THE DAIli m'ENING TELEGRAPH PHTLADELPHIA, MONDAY, FEBRUARY 15, 1869.
SPIRIT OF TEE PRESS.
BD1TORUL OP1HIOBB OF TUg LKADntO JOURNAM
VPON CC&KKKt TOPICS COMPILED KTEBT
DAT rOH TBI XTKStSa TSLKGRAFB.
The New l)fiarture Mlial lu mibllcnnism
Most l?o.
from Vu IT. Y. Tribv.ne.
It U amusing to ooutrast the excitement of
Washington politicians with the patience of
the people. The oity of Washington id an odd
place. It Is a city without any of the elements
ot a city; without manufactures and without
commeroe. It has a thin straggling line of
railway connections. It Is something between
a caravansary and an almshouse. People go
there to lire to serve the Government, and
many of them remain to he served by the Gov
Ternment. The atmosphere of Washington is
footid compared with that of the country.
Kvery other man lives upon the public trea
sury, and so all eyes are directed towards the
public treasury. There la no place on this
globe where power Is more absolutely re
spected. When President Johnson lost the
confidence of the country to snob, a degree
that he could 'hardly reoeire the proper re
spect In the WeBt,VWashington embraced him
and honored him, and formed Itself into de
partmental clubs for his glory. This affection
existed until it was duly announced that
General Grant was the elected President of the
United States 1
Now, In this busy city of Washington poli
ticians are clamoring about the new Cabinet;
unappreciated statesman are in agony because
they are not "reoognized;" men who have suc
ceeded in reaching ofl'ue by controlling cau
cuses and conventions are moaning beoause
they have not been "sent fjr." All former
Srecedents are overlooked. General Grant
oes not appreciate the prodigious statesman
ship seething around the Capitol, and discon
solately floating up and down Pennsylvania
avenue. The eager, clattering politicians
(and because everybody in Washington is a
politician, everybody is clattering), leaving the
country behind them as the least conoern of
their .troubles, forget that the men who sow,
and reap, and plough, do not care the value of a
turnip about their griefs t The country feels
that this whole Cabinet discussion is artificial
and unnecessary. A Cabinet is simply
What the President chooses to make it. Its
members are the creatures of his will the
ministers of his power. They do as he com
mands with the Treasury, with the Army,
with the Navy, with the Post Offloe. It they
do not please him he can dismiss them In an
hour, and put new men in their places. If he
wants advice they will give it. With him is
the responsibility, whether they advise or not.
In limited monarchies the Cabinet is the re
sponsible government of the Crown. If its
members act unwisely they forfeit their office;
but under our Government, Cabinet Ministers
may be as mischievous and subservient as
even those of Mr. Johnson, and no power can
Teach them. They, are the irresponsible min
isters of a responsible officer. All that the
country asks from that officer Is the execution
of the laws.
This Bimple proposition is travestied into
an assertion that General Grant is to intro
duce the discipline of West Point into his
administration, and that hereafter all the exe
cutive duties are to be "by command of the
President." We are informed that General
Grant is nothing but a military man; that he
will be controlled by hls.mllltary instincts; that
he will probably nave a "dress parade," ana
taps," and "re vellle," and "mount guard"
around the White House; that he will insist
noon reviewing Congress two or three times a
week, and if ever the legislative body becomes
as unmanageable as it was under jur. jonnaon
he will send his veto messages by a squadron
of oavalry. This is mere badinage ! General
Grant is as thoroughly a citizen to-day. as
perfeotly olvilian in his habits, as any man in
the country, we can turns 01 do one in
publio station who represents more fully the
idea of the American gentleman. Unostenta
tious. unassuming, brave; without ambition,
forbearing, resolute in doing what he deems
to be right, but never offensive in asserting
himself, General Grant is a man of the people;
ne in heart and feeling with the men who
dig and plough and weave. lie is the "Gene
ral' of the Army," to be sure; but what was
that army f Not the mere fringe of the regu
lar offioers and soldiers, who numbered, say, at
most, 25,000! The army was the people.
The millions who carried muskets in defense
of the country are the men whose labor now
gives the nation strength and prosperity.
