spirit OF THE muss.
giKlOPlAL OPINIOK8 OV TUB LRAIMHO J0PBNAI.8
CFOB CUBBBKT TOPICS OOHPILBR BVBRT
DAT FOB TBI BTBB1NO T8LBOUAPB.
A IS ii 1 X Aualast (he Cornel
Jom the A. Y. Tribune.
Lord Sjdney, Chamberlain of the House
hold " lbe exeroie of Lis ilbt aa guardian
of the theatrical nioraU ot Loudon, Las issued
a decree which id certaiu to exoite the llre
liest emotions amniR the clubs and the oou
lisaea aliUonph ita prautioal result ia, to say the
least 'doubtful. In a circular he admonishes the
luanaReraof the metropolis that theooatutues of
the ladles whom they employ are beooming
"a tmblio Bcau'lal," and intimates that while
they are inordinately attractive to a large
majority of the community, they will not
Lear the critioaHnppotlou of the grave, the
deooroua, and the refluett. Under these cir
cuniBtancea he la compd led to call aerloua
attention to the wl-jeot,' and to invite 'ob
serrations and suggestions" from the mansprj
themaelvea-withwhat epeoial view he doea
nTWfTmHJwy of dealing with a mild
topic To any ordinary person, familiar with
the pantomimic and burlesque displaya of
London the idea of connecting suspicions of
impropriety with the costumes worn by the
young women iludicrous. To the objectiona
of dulnesa and artistic vulgarity the pauto
rnimes are always open; but it requires au
intellect quickened by the elevated atmosphere
of the Lord Chamberlain's office, of which
that high conservator of morals, Viscount
"Willoughby d'Kresby, ia a distinguished orna
ment, to detect in them any quality of inde
cency. The fact is that England, being a3 we
all know an unprogresaive country, has not
vet aoquired that looseness of theatrioal taste
which characterizes some older and some
younger nations. If by any chance some of
our reoent New York exhibitions could be
transferred to a London play-house, and if
Lord Sydney could be persuaded to witness
them, we can well imagine how his noble eyes
might wink, how he might go rattling dowu
without delay to St. James', and with what
virtuous fury 'be might cancel with a few
strokes of his pen the licenses of the reckless
managers who had attempted so daring an
innovation. But London is not New York,
and, in this respect, ia not likely to be for
Borne time to come. And therefore we find
that Lord Sydney, impelled apparently by
some influence outside of his own inclination,
has approached the subject in the tenderest
possible manner, and far from issuing a posi
tive remonstrance or prohibition, simply sug
gests a species of purifying consultation be
tween himself and the managers.
Why the movement, such as it U, should
be made at this particular time, it is difficult
to oonjeoture, excepting upon the principle
laid down by Maoanlay, that at stated periods
English virtue becomes outrageous, and will
not be controlled. After repeated seasons of
popular admiration lavished upon M133 Men
kes; after the aristocratic jubilees with which
the most brazen of French troupes have been
welcomed year after year, it seems odd enough
that the very moment when certain managers
are making serious efforts to introduce a more
reasonable order of drama should be chosen
for a demonstration of thia sort. Possibly the
anxious spirits of the metropolis, having ob
served the slight tendency to reaction in
theatrioal affairs, and being averse to the idea
of any change without their interference, have
bit upon this plan fr securing, through their
offioial representative, the credit of a partial
reform whioh seemed already inevitable. But
whatever the motive, the result will be
unimportant either way. If the managers
have any "obaervationf or suggestions to
offer," these will probably be to the effect that
the mass ot the theatrical public prefers pan
tomime and burlesque to any other form of
entertainment; that, as a rule, by pantomime
they can live, whereas by the "legitimate"
they must starve; that if, as the Lord Cham
berlain asserts, "many profess themselves un
willing to permit the ladies of their families"
to visit the theatres, there fs nothing in the
British Constitution to prevent them from
staying at home; and that, if any serious sus
picion cf indelicacy is entertained, informa
tion may be applied for to the leaders of
iasmonable society, the Prince of Wales at
their head, whose chief publio enjoyment is
derived from performances of this class.
