed to the
General the highest hop-s that "during your
admlnietiation the work of reconstruction will
be completed aud the wounds of civil war
healtd." Perhaps the General thought re
construction Eiilliclently complete to say no
thing about it. It is enougij, however, that
his mind was preoccupied with "economy,
ritiencbnunt, a faithful collection of the reve
nue, and payment of the public debt." It is
erough that he regards these as the paramouut
objects of Lis administration, aud that in car
rying them forward he bus chosen his line of
operations upon which to fight it out. as in
the campaign of "the Wilderness." We cou
clude, then, that we are to have another
Jackson, and not another Johnson, in General
Giant.
lite lYmire-cr-OiTlce Law.
Frovi the jf. Y. Tunct.
General Grant baa made public proclama
tion of his purpose to clear the civil service of
the thieves aud Imbeciles who have failed to
collect the revenue, or have put it into their
own pockets instead of tbe Treasury. He has
declared that he will make removals from
cilice to accomplish this result.
But by himself he cannot do this. The law
forbids it. He has no power to remove any
office-holder, no matter bowtligraut his dis
honesty or his incapacity; he can only suspend
him aud await the approval of the Senate. In
his speech the other day ail he could do was
to prouihe reform, with the concurrence of the
Si-nate. As things stand now, Mr. Sumner's
assertion is true; the Senate is the Govern
ment. It has taken upon itself some of the
roost important of the functions of the Execu
tive, and especially its contiol over the sub
ordinate officers of the civil administration.
Will the Senate aid General G rant in re
forming the civil service, or will it obstruct
him in his elTorts ? No one thing tended more
strongly to defeat Senator Morgan's reiileo
tiou than, the belief that he would keep in
oflice the Federal office-holders of this city
and State, who have seanred their appoint
ments through bis influence, and who have
proved their unfitness for their positions.
Governor i'enton wa3 sent in his place, very
largely because he was a new man, much
inoie likely to aid General Grant in making
the removals he may find essential, than to
oppose aud obstruct him.
The experience with the Senate, thus far,
in its control of Executive appointments, has
not been encouraging. We believe that there
has not yet been a single casein which the
Senate has "approved" the removal or sus
pension of a single office holder, if he hap
pened to be a member of the dominant party.
Revenue officers have been oouviuted by the
t onus ot crime, nave been sentenced and
have actually gone to the penitentiary, and
have yet been kept in ofli je by the refusal or
failuie of the Senate to approve their re
moval. It is impossible that a numerous
body like the Senate should perform execu
tive duties of this kind with vigor, energy,
and a proper sense of responsibility. And,
as our experience proves, the chances are
ten to one that party sympathies and party
interests will control its executive action In
all cases where the removal of party favori.es
is concerned.
The Tenure-of-Office law ought to he re
pealed. It can serve no other purpose now
than to prevent General Grant from making
the removals which he may deem essential to
the public service. The Senate has full con
trol over his appointments. They must be
submitted to its consent and approval; what
more do Senators require? If the President
can make no removals if in every case of
suspension from office be must Bend bis rea
sons to the Senate, and they must be submit
ted to the investigations of a oommittee, and
then to the ordeal of the Senate itself, it is
clear that practically his power of removal
amonnts to nothing. The delays and uncer
tainties surrounding it the chances of
thwarting his action by the Senate's vote
will be bo great as to deprive it of all terror
and all efieot.
If the Senate intends to aid General Grant
in bis eflorts for civil reform, let it repeal the
Tenure-of-Office bill, by which it has tied hid
Lands.
BRANDY, WHISKY, WINE, ETC.
QAR STAIRS & McOALL,
Kos. 128 WALM7T aud 21 till AM TE Sl.
mronTRs or
DraiitlitB, Wines, I) In, OUre Oil, Ltc Ett.,
nB 01. JiisA I. E D f'A LEES AV
I'LltE HYE WHISKIES.
jy noyp ajs-d tax paid. 4 11
LUMBER.
lCi-U sPKUCK JOlaX , Q
lOUii bl'aUCJS JOIBT. lOO J
HH.li.LOCK,
H JIM LOCK.
1 c-0 bKISO.Nili ULAit FLNK, Tq7u
tilOlOi!; JATTKHN PINK.
bPANlbU UKUAJl, IfOil PAl'l'JiiiNB.