They had no better representative than
General Grant as a soldier. We shall be
mistaken if they are not satisfied with him as
a oivilian.
- For ourselves, we contemplate serenely the
advent of an administration that will be inde
pendent of politics so far as mere politicians
are concerned. We have seen so muoh of the
"caucus," the "delegation" business, the
"making of publio opinion," the aggressive,
eager rushing of incompetent men demanding
in an imperious manner to be conciliated and
honored, that the change will be for the best.
General Grant can find no better model than
General Washington. All we can expeot from
him is that he will not take into his counsels
men who have been diBloyal to the war, or
. untrue to the principles of the Republican
party. To entertain any other suggestion
would be to doubt Lis honor. Beyond that
we care nothing. The country will be abun
dantly satisfied with the Cabinet if. the
work of the Government is well per
formed. We beg General Grant not
to mistake the din, and clatter, and
bustle of the Capitol for publio opinion.
Publio opinion is quite content. It certainly
does not intend to judge General Grant's
administration before he begins it. . It will be
quite reoonolled to see the "unappreciated
statesmen" earning their livelihood by hard,
bodily labor, aud the ten thousand anxious
"Leaders of The Party" obtaining precogni
tion" bv the sweat of their brows. lueK
pubuoan party needs its best men in the ad
vance. It has passed through the struggle
of a mighty war. It has seen the overthrow
of slaverv. It. has stutained freedom In spite
of the treachery of the outgoing President. It
has outlived corruption and shame in its own
counsels. It has seen one great and trusted
1miW oarrv to the onnoaitiou all the weight
that came from his splendid intellect and his
great name. The issues that have thus far
welded it together are dead. It Is a triumph
ant army bivouacking upon a well-fought
field, with nothing more to conquer. It has
saved the nation now it must purity the Gov
ernment of tbe nation.
. And now we begin the new administration,
trnsUni? that, so far as nepumicamsm is con
earned, good men and strong men will be
placed in position; that the tainted camp
followers of the Johnson army will be dis
missed from their positions, and that General
Grant will rest upon a regenerated and mighty
organization. The Republican party must
how itself worthy of its triumphs, its desti?
mea, aud its fame t
. . Hoclal Scleu.ce
Bromine N. Y. World.
i ne American . BocUl
announces a two days'
Science
session.
Association
At Albany,
February 17 and 18. The meeting is a gene-i
ral one, such as the association proposes to
hold quarterly In different cities, and the
meetlrg at Albany may be for the purpose of
prpfflrg certain snbjeots upon the attention
of tbe Legislature. In addition to the opsn
irg add rets by John Meredith Read, chair
man, papers are to be read by the following
ptrfors: On "University Kducation," by
Uoldwin Smith, who cannot possibly know
less on that subleot than he does about mauy
other matters upon whioh he frequently and
publicly discourses: on "Model Lodging
Houses," by Charles L. urae, wno nai
brtn doiDg for many years the London
Brother Mayhew business In this oity, aud
who has a practical knowledge of the wants
and woes of tlm poorer classes; on "Higher
Education," by Dr. Eliot; on "Protection of
the Ballot," by Charles Frauds Adams, Jr., a
subject which will specially interest the mum
mers of tbe Loyal J.eAgne in this city; on the
"Supervision of Publio Charities," by F. 13.
Sauborn. Besides these, John Stanton Gould
will make an oral statement concerning the
work of the cattle commission, and iloraoe
Greeley is to make an address on a subject
not announced, nor is it a matter of moment,
t inee Mr. ureeley is a Denevoient "UivarA"
who is ready to talk at any time upon any
topic, anywhere and before anybody. It
is to be feared that the most of the subjects
to bo treated by the association at its coming
me-ting are a little beyond popular compre
hension at present. let this matter ot
Social Science is of the highest interest to
all classes of people, and the objects aimed at
by the association are most commen table.
1 he?e objects embrace the discussion of all
that conoerns every relation in soolal life;
hygienio reforms, the treatment of criminals,
relation of the sexes, how to live best for tbe
least money and with the least work, and
generally how to improve our social oondition.