The Chamberlain's eiroular is essentially a
false alarm. English morality has nothing to
apprehend nowadays from English panto
mime. To what extent the costumes overstep
decency may be Been any evening at either of
the Broadway theatres where English actresses
are now performing. They fairly represent
what is done in the way of burlesque in their
own country. Artistically and intellectually
considered, it ia the poorest, feeblest, most
dnvelling show that ever beguiled a public of
its dollars; but Indecency is not one of its
errors.
Kererdj Johnson on the Stump Diplomatic.
from theN. T. WorliL
One of the stock objections advanced against
Mr-Reverdy Johnson's peculiar manner of
making himself at home ia England has been
that he is inclined to fawn upon and "toady"
the British people. Nothing could be more
Airt thai! thls accusation. Mr. Johnson has
delighted the English by telling them what
fine fellows they were, but he has invariably
tempered this by reminding them that the
Americans were finer fellows still. If he has
praised British institutions, he haa at the same
time good-humoredly pointed out the imper
fections and faults whioh existed in those in
stitutions, and has called attention to the
kindred ones in the United State, wherein the
moBt keen-sighted observer would fall to find
single spot or blemlah or any such thing. If
lBe. J Bea.rch for te gkt I'mJ running
through the whole of Mr. Johnson's speeches
In England a subtle vein of sarcasm and iren-
vStE ' a.Dd,.y the E8llah Ua a
t i, 4 -pid eBOU6h nt to detect thia,
ILL hfve. 0Dly themselves to blame. He
seems to have resolv,d to amuse hlmwlf-
l J ?.Vrtar.uiDB and BeUing at naught all
the traditions of diplomacy, and shocking the
nerves of the entire corps dinau by -Sln
lt 'r i hm,the "P0101 of a foreign
aaln J i a 7 lntere8tinS himself in and
digoussing the domestic atfairs of the govern
ment to which he was accredited, criticizing
its institutions, and drawing comparisons
between them and thane, i.t , j - . i
secondly, by ascertaining how great was the
capacity of the Eigliah stomach for the sugar
ceated Dills which he ttim .n .,n v., ,
" j bj noil uui, .vi
coinnound and a.iminiHtnr r.;iio ,.t miiuv,
1 111. v XT U t '
baaU la the Incomparable superiority of
.ugiauu uver i lu worm except America
If All thia IS JIB ItAun OfUXii fnn fnv "xnaen
It Ik a a b VFiyA ATYinflamont ti AniawaH liavj
who saw the game whioh he was playing; and
mis amnsement is not lesBenea, now toai u
appears that the English themselves begin to
suspect that Mr. Johnson may, after ail, l-e
only poking fnn at them.
1'urliBDS Mr. Johnson had srrown somewhat
Weary of his little game; perhaps his great
success at it had made him careless; perbaps
La was resolved to see if no pill which lie
oould prepare would be too large for the Kug-
THE DAlli EVENING TELEGRAm PHILADELPHIA, TUESDAY, FEBRUAIiY 1G, 18G9.
lish gullet. At all events he 1et himself out" I
at the little town of Luton, the other day, to a I
greater extent than ever before, and he ano
. tded in startling some of hia hearers iuto the
mippiclon that he was laughing at them. Home
build'ngs Intended to serve as a Corn Khange
and I'lait Halls at Luton," in lied lord a hi re,
were opened with much ceremony on the 18ih
of January, and Mr. Johnson, being one of the
invited guestp, made there two addresses one
in the morniDg and one in the evening at a
diDner. In the first of these speeches, he
sing the praises of the great republio
in a strain which would have warmed
the cockles cf any Amerioan heart, and
showed very plainly that, if Great Britain
knew what was best for her, she would soon
fashion her political institutions after the
pattern of our own. "We are as free as you
aie," said Mr. Johnoon; "we are perhaps more
free than you. We have a larger share in
our Government than you had in the past or
have now in yours; but, if I read the signs of
the times aright, it will not be long so."