KtLi IJ-'DaB.
1 C -n iXOBiUA FLOOIUNO. T Cf
lOUU II.OK1UA XlAMJHliM. lOUU
lAKUUNA JXX)HliSU.
VIBUIS'A FlAJUKl&tJ.
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WALMJT 1-XOOKlNU.
riAJh.lDA b'I KF HO A ult&.
KAIl. I'LiMt.
tiL'll WALMJT El6 AMD fUMi, lO'Ml
ICLU WAUMJT 1Jjo. AiM fUM. LO'OO
Vn aIMJI' rlAAk.
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IClJt) VCtUk.HlAKb.Uh' i.CniAi. 1COU
hkl) CJiJJAit.
WAl-MiT AMI PINK.
18(30
WBITK OAK riAb'K AND JiOAIlD.
UKiKOJjlV.
iri (l (TO1K BOX HAKKRH' 1 n.tl
lt.Lt I'lttAjt J.IOX JMAKJvlia' LOljJ
I -.VAMbll CliliAU HOX LUAlUib,
I Ml hALli. UVV.
leio
CAROLINA fcCANTMNlt,
A J .O Li f" A H. '1. blJ,i.fc.,
NllAAV rCAKit,livU.
1801);
18(A)
r OAK HJHKMLVH.
Vit UVttf c )ilMii,l-8.
M A Vi L K, JB KOT 11 r K .fc CO.,
in
FEBRUARY 17, 18G9.
FINANCIAL.
umo.i! PACIFIC
EAILHOAD
FIRST MORTGAGE
SO Y.F.Alt 8 SIX PF.1l CENT.
GOLD BODB.
FOR SALE AT PAR
AND
ACCRUED INTEREST.
DEALERS IN GOVERNMENT SECURITIES,
GOLD, ETC.,
FwO. 40 South T HIRD Street,
21 tt
FHIf.ADKT.F'JIA.
lOOO M 11133
MOW COJITLHTED of tub
Union Pacific Eailroad.
The t'onipauy IH June the entire lino'
fluislicd through to California, aud
read j for this bummer's travel.
W E ARE 0W SELL1NU
The First Mortgage Gold In
terest Bonds
AT
PAR A1SD INTEREST,
OTIL FURTHER NOTICE.
(xorcrnnient Securities taken In exchange
at full market rates.
WM. PAINTER & CO.,
BASKETS AND DEALERS IN tiOYEBN
HOT SECURITIES,
No. 30 South THIRD 8 1 root,
PHILADELPHIA.
QANKINC IIOU 8 C
OF
JayCoqke&0
Kos. US and 114 South THIRD Street,
PHILADELPHIA.
Dealers In all UoTernnient Securities.
Old 5-208 Wanted In Exchange for New
A Liberal Difference allowed.
Compound Interest Notes Wanted.
Interest Allowed on Deposits. '
COLLECTIONS MASK. STOCKS bougbt iuut ol
on OommlMloo.
Bp eel ui bnalnea. ocomnaodatlon. reaerred IDs
Udlea,
We will receive application, for Policies of Lift
lD.uranc.iD the National i4Je Luioxance Oompny
ot tht United 8tatea, full Information given ai ou
OfllOfc
nam
GLEMKNIKG, DAVIS & CO.,
i
No. 18 South THIRD Street, !
i
PHILADELPHIA. !
GLEKIIIMIKG, DAVIS & AIM,
No. S NASSAU St., New York,
RANKERS AND RROKERS.
Direct legrarhlc commnnlcatlon with
t!ie New York Stock Doardj fioia the
L'uIladelJdti 0&Uc u
FINANCIAL.
t.E DY ARC & DflLGW
Have Kt iuuvt'd Mnir
LAW AM) COUJ.moX OFFICE
T I
l'o. 10 8 utti THIRD Biroot,
I'HIt.AUKLPHlA.
Atd will con' iu nr tr r.iv rai-pful attention to
collirtlPr, nid ;. rl lift CI, I MS ttirou'hunt,
tiip United 8t ..U", Hrt'iRu Provitict-B, and Ka
rope. '
Bipht Prr-fia idJ Maturing Pnpor coilpet.vl t
l!nDlttifc 12X0W
IBMamkokS-CoJ
S'-CX?SpK3 TO '
1'. F. K J2L.L, Y its CO.,
BANKJi.l:8 AND DKALKUH IN
Gi, Silver, sM Gtrraat EoaJs,
At I'lusest Market Rales.