All these things are really ot more vital in
terest than most of the political issues of the
day, and as such they commend themselves
to the publio everywhere. There is no reason
why looal social science associations, or at least
committees, should not be formed in every
city in the country, to present and discuss
local topics and to cooperate with the central
association. The wider and freer the discus
sion of the topics, the more speedy, praotical,
and general will be the results.
Our Commerce aud the Confederates.
From the jr. Y. World,.
Have we not had almost enough of the
awful ruin inflicted upon us by the "Confede
rate cruisers" and their outfitters, the British
alders and abettors ot armed rebellion against
the best Government the world ever saw?
The potenoy perpstually attributed to these
marine monsters by journals like the Tribune
is a perpetual insult offered to the navy of the
United States. Undoubtedly, the Alabama,
the Shenandoah, and the three or four South
ern vessels which contrived, in one way or
another, to get to sea and keep there during a
longer or shorter period ot the war, did intllct
considerable injury upon our commerce. Un
doubtedly the "Britishers," who helped the
Southern adventurers to get and keep these
vessels auoat, proved themselves, aa Dog
berry says of the knaves who would not stand
in the Prince's name, "to be no true men."
jjniwnen the iriuunc. in this year ot grace
18U9, keeps on entreating its fly-gobbling
readers to believe that "the decline in "our
foreign tonnage is wholly the work of "Laird,
semmes, aiaueicc uo., we respectfully pro
test, in the name of rational journalism, that
it is time, nauticauy speaking, "to belay."
To believe such a monstrous proposition is
to believe that tbe united states oruleers
were as inefficient as they were numerous
and that our merchants would nave Kept on
sending their ships to sea, though they had
nothing to send therein and merely out ot a
patriotio devotion to the flag, had they not
been frightened into common sense by
scurvy half-dozen more or less formidable
privateers wandering vaguely over the ooean
in the commission of an hermetically
blockaded and unrecognized government !
The war and the blockade cut down at one
blow, almost to insignificance, the most im
portant exports of the United States. It
locked up the cotton and tobaooo crops, and
In so doing naturally arrested the return
movement of our importations from abroad.
Hardly had these inevitable effects of the war
begun to make themselves felt, when the
radicals in Congress, finding their opportunity
in their country's extremity, set to work
tinkering the tariff in such a fashion as would
o! itself have sumced, without any war at all
to cut aown our commerce far below its just
proportions to the commerce of other coun
tries less richly endowed than our own. per
naps, dui more wisely administered.
All tne Confederate cruisers put together
never drove one-fourth aa many American
ships from the Atlantic as were thrown out
of all profitable use to their owners by a single
Vermont senator or a single Massachusetts
Congressman.
How to Settle the Alabama Claims.
From the IT. Y. Berald.
The United States cannot be responsible for
British insanity. The fact that Earl Russell
said mat tne escape of tne Alabama from
England was "due to the insanity of the law
officer of the Crown" has nothing to do with
the case. It may be a plea for us to show
mercy in our demands, and make them as
light as possible under tne circumstances
There should have been an addition to the
expression of opinion of Earl Russell.' II
should nave stated that the insane law officer
was the best representative of England that
could be possibly found during our civil war
troubles, that oliiut-r represented lord, mer
chant, bootblack. He was the exponent of
English sympathy for tbe great republic,
and of English neutrality whenever an ocean
port was found large enough to give shel
ter to any privateer that would fulfil the
wish nearest to the English heart the
destruction of American commercial supre
macy. But we are willing to be gracious
to a great people with whom we have
so many traditions in common, and
with whom we are linke l in ties of religion
and language. We are beyond being satisfied
with a few paltry millions of treasure as a
salve to our wounded national honor; for the
destruction of a few ships was not and is not
tbe point with u?. We therefore propose that
we shall do good for evil. Instead of pressing
the Alabama claims through our gastronomio
diplomat now iu England, who will be recalled
immediately that General Grant takes the
executive chair, we shall propose to Eugland,
through a special commissioner, that we take
Canada and the whole of British North
Auoeiioa in exchange for all the injuries done
by the Alabama and other commercial repre
sentatives of English neutrality, and for all
tbe grievances which bave from time to time
been heaped upon us while yet Great Britain
was in the zenith of her power.