The town of Luton has no representation in
I'arliament, and Mr. Johnson did not fall to
rtmind the Lutonites that, if they lived
under a republic, they would enjoy legislative
representation. Universal suffrage, he de
clared, was the law of nature; and nature iu
tfcndtd that intelligent men, and intelligent
women abo, should have a voice in the making
of the laws under which they live. There
conld be no danger in this, he added, since
"nature never inculcates doctrines fraia
which mischief can result." Mr. Johnson
proceeded to draw a comparison botween
our Government and that of Great Britain,
pointing out the immeasurable superiority of
the former. It was a great error, said he, to
suppose that a monarch was as powerful as
the President of the United States as an exe
cutive. Queen Victoria reigned, but she did
not govern, her ministers being dependent on
the will of Parliament; whereas the President
and his Cabinet were wholly independent of
Congress. "Can the Queen do anything
save exhibit the virtues which give a oharm
to private lift?" asked Mr. Johnson, trium
phantly, not to Bay tauntingly; and then,
turning to Earl Cowper, who sat near him, he
demanded: "Can the House, my lord, of
which you are an honored member, stand out
long against the public voice? I do not know
what it may be able to do in the future, but it
has not done it in the recent past." Earl Cow
per treated the question as a conundrum, and
gave it up, without retorting on Mr. Johnson,
as he m'ght have done, with a few questions
about the Tenure-of Office act. And at the
after-dinner speech, Mr. Johnson reverted to
the same theme, and poured in oil and wine
upon the wound he had made in the morning.
"I said in effect to-day," he remarked, "and
I do not know how your lordship liked it,
that perhaps the House of Lords exists only in
name. But if so, what a name it is ! What
authority does it not carry with it 1 What
associations does it not recall !" The associa
tions whioh it recalled to Mr. Johnson's mind
were the glories of Chatham, and especially
his proclamation, at the outset of the Ameri
can revolution, "that the Americans were
right and the throne was wrong," and his last
appearance in the House of Lords, "wrapped
up in his flannel, and protesting against your
acknowledging the independence of the colo
nies" neither of which associations can be
supposed to be particularly pleasing to the
English xuicd.
But this was not all. Mr. Johnson did not
content himself with drawing comparisons
between President Johnson and Queen Vic
toria, to the great disparagement of the latter,
nor with congratulating her subjects on the
prospect of their soon becoming something
better than subjects, nor with speaking with
thinly veiled contempt of the sovereign and
the lords of the realm, in their political capa
city. He was resolved that the Euglisu should
not be allowed to imagine that, in a single
instance, they were better off, or a3 well off,
as we are. The Earl Cowper, smarting with
the sting cf what Mr. Johnson had said con
cerning the House of Lords, had said in reply
something to the effect that at least Great
Britain had the advantage over the United
States, inasmuch as she had a lady to rule
over her. But Mr. Johnson cruelly robbed
him of this email comfort. "Don't delude
yourself, my lord," said he, "by supposing
that we cannot have a lady to rule over us. I
have read the Constitution of the United
States more than once, and there is nothing
in it that draws any distinction between the
sexes in that particular. I know it has been
said that occasionally we have had an old
woman over us; but we have never yet tried
the experiment of having a young and beauti
ful woman elected our President. However,
in this age of progress, when strong-minded
women are abroad, who can tell what is going
to happen? If it should happen, my lord,
that we elect a beautiful, charming, intel
lectual woman, don't delude yourself by the
belief that we shall not cherish her as muoh
as you cherish your beloved Queen. And
don't believe, either, that ourexecutive autho
rity will not be administered with the same
wisdom as that with which your Queen may
exercise her authority."
