THE DAlll MfENIlNcr TELEGRAPH TRIPLE SHEET PHIL ADELPHI A , MONDAY, DECEMBER 21, 1863.
SPIRIT OF TEE PRESS.
ID1TOBIAL OFIVIOR8 OF TBI IiEADIHfl JOURNALS
UPON CCRRBNT TOPICS COMPILRD EVERT
DAT FOB THH BVKNISO TBLBOBAPB.
An Attempt to (Jarrolo the American
1'coplc.
Trom the N. T. ICvening tot.
The Senate Las now beforo it a bill who3e
purpose in annonnoed in the title to be "to
increase the revenue on duties from imports
and tending to equalize exports and imports."
The real purpose of the bill is to deoreune the
revenue, and to rob the mass of the American
people for the benefit of a few unscrupulous
and greed speculators.
The bill we Bpeak of has been given out by
iU Mends as the "Copper bill;" and the pub
lic lias been led to believe that its single or
chief purpose is to increase the duty on copper.
Shis would be bad enough; for all the world,
ju t low, enjoys cheap copper; only the Ame
rican people are te have this indiapeusable
tuelal made artificially dear to them in order
to put money into the pockets of a few owners
Ol topj er mines.
UiH besides copper this bill lays additional
duties on lead, nickel, zinc, steel, iron wire,
iron of all kinds, glass, salt, rice, timber, raw
cotton, cotton and linen goods, aud a number
of other articles.
Is'ow, first, as regards the revenue, the
Light-r duties it is proposed to impose on most
oi the articles we have named are for the
most part Dearly prohibitory; and they are
certain to decrease the reveuue. They are
plainly, as every one can see, intended simply
lor 'protection," as it is called; that is to say,
as a fipecial bounty to a very few of the mauy
industries of the country. It seems .that in
this case the protectionists are afraid to let
their real object be known. They are evi
dently in fear of public opinion.
lint see how partial is this measure. If any
one is to be "protected," all ought to be pro
tected alike. But this bill proposes to give
epecial favors to a few, a very few, at the ex
pense, of course, of the many. Take, for in
stance, the duty on copper. Copper is used in
every household in the land; it is used in ship
building, and in many of the most important
arts and industries of the couutiy. In short,
it enters into the daily life of all our thirty
five millions of people, and these are to be
taxed for the benefit of how many persons,
does the reader suppose? According to the
United States census, there were employed
in 1800, in copper mining and copper smelting
the only trades specially favored or "pro
tected" by this bill 55XJmen and 42 women;
in all, 50115 persons, lint say there are now
employed 50,000, instead of 5000 to this
50,000 over thirty millions of people are to pay
a bounty. Is this equality ? Is this justice f
But even this is not all. These people's
wages will not be increased by ' tha higher
duty. Probably the number of persons who
will be benefited amounts to less than five
hundred, and these are meu who hold ooppsr
utining stock. The whole nation is to pay
tribute to these.
So of lead. There i3 not a houae in the
country in which lead is not used. Tor water
pipes, for paint, for bullets ani shot used by
the immense frontier population for many
purposes, lead is an article of universal use
and of absolute necessity, whose cheapness
would benefit the whole country, and add to
the comfort and happ ness of every man,
woman, and child in it. Now, how many
persons are to be benefited by this increased
duty on lead ? Less than three thousand per
sons are believed to be engaged in the mining
and smelting of lead. The United States
census Says only three hundred and sixty-one
persons were so employed in ISO'0, but this is
probably a mistake.
It is a fact that we do not produce, now,
even as much lead a supplies the demand in
the neighborhood of the mines. Thousands
of toiiS are every year sent West, from Eu
rope, to rill the demand for paint, pipe, etu.
Less lead is now produced than when the
duty was far lower. Nevertheless, it is pro
posed to tax every man who wishes to use
lead pipe, to paint his house, to protect him
self against wild animalu, or to follow the
chase, in order that less than three thousand
persons may put money in their purses.