The far-seeing wisdom of Russia caused her
to sell Alaska to ui. She saw the steady
movement ot the United States to the west
and northwest, and knew that soon we should
be pressing upon tbe Alaska frontier. It
would be good statesmanship if England could
have the same broad view of the inaroh of
events on this continent, and acknowledge
their inevitable teudenoy to territorial oou-
quest. - Thee events are completely beyond
onr control. They are the movable foroe that
send ns onward upon this vast wave of West
ern civilization with a power that would
swamp tbe repnblio were we to attempt to
esist it. ir hngiand is still advised by "to
nne law officers" she will cling to Canada
tide ad of yielding it up to the United
Ktates. If she cannot see that the very
dements that bind ns together as a nation
are elements that laugh at. aud strike out
boundary lives, it will be beoause she will
tot listen to the teachings of civilization and
to our warnings. The whole of North America
bus been taken possession of by the modern
forces which the liberal genius of Germany,
France, England, and the United States has
called into action. Onr Southern States.
clinging to feudal principles which had, unfor
tunately, been planted upon their soil, tried Jo
stand in the pathway of this modern giant.
They were crushed by it. Our Constitution
forbade the addition of territory to the old
Union, and yet we went on addiog, first the
valley of the Mississippi, then Florida, then
Texas, until, finally, we debouched upon the
I'acifio through California. Oar eyes now
turn northward and southward. Canada is
essential to us and we are essential to Canada.
The times will have it so, and in stating this
we simply recognize a faot. To England
Canada is a burden, and a severe one, tot, in
view of the present condition of Europe.
Europe, with six millions of men under arms,
stands divided against itself, waiting, as it
were, for tbe railroad, the telegraph, and
modern civilization to strike the twosiu which
shall Inaugurate the great final straggle be
tween the relics of feudalism, as represented
in claps privileges and great standing armies,
and the liberal progressive movement of this
century. We can bide our time; but, we ask,
can EDgland do the same f She has an Indian
empire to take care of which keeps half of her
cotton manufactories in motion, bhe has
Australia and Ireland ou her hands both
nearer to the United States by adoption thau
they are to Great Britain by national ties. Is
it not worth consideration on the part of
British statesmen that, under the administra
tion of Grant, we shall always be prepared to
settle tbe Alabama aud other claims to our
own liking ? Perhaps we may settle them ac
cording to the example set us by the mother
country, which, sometimes, in late years, has
spoken with pi id of a people who are appa
rently wedded to I'.ugUsh habits and customs.
If we undertake this method, we promise to
make old England very proud of us. Better,
however, surrender Canada, and by making
the amende honorable to ns prepare the way to
friendship, whLh, in the coming European
struggle, would be the only reliable foreign
element upon which England could depend.
Counting the Electoral Votes.
From the iv. Y. l imes.
We hope the recent experience of Congress
will have the efi'eot of showing that body the
wisdom and necessity ot making some further
provision, by law, for counting the electoral
votes, and ascertaining whom the people, at
any time, have chosen to be President and
Vice-President of the United States.
The Constitution provides for this necessary
service only in the most general way, leaving
the details in this, as in most other cases, to
be supplied by law. It merely prescribes that
the sealed certificates sent from the several
States, inclosing their electoral votes, shall be
opened by the President of the Senate, in the
presence of the Senate and House of Repre
sentatives, and that the votes shall then be
counted. But whether this ooming together
of the Senate and House of Representatives
snail be in convention, which becomes a
distinct and independent body, and if so
who shall preside over it, by whom rales
shall be made for regulating its proceedings,
how questions that may arise during its ses
sion shall be entertained aud how deoided,
whether each house may dissolve it by with
drawing, or whether neither can do so, and
it oan only be dissolved by its own aotlcn
all these and many other points that are or
may become of very great fmportauoe in con
nection with the general object to be at
tained, are left by the Constitution wholly
unprovided for. All eminent commentators
on the Constitution have remarked this de
fect, and have urged the duty of supplying it.