Clearly, there is very little toadyism in all
this. One would call it, on the contrary, the
"most grave and temperate" irony on a sub
ject of high English solemnity. Mr. Johnson
may not be suiiered to remain much longer
in England. That ia unfortunate for the
English. If he were kept there and allowed
to spend hia leisure time in making good
Democratic speeches throughout the king
dom, he would Boon inspire the English with
such a hearty contempt for every thing of their
own, and such an ardent admiration for
everything of ours, that they would throw
Queen and Lords overboard and ask for an
nexation, even like unto the San Domingana
The Siillrajre Amendments in Congress.
From the tf. Y. Times.
The controversy which has arisen between
the Senate and House on a question affecting
the alleged rights ot the latter will not expe
dite the adjustment of differences in regard to
the suffrage amendment. Too muoh feeling
has been aroused to render probable the im
mcdir.te restoration of very cordial relations.
The aversion entertained by a powerful party
in the House to the pretensions of the Senate
may be expected to take the shape of a refusal
to surrender the essential features of the
amendment aa In the firrt instance adopted.
It is quite possible that the larger scope and
aggressive character of the amendment pre
sented by the Senate may Ve the means of
(mothering the wLole subject for the present
eefflion.
The amend men as reported by the Recon
struction Committee and passed by the House
is simple and moderate. It is merely a decla
ration that
"The right cf any cltl. n fo Ununited S'nteg
to vcte uliiill tot bo domed or abriugfd by the
Lulled fcta'.ea or any Slate, by re3uu of race,
orcoior, or previous condition of eUvery, of
ncy citizen or clttos of dilating of the United
tSUtfb."
The Senate amendment is sweeping enough
to justify the charge of being revolutionary
preferred by Mr. Conkling and others, who,
DevertheleES, voted for it. The terms used
are:
"No discrimination shall be made in the
United Slates uinoiii; tho olllztos of the United
Salts in the exeicisd of the elective fruuouUd.
or in the Dalit lo hold oillce tunny ouie, oa
account ol race, color, nativity,, property, edu
cation, or creed." '
The House proposition, it will be seen, is
limited to the suffrage, oonoerning whioh
there ia general agreement amODg the Repub
licans. That of the Senate, on the othoc hand
Htiperadds an affirmation of the negro's eligi
bility to oflioe, about whioh there is nothing
like agreement; and, moreover, takes from the
States the power of determinlog in any degree
the conditions of their own government 'whe
ther in referenoe to the franchise or the 'quali
fications incident to office.
For a change in the Jaws regulating suffrage
tt,e country ia to a large extent prepared.
While conoeding to the States their full con
stitutional control over the subject, the de
sirableness of seour ng substantial uniformity
on a basis harmonizing reconstruction haa
forwd itself upon the Republican party. The
ability to justify negro enfranchisement
throughout the South depends somewhat
npon the readiness of the North to abate ita
own hostility to negro enfranchisement. There
can be no propriety in insisting that the
blacks shall have their full share of power in
States where their numbers make them for
midable, so long aa we refuse them the privi
lege in States where their political influence
must always be insignificant. Having made
the freedman a citiv.en, we oaunot without
gross inconsistency deny the fitness of hia
race to participate in the ballot.
The reasoning which conducts to this con
clusion is, however, satisfied with an assur
ance of general political equality. It doea n it
require the universal enfranchisement of the
colored people; it only declares that they shall
be subject to no oondition in respect of voting
whioh does not equally apply to white citi
zens. Impartial suffrage meets the equity of
the case obliterating the distinctions origin
ating in the slave system, aud at the same
time leaving the suffrage question still in
some measure subject to the btates. It makes
the black man politically the equal of the
white man which certainly should satisfy
the special friends of the former; but without
offending needlessly State pride, or necessi
tating the abandonment of qualifications
which some States have established in the
interest of their people.
But the Senate amendment travels over
new ground, dictates terms for which the
country is not prepared, and goes far toward
extinguishing the vital forces of State au
thority. It deprives the States of the power
of regulating qualifications for local office, and
declares that neither on the ground of color,
nativity, education, or property shall a citizen
be debarred admission to the highest positions
of trust and distinction. The interference is
rendered more flagrant by the fact that the
limitations of the Constitution touching
Federal offices are allowed to stand. The
Striate does not object to the qualification
applicable to ita own naturalized members, or
the exclusion of foreign Jjorn citizens from the
Presidency. It proposes to take from the
States authority to enact conditions akin to
those which it is willing to perpetuate in the
Federal Government, and to reduce their ex
ercise of self-rule to the smallest possible
dimensions. This sweeping project, too, is
gratuitous. It aims at objects to whioh public
attention has not been directed, by means
which will provoke the most formidable
opposition.