IN. W. Corner THIRD and CllESMJT Sis.
Ppeclu) attention given lo COMMISSION OUDKKH
luNew York ant Philadelphia Stocka BtW. etc
2 II sm
Dealers In Ciil od states Ronds, and JIcis.
bcrs of Shirk and Wold lixciianife,
ReceiTO Acconni of" Ranks and Rankers oa
Liberal Terms,
ISSUE DILLft OF EXCIIASHE OH
C. J. HAVBUO & SON, LONDON,
B. MKTZLER, S. 8UUN & CO., FRANKFOBT
JAMKS W. TUCKER & CO., PARIS,
And Oilier fi inetynl Cities, and Letters of
Credit ATftilalilo Throughout Europe.
PH1LADA. AUD READING RR.
6s,
riti;E FKOM AIX TAXIS.
A fcmall amoiir.t for sale low bj
DKEXEL & CO,.
Ko. 34 South THIRD Street,
2 12 2w
PHILADELPHIA.
pm 8. PETERSON & CO.,
Stock and Exchange Brokers,
No. 30 South THIRD Streot,
Members or the Kcw York and PhlladcN
phla Slock and Gold Boards.
BTOCKS, BONUS, Etc, bought and sold oa
commission only at Plther city. I2tf
CLOTHS, CASSIMERES, ETC.
pANTALOON STUFFS!
JAMES & LEE,
KO. 11 MOUTH HE CON D KIBEXT,
Bign of the Qolclen Lamb,
Have now on band a Tory largo and choice assort
ment ol all tbe near atylea of
Fall and Winter Fancy Cassi uteres ',
UN THB MARKET,
To which they In vile tbe attention ol the trade and
other. Utlm
AT WHClKaiLK AID HRTAIL.
CHROMO-LITHOGRAPHS.
j) I C T U Jt E S FOR PBE3EMTS.
i m t
A. S. HOB IN SON.,
No. MO CHEBNUr Street,
Jiaajoat received exquisite specimens of
ART, 8UITAELE FOR HOLIDAY QIFTd,
FINE DRESDEN "ENAMELS" ON POBOE
LAIN, IN GREAT VARIETY.
SPLENDID TAINTED PEOTOGRAPH8,
. Including a Number of CUolo Uems. ,
A SUPEKrt LINE OF CUROMOS.
A large asaoiimem of y "
NEW ENGRAVINGS, ETC.
Also, EIOH.viVI.Ed KRAMER, of elegant
new patterns; ilai
JEWELRY, SILVERWARE, ETC.
ESTABLISHED 1828.
Ki i'RKS-F.MTS.
WATCI1IK4, It ' HhTi
CiMC' " 8. LVJKM'ARK. and - '
FAKUY OIOOD-J,
Ao. 28 Iu iVJ ll SIXTH 8TREKT,
J.? I'UILADSPHIA.
jT B B R 1 v K 'Vu Vr."'"7
80X3 ihVARJ KOU.DRY, J " '
PO. 430 WASH Wl A KlA LJS. uWlAJa.
V.UUAW WlnllCIo fA-l.J VARJABLK
ucr ., sjtka.u-jix.wn t . t
Kpgolaied by ti .-;.imor. " ' 1
UKKIUCK'8 fc a'U Umxnrtij l-iuIK
fatontkd June, l-" ,
l"vlJU JO"fc ' !
I. M. Wmvio.Vrl
FA.VKNT BKlF-i iSTl.T.lM, HKLV KaJANC'IKU
' Cicxci:RircaAi.(ncuAfcDBAiM-5iy VAijaian
Attn . .
... HYUKO XTnACKK, ,
r Cotton or W.ullbu UauufuiUi.-t. iuin ....
PB'ZJ SX Uv u ,K ROYAr'TlXvANA,
KJlJITrt t V. ami MIWiOUkI lAriTaKUUi,
circniiira k-u ai'.o fitcruu-ttaii r"-iu JtmltPtt
l,.:.7h WAV. Wfw Yor. fo
UtUca Uoz U64. . . JW lu
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