Ibis can be done by legislation by law,
duly enacted by Congress. It is not a matter
to be controlled or regulated by joint rules, for
it is not in any. sense joint action of the two
houses. The only special action enjoined by
the Constitution in conneotlon with it is lm
posed npon a single individual the President
of the Senate and the only duty imposed
upon the Senate and House of Representatives
is that of being "in his presence" when he does
it, bo as to be witnesses of his action. General
Butler very properly asks what good oan that
do, If they have no power to correct what they
may see wrong in that aotion; but Mr. Shells
barger very properly answers, perhaps it can
do no good, but that is all they are empowered
by the Constitution to do in the matter. The
defect must be supplied by law. Neither the
Senate nor the House oan adopt rules, aoting
separately or by joint action, for the govern
ment of a body diatinot from either, and yet
uot organized by any law as identical with
both. Those rules must be adopted by the
body itself, or must be prescribed by law.
General Butler declared that the joint reso
lution declaring that the vote of Georgia should
be counted, and prescribing the form in which
it should be declared, was invalid because un
constitutional; and in this he was doubtless
correct. That joint resolution was not a law,
because it lacked the approval and signature
of the President,nor was it a joint rule ot order,
as it had nothing to do with the order of busi
ness in either house, nor in any body subject
to tbe control of either. It declared what
should be done with the electoral vote of a
State. If Congress has control of suoh a ques
tion as that, it certainly cannot exercise it in
any manner less formal and emphatic than by
the enactment of a law.
Congress ought, therefore, at an early pe
riod of the next administration to pass a law
to regulate this whole matter of counting the
electoral votes. It ought to define and fix
the character of the meeting ot the two houses
in which this ministerial act is to be per
formed, and determine how it shall be or
ganized and how rules shall be adopted for
the regulation of its proceedings. We shall
then be able to avoid such embarrassments
and conflicts of authority as were experienced
on tbe recent counting of the votes, as weu as
other difficulties of a much more formidable
nature which may arise hereafter. .
The Constitutional Amendment.
From the Chicago Tribune.
The Senate, after a protracted debate, ha
disagreed to the constitutional amendment as
proposed by the House of Representatives,
and has adopted another, containing three
propositions: , . i
1. Prohibiting discriminations among citi
zens of the United States ia the exercise of
suffrage, on account of color, raoe, natiTitji
education; property, or oreed. -
2. Prohibiting like discriminations among
oitizena in the right to hold office in any of tie
States. .
3. Transferring to Congress the power of
regulating the manner ot appointing electors
of President and Vice-President.
Tbe third proposition Is to be submitted
separately from the others, and may be rati
fied or rejected npon its own merits. The
other two are united, and must be approved
or rejected together. The publio mind has
been dtreoted to the question of sufTragn, and
not to that of holding offloe, and while there is
a general willingness to accept universal suf
frage baaed upon citizenship, there is not the
same popular agreement iu reierenoe to me
right to hold office. The United States ought
not to continue the existing anomaly of having
its own constituency liable to be enlarged,
abridged, or destroyed by another government,
whether that government be foreign or do
mestic, independent or subordinate. For
the United States, therefore, to establish a
nnifoim regulation of suffrage, and to plaoe
it in the Constitution beyond the reach of
ordinary legislation, is but the praotical re
sumption ot a power and an authority inherent
in all governments. It Is in faot nothing more
than an exercise by the whole people of their
unquestionable right to secure to them
selves, beyond all Interference or control
by the States, the privileges which constitute
the life of republican institutions. Therefore
tbe provision prohibiting any disoriminatiou
among citizens of the United States in the
right of voting because of color, raoe, nativity,
education, property, or oreed, is not only
wise ad ju-t in itself, but demanded by the
national safety. No such consideration, how
ever, prevails with respeot to eligibility to
eflice. State officers are not, like voters, con
stituents of the National Government. Their
qualifications may be safely left to the people
of tbe Mate. The constitutions of the several
States pi o vide various qualifications for their
oilioes. The governors of some States are re
quired to be native-born citizens. Under each
btate we have a variety of offices to be filled
by persons having a knowledge of particular
sciences; we have Judges and Attorneys-General;
we have Proseouting Attor
neys, State Geologists, and Surveyors;
we bave bospitais for the lnsaua
and for the treatment of other forms of dis
ease. Why should not the State of Illinois
rt noire that persons elected or appointed to
these places shall be able to read and write ?