The House amendment, if now submitted to
the States, may receive the approval of the
requisite number. It is designed to satisfy
the national sense of justice, without any
wanton violation of State rights. The Senate
amendment, even if concurred in by the
House, will assuredly be rejected by the
States, which will see in it an attempt to revo
lutionize the character of the Government,
and to make important local oonoerns subject
to the will of Congress. A suffrage amend
ment thus incumbered with odious provisions
would not have the slightest chance of ratifi
cation. On this subject, then, the House appears
as a conservative body; the Senate aa the
author of an aggressive and centralizing policy.
The anomaly is pregnant with peril to the
Senate itself. Its own continuance on the
present basis of State equality will not long
be possible when the States shall have been
deprived of the attributes of sovereignty
whioh are assailed by Mr. Wilson's amend
ment. If the balance of power wielded by the
States, speaking through the Senate, is to be
preserved, the right of States to regulate
the conduct of their looal governments must
be respected.
The Approaching Struggle ia Europe.
From the Jf. T. Herald.
Europe is just now under conditions which
have had no parallel since the time when the
States system began to struggle into that pe
culiar kind of existence whioh, with certain
modifications, has lasted for some centuries.
The first Napoleon disturbed it for a brief
period. But the first Napoleon rose and fell,
and Europe was not bo different after his
fall as Napoleon believed it would be.
Time has rolled on. Europe has undergone
changes. A new Napoleon has appeared,
with new thoughts, new plans, new pur
poses. The new Napoleon has been com
pelled to admit the existence of forces which
are not in perfect harmony with his own.
For the last twenty-five years the armaments
of Europe have been growing. They have
now reached a point which has no pa
rallel in the history of the past. Over five
millions of men are now under arms on that
continent. France, it is said, has an army of
one million three hundred and lifty thousand.
North and South Germany combined have an
army of one million two hundred and thirty
thousand. Austria has an army of one mil
lion and fifty-three thousand. Russia has an
arinv of one million four hundred and sixty
seven thousand. Italy has an army of nearly
five hundred thousand. We have not spoken
of Spain or Portugal, or of Denmark, or of
Sweden, or of Holland, or of Belgium, or of
Greeoe, or of Turkey. But from what we have
f aid, it w 11 naturally enough be inferred that
Europe has seldom in her whole history
biistled with arms as she doea now.
What does it all mean ? It can only mean
that Europe is in no settled oondition, and
that an appeal to arms at no distant day ia
regarded as inevitable. The truth ia Europe
has come under entirely new conditions.
The railroad aud the telegraph have made the
people impatient of the old-fa;biooed boan
daiy lines. Why should the nationalities
remain what they are? Why should the
great future be stayed simply in the interests
of nationalities ? No one can answer these
questions in favor of the present order of
things. The peoples are gradually emanci
pating themselves. They are no longer
entirely at the mercy of the dynasties.
The press generally, but particularly the
ntwepaper, has given a voice and an energy
to publio opinion which publio opinion never
had before. Thia growth of a common senti
ment, limited not by nationality, by language,
or by religion, but world-wide in its range, is
one of the most prominent and also one of the
most hopeful characteristics of the age. But
the power is yet in the hands of the dynasties.
These immense standing armies are unmis
takable proof of thia. The thrones are
propped by bayonets, aud the prestige of an
cient and parvenu houses alike can only be
maintained by the pomp and ciroumstanoe of
war. The European nations are already at
war with eaoh other; for thia armed peann,
although it may bred fewer bitter eumltiea,
ia scarcely less grindingly oppressive and even
destructive than actual war.