What we have said of these two articles is
true of every other on the list. The uumbor
of persons who are to gain is ridiculously out
of proportion to the number who are to sutler
increased taxation; and it would not be unjust
to call this bill a bill to swindle and oppress
the American people for the benefit of less
than one per cent, of their number. Will
the country endure such gros3 and reckless
favoritism f
Take, as another example, only one item in
the proposed increased duty on steel. S'.eel
rails are now bought and laid on all our rail
roads. It is of the utmost importance to the
safety of the travelling community which
meau3 nearly the whole population that
these rails should be quickly laid; but here
comes in this bill, and proposes to iuoreiiso
the duty of these bteel rails betveen fifty and
seventy per cent., to benefit a few already
wealthy Eti-el rail manufacturers. U it right
that the whole couutry shall be injured or
endangered to enrich a few capitalists f
Nor is this all. The rapid exteusiou of our
railroad system is of vital importance to the
whole country. lK-stroy our railro t and we
should be bankrupt; double tlr-tir mileage and
and we shou'd increase tenfold our wealth,
and an hundred-foU the comfort of every
family in the country. Check their increase
and you check the growth of the country; yon
stop its pover of increase; yon put a limit to
the area of land which can be piotitably cul
tivated; you paralyze enterprise, crowd people
into the centres of population, dei-ivma wages,
and ail'ect very iujtjiiou.-ily the independence
of the woiking men.
We could well ail'oirt to admit rails fee of
duty, evea if all other articles were to Ih cov
ered by high duties. The extrusion of our
railroad system is thought so important that
the Government gives lands by millioas of
acres to help their couotrnction, and even en
dorses the bonds of some railroads. Vet this
bill and the present tarill unite to largely in
crease the cost of rails in this couutry, to the
positive iLjury of the rv( uue, and to the still
greater injury of the whole couutry; and for
the great prolit of perhaps two or three huu-.
dred persons, interested as capitalists in the
production of rails.
Again, take lumber. Everybody k;iow3
that a tax on lumber is a direct and severe
tax on the comfort of every household in the
laud. For houses, furniture, toolt, u'ensilt
in all parts of our lives, cheap lumber and
timber are necesjury. Let lumber be male
dear and you check house-building; do that,'
and you crowd the working peop'e into nar
row quarters, increase rents, aud piling
millions into distress. This is precisely wh.tt
this bill will dj. It lays exorbitant duties oa
lumber and timber and for what? That u
few grtat cailUliaU, vho Lav.) secured the
monopoly of the few large timber tract! still
left in our couutry, may make rapid fortuues.'
And at what a oo.it do they make tuU uu
itghttous gain ! Ia moit liuropeau countries
tltuty-r irf specially cared for; its possess! n is
counted of uutiiHial importance; wftate buds
are planted; and the people gladly buy from I
abroad, and save their own. If we were wise I
we should buy all we need, oheaply, from the
British provinoes, and save what remains I
little enough of oar own timber lands, for
that day of need which will oome. Instead of
that the, protectionists in Congress have for
several years offered a bounty for the destruc
tion of our timber; they have treated trees as
though they were wild animals; and have paid
a large premium for the waste of what all
thoughtful men know to be a precious pos
sesion. Pnch is this so called "Copper bill." It is
a bill levelled at the prosperity ard comfort
of the people; a bill which seeks recklessly
to paralyze enterprise, to oheck our growth,
to set a penalty on our progress, to add to the
discomforts of the millions for the benefit
of the few greedy and unscrupulous monopo
lists and speculators. And this bill the House
of Representatives has passed without debate t
What is the use of talking about equal
rights, when such a gross piece of favoritism,
such a violation of the rights of the millions,
in favor of a few hundred or thousand men,
is perpetrated in open day? Is it not time
for gentlemen in Congress to' stop talking
about the rights of negroes, and look a little
to the rights of white men and black men
both, which are thus recklessly attacked ? Do
the Republican leaders imagine that they can
t scape the just odium which mii3t fall on
them and their party for such an act as this ?
Are they not afraid, or ashamed, to show
themselves the enemies of the people, traitors
to the common and general interest, tools of
the designing and greedy few f
TIic People's Choice
F nm the B cstoil Post.
General Grunt took his nomination de
claring that as yet he was wedded to no par
ticular policy, and that, if eleoted, he should
shape his public conduct by what he appre
hended from time to time to be the will of
the people and the wants of the country.
On this basis he has proved the successful
candidate. If he refused to be rigidly and
exactly bound by the formularies of the
dominant party, and for that very reason
received a larger vote than he otherwise
wonld, it is fair to expect that he will main
tain equal freedom for his faith and action
in the future. Bit will he be able to do it, if
the radical leader" proced to insist that he