that her judges and attorneys shall be edu
cated in the law ? that her public physicians
and superintendents of hospitals shall have a
medical education ? Yet the amendment pro
posed by the Senate prohibits the State from
establishing any such qualifications, and
makes eligibility to office co-extensive with
the right to vote. All citizens, of all colors
and races, whether they read or write, or
speak the language, or hold property, are
made eligible to all offices in the State. Can
any person give any good reason for this pro
position ? If it had been submitted aa a sepa
rate article, tbe mistake of the Senate would
not have been serious; but being united with
the suffrage clause, both have to be rejected or
approved togetner.
We do not think that such an amendment
oan be ratified at the present time. We do
not believe that It will secure the requisite
number of votes in Illinois, Indiana, or Ohio:
we do not think Connecticut or Rhode Island
or New Hampshire will ratify it, and it may
fail in New York and Pennsylvania. The
Pacillo States will undoubtedly rejeot it. The
universal suffrage clause cannot carry itself
and the office-holding clause also. It cannot
persuade the people to give up their right to
ii x tbe quaii neat ion of tbtir governors, legis
latures, their state officers, tbeir assessors,
treasurers, tax collectors, mayors, aldermen,
and other local officers. That is a power in no
wise necessary to be exercised by the National
Government; why, then, should a practical,
substantial, and neoessary measure, like that
of equality of suffrage, be put in peril in the
vain effort to force the people to accept some-
mingeiser
The State of New Hampshire exoludes Roman
Catholics from holding offioe, just as Delaware
aud Kentucky exclude negroes; this disquali
fication, repulsive as it is to all reason aud
justice, is nevertheless within the power of
tbe btate. Knode island exoludes naturalized
citizens not property-holders from voting, and
also from holding offioe. These States will
certainly vote against an amendment whioh
takes from them the right to fix the qualifica
tions of their local offices, though both would
probably vote for the amendment prohibiting
any disqualification from voting for such
causes. The House of Representatives
will very surely reject this amendment
of the Senate, and we hope that the result of
a conference will be tbe submission of an
amendment confined to the simple proposi
tion: That at all elections in the United
States the right of voting shall not be denied
to any citizen of the United States because of
his color, raoe, former condition as a slave, or
for any other cause not equally applicable to
all other citizens. That simple proposition
will meet the views of the whole people, will
be promptly ratified, and the country will be
relieved from any farther controversy on the
snbjeot. : .
BRANDY, WHISKY, WINE, ETC.
ftAR8TAIR8.& McCALL,
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Old 5-:0s Wanted In Exchange for Neil
A Liberal Difference allowed.
Compound Interest Notes Wanted.
Interest Allowed on Deposits.
COLLECTIONS HADE, STOCKS bomht und tola
on Ccmmlnlon.
Spec! btulneu cccnimolUon reMry4 for
141 .
We win receive applications tot Policies of Lift
iBturtncein tne Rational Lite Intnranae Company
Of the rnlud State. Tall Information giTea ou
effico. lism ,
GUMMING,. DATIS & CO.,
No. IS Soutb THIRD Street j
PHILADELPHIA. -J
GLEP1NKIKG, DAVIS & AMORY,
No. 3 NASSAU St., New York,
BANKERS AND BROKERS. :
, Direct telegraphic communication with
the New York Stock Hoards from, the
Thlladelphla Office. u
FINANCIAL.
LEDYARD & CARLO W
Have Kiniovcd their
LAW AM) COLLECTION OFFICE
TO
No. 19 South THIRD Street,
PHILADELPHIA,
And will continue to give careful attention to
collecting aud ocirliid CI A IMS throughout
the United Btalen, BiIUhU Province, and Eu
rope. . ,
Blgbt Drafts and Maturing Iaper oolleoted at
Jankers'. 12S8fa
8UCCK380BS TO
P. 1 KELLY & CO.,
BAKKKHS AND DKALKKrT IX
Gold, Silver, and Govenimciit Bonis,
At Closest Market Rates.