This state of things, however, cannot last.
A change Is necessary and imminent. Europe
is on the eve of a great struggle. The strii
pie will be for the maotery of the Continent.
Not immediately, but at an early dav. EuroDe
will be arranged in two hostile divisions. It
will be the Latin races agaluat the Germau
races. Which will win cannot for a moment
lie doubted. The LaMua have had their
triumph once. It was a great and noble
triumph. Bat there cau be no seonud Roman
empire. The empire of Charlemagne, groat
as in some senses it wan, has not beu oallei
a success by history. Held together by one
strong will, it periehed when that oohnftive
foroe ceased to exist. Napoleon the First
tried to build up the oil edifice, but it
would not do. In spite of all hia skill
tho attempt proved an egregrous failure.
The new empire periehed and ita arohitect
perished with it. The empire which shall
row out of the approaohiug struggle shall
lind its headquarters in the North, and shall
be controlled by foroes born in a northern
clime. The great German race is to rule Eu
rope, aud through Europe the Old World, j ust
as the Anglo-Saxon race, an offshoot of the
same great stock, ia to rule th New. We
shall have in Europe terrific ooullic'.s. Nation
will war against nation; race will war against
race. But nation will become less numnroua
aid races will amalgamate. Europe is doomed
to become a great federal association; but the
centre of the new association will ba fouud in
the North, and the controlling power will be in
the bauds ot the Germans. We have uothiug
to do with fate. We speak only of foroe, and
the history of the ogea and the aspect of the
times justify our judgment.
The United Stales and Hybrid Annexation.
wi the N. Y. Herald.
A few weeks since a number of zealous
patriots in and out of Congress discovered a
nice job in St. Domingo wild lands, mining
grants, Samanfl bay speculations and a trill a
of a few millions in a publio debt worth oue
or two cents on the dollar, and straightway a
protectorate scheme was rushed into Congress
in the hope that the American eagle would
spread its wiogs and carry it into a state of
hopeful existence. To the infinite disgust of
the jobbers the House could not see it in that
light, ai.d the protectorate scheme failed
almost as suddenly as it waa born. The failure
was ascribed to the want of skilful manage
ment on the part of the nurses, and so the
bantling was dressed up in a new suit to try
again if Congress would not adopt it. A
liajt an red bandana kerchief waa wound
round its crispy locks, a Cuba liberty cap waa
placed upon its head, a bogus Mexican rattle
.was put in its little fist, and it was then
wrapped in the striped mantle of American
progress, and presented gingerly to the'eon
script lathers in the shape of a joint resolution
that anybody who wanted to come into the
Union had only to knock at the door, ad it
should be opened unto him.
But the trick did not succeed. The oon
sciipt fathers were in no mood to adopt new
bantlings, particularly of the hybrid breed.
They had recently been trying to bring in a
large black family as members of the body
politic, to which the Northern mind exhibited
unmistakable signs of reluctance. The big
dose ot Southern niggers was yet to be swal
lowed in the shape of a constitutional amend
ment, and it was thought best to see how that
would affect the public stomach, if it could be
digested before proceeding to other measures
of hybtidation. So the joint resolution was
laid under the table to await the effect of our
own colored experiment, and to see if the
body politic could assimilate the large inllux
of black blood.
This is as it should be. We have no time
'now, with so large a debt to provide for and
an immense mass of corruption to purge from
the Government, to foster petty jobs in hybrid
annexation schemes for the benefit of a few
sharp speculators. St. Domingo, Hayti, Cuba,
Mexioo, and Central America are all going
through a natural prooess of ripening and rot
ting, and in due time will oome legitimately
within the pale of our control. The blood
thirsty blacks who have converted Hayti into
a second Dahomey, the sparse, mixed popula
tion that exists in the Dominican republic,
and claim the right to sell the malarious and
uninhabitable shores of Samana and all the
other mixed and mutinous agglomerations
south of ns dignified with the name of nation
alitiep, are eating out rapidly the remains of
the old Latin civilization in their midst, and
preparing the way for the new era of steam
and electricity in the lands they now convert
into deserts. The only point worthy the
present attention of the Government is
Panama and the Isthmus of Darien, where
our rapidly increasing commerce demands
immediate and permanent safety. If we can
save Cuba from the fate of St. Domingo,
Hayti. and Mexico it should be done; but the
country at large is in no mood now for further
hybrid annexation.
BRANDY, WHISKY, WINE, ETC.
QAR 8TAIR8 & McCALL,
Rob. 12G WALSUT and 21 KRASITE fcta.,
IMFOBTEK8 OF
Brandies, Wines, tiin, (Hire Oil, Etc Eu,
WBQLZALE DEALERS IN
PU11E RYE WHISKIES,
JN BOND AND TAX PAID. 4 11
LUMBER.
WW ajyT- 1869
HJLMXXA-'K.
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fcPANlbH C-DAlt, fc'im VA'X'l'&RKa.
Kh.lt CKDAK.
1 Cl'Ci FLORIDA LOOKING, - Qnr
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ABH fr'IAJUKINU.
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fXOitlDA B'f KF MOAHUH.
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in,.n TJNDKKTAKEK8 LUMBER, 1 CfiG
IcDU CNDF-KTAKfcKtt' LUMKKK, 1001
KKD CADAK.
WALNUT AND FINE.
ir.n tJJtt-ABONED FOFLA R. 1
WB1IK OAK FLANK AND BOARDS.
JUCKOKV.
K'tn tlOAR BOX MAKERS' 1 Qi'Ci
lODU tlWAK KOX MAKKKct XOUy
bFANItSU Ci-UAH KUX KOABDS,
FOK BALK LOW.
1 n.n CAIIOLINA KC4NTUS8, T QfiCi
lOCl CAIIOLINA il.T. KILLS, lOOU
, NoitWAy k:antlinu.
lOUl! Od-WSomiNHLKS, lOO J
&IAUJLK, DHOT1I KB A OO.,
' III No. KbbUbOU'l'UUiceet,
FINANCIAL.
UNION PACIFIC
HAILEOAD
FIRST MORTGAGE
30 YEARS SIX PEK CENT.
GOLD BOPJD3,
FOE SALE AT PAR
AND
ACCRUED INTEREST.
DEALERS IN GOVERNMENT SECURITIES,
GOLD, ETC.,
No. 40 South THIRD Ctreet,
21 tf
PHILADELPHIA.
SOW COMPLETED OF THE
Union Pacific Railroad.
The Company Trill ImTe the entire line
finished thronph to California, and
ready for this summer's travel.
WE ARE NOW SELLLNU
The First Mortgage Gold In
terest Bonds
AT
PAR AED INTEREST,
CSTIL FURTHER NOTICE.
KoTenimcnt Securities taken In exchange
at full market rates.
WI. PAINTER & CO.,
BUNKERS AJiD DEALERS IN GOVERN
KE-M SECURITIES,
Ho. 30 South THIRD Street,
PHILADELPHIA.
QANKING HOUSE
OP
jAsrCoQKE&fr'
Nos. 112 and Hi South THIRD Street,
PHILADELPHIA.
Dealers la all UoTernment Securities.
Old 6-20a Wanted In Exchange for Nen
A Liberal Difference allowed.
Compound Interest Notes Wanted.
Interest Allowed on Deposits,
COLLECTIONS MACS. STOCKS bench! od io!4
on Commluloa.
Special bullae! ccomodt!on reaerved tot
Udle,
We will receive applications for Folieiee of Lift
Insurance in the Kauonai Life Insurance Company
of tbe Called States. Pull information given at oat
c flics, 113m
GLEAMING, DAVIS & CO,
. 48 South THIRD Street,
PHILADELPHIA.
GLEHDINHING, DAVIS & AMORY,
No. 2 NASSAU St., New York,
RANKERS AND UROKERS.
Direct telegraphic communication with
the New York Stock Hoards from the
Philadelphia Office. u
FINANCIAL.
O bankers;
No. 35 South Third Street,
PHILADELPHIA.
DEALERS IN
GOVERNMENT SECURITIES,
STOCK, COLD
AND NOTE BROKERS.
A"'Mint of Hanks, l imn, anil Individual, roccited, u'j4
In olii'uk at sight.
INTKHKHT ALLOWED ON BALANCES.
xENERAL"ENT8,
FOR
$n PEC 3 1 J SYLVAM 1 A
yZj forT.HE
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.
Tho National T.tvr IwritANrK Company Ih a
rorporntion rmrtr-l by special Act of Congrc.-w, aii
inovcil July U-iPtW, W illi a
CASH CAPITAL, $1,000,000, FULL PAID.
I.Hx-rnl tprms oirnrpil to Admits and Solicitors, win
ii'o inviti'd to iipply at om- ol1lct.
Full imrliculiirs io be liml oil nppltrntlnn 111. our off! o
IcwiiU'U In Hie Ki'coiwl story of our Hanking House-'
R lii-rr Cirrtilars unit 1'iuiiplili ts, fully diworihlni' ihu
ftAlvmitiigci oll'ercl bj UnM oinpnliy, niny be liud.
K. W. II.AKK A CO.,
Aui 115 NoiUh 77iird St.
LEDYARD & BARLOW
Hare Removed their
LAW AND COLLECTION OFFICE
Ko, 19 South THIRD Street,
PHILADELPHIA,
And will continue to give careful attention to
collecting ant! securing CLAIMS tbronebout
the United Btates, British Provinces, and Ba
"Vope. "
Bight Crafts and Maturing Paper oolleeted at
Bankers'. 1 28 6m
SUCCESSORS TO
P. 1 KELLY & CO.,
BANKERS AND DEALERS IN
Gold, saver, ail GoveriMt Bonis,
At Closest Market Rates.
K. W. Corner THIRD and CUES NUT Sts.
Special attention given to COMMI3slO OBDEBS
In New Yotk and Philadelphia Stocks Boards, etc.
etc. 2 11 Jm
Healers In United States Ronds, and Men
bers of Stock and Gold Exchange,
Recclre Accounts of Hanks and Hankers on
ISSUE BILLS OF EXCHANGE ON
C. J. HAMBRO & SON, LONDON,
B. METZLER, S. SOIIN & CO., FRANKFORT
JAMES W. TUCKER & CO., PARIS, f
And Other Principal Cities, and Letters of '
Credit ATailable Throughout Europe.
PHILADA. AND READING ER. .
6s,
FREE ntOM AM TAXIIS. '
I
A small amount for sale low by
DREXEL & CO,,
No. 34 South THIRD Street,
212 2w
PHILADELPHIA.
pm S. PETERSON & CO.,
Stock and Exchange Brokers,
No. 39 South THIRD Street,
Members of the ew York and Philadel
phia Stock and tiold Hoards.
8T0CKB, 0ND9, Ete bought and sold on
commission only at either city. 126
PROVISIONS, ETC.
CAME . GAME,
Cor stan tly on hand ail kinds of choice Wild
Game, Poultry, Halt Water Terrapin, Ousters,
etc.
Private families, hotel-keepers, etc.. suDDliad
at lowest market rates, at
MAKl'IN'H GAME DEPOT.
No. 1115 MAKKKT STREET.
ra?ri7eWQeOXre0,llV1Bg dttl jMjg
MICHAEL MEAGHER & CO,
Vo. 223 South SIXTEENTH Street, '
WHOLE BALE AND RETAIL DEALERS IN
HOVIMIOSh,
OY ASH NASD CLAMS.
t'OU r i JULY USE.
IEBBAPHS tlitrEK DQgliM. ssi
LARZELSRE & OUCHEY, .
1'm.tom Uonse iJi okcrs aud .Notaries luhlict'
No. AOS LIBRARY Street.
AU Custom House Rusliicsstraiacnvt,
, PASSPCfiTS lf HOCURED