K. W. Corner THIRD ami CIIESXUT Sts.
BpecUl attention kcii lo COMMISSION ORDERS
ID New York aud Philadelphia Stocks B tarda, etc
etc. 1 II 3iu
fimiMMBOlPIN
Dealers In United States Bonds, and Mem
bers of Stock and Hold Exchange.
ReceUe Accounts of Ranks and Rankers on
Liberal Terms,
ISSUE BILLS OF EXCHANGE ON
C. J. nAMBRO & BON, LONDON,
B. METZLEK, S. BOHN & CO., FRANKFORT
JAMES W. TUCKER & CO.. PARIS.
And Other rrlHcImil cities, and tatters of
i reuit ATailauIe Throngbont Europe.
PHILADA. AND READING BR.
6s,
rni:E fhom all taxi's.
A tuiall amount for sale loir hj
DliEXEL & CO;, '
No. 34 South THIRD Street.
212 2W
PHILADELPHIA.
pa 8. PETERSON & CO.,
Stock and Exchange Brokers,
No. 39 South THIRD Street,
Members or the Ketr York and Philadel
phia Stock and Uold Boards.
STOCKS, BONDS, Etc, bought and sold oa
commission only at either city. 126
GAS FIXTURES, ETC.
CORNELIUS & BAKER,
MANUFACTURERS 07 ' '
cas fixtures,
lamps)
BRONZES, LANTERNS, Etc.
STOKE,""
No. 710 CIIESXUT Street.
, MANUFACTORY. ,
No. 821 CIIEKKY Street,
I aOamwlm PHILADELPHIA.
PROVISIONS, ETC.
A M E
C A ME.
Constantly on hand ail kinds of choice Wild
Game, Poultry, Bait Water Terrapin, Oysters,
etc. , : -
Private families, hotel-keepers, etc., supplied
at lowest market i atea. at
MAKTIN'H GAME DEPOT.
No. 111.1 MARKET 8TKEET.
N. B. We are receiving daily one hundred
pair Live Qnailg. j 9 1 jt rp
3J1CHAEL MEAGHER & qoT,
No. 223 South SIXTEENTH Street, ;
WHOLESALE ASD BET AIL DEALERS IU
rBovisioBK,
OYSTJ-tiS, AKD MAKD CLAMS,
IOB PAMIJLT USE.
TEKBAPIR i PEB DOZEN. t8
LUMBER.
1869
fc.PRUCE JOIST
gPttlCE JOIST,
HEMLOCK..
Hh.Iii.LOUK
1869
1869
f EAfcC'NEB CLEAR PINE, Qnfx
l-ticuNhU C LEA It PI WE. ' J.OOO
I HOIOE fATTEKdi VISE.
EPAKIbH tEJJAH, toil PAT
KiCI) CEDAR. .
IdOCk FLORIDA FLOORING, iDnn
loby i.oiuiA jLooituNu. . ioby
lAl.OLJA iLOOKIDiU. - vw
V1KOINIA FLOOKIfiU. '"
IifcLAWAKi: FLOOKiaa. "
AbH FLOOK1MU.
WaLAUT Jr'LOOKlNU.
BAIL PLAjTk. ' ' "
1Gi;l WA1AUTBDS AND PUNK, I Ol'ii
- WaLKUT PLAJVhL. -' . '
IGG TNLiKTAKItRB LUMBER 1 nr.r
lOO J CiiUAIUAKJOuJ' LUmSaIl 1869
RKJJ ti-DAR. AV W
WAUNCT AND PINK. ' ; '
1 kAQ JB.AOXJ-'D POPLAR,
100 O ' feJiASOM-D tJHJtKiiY.
1869
"WBITJC CAE HAM and BOARDS.
HlUAUilY. .
IflftQ "(,iK BOX MAKH5RH'" I 1 Qfl
. tPA&IfcJi CUbAR bUi BOA HIM.
Oh KALh, I.QW. ,
1 RAO CAROLINA BCANTLINa, , 1 Qftt
AOU O CAlvOLiN a B . '1 . bU.Lb. lObU
Mt J -WAV bCANTLIMJ.
I860
t WDAR HH1ISULK8, - "i Qf(
HAILK, BiUl II BK A CO..
Mo. M JU 1 11 Oiri4.
IBKJamison&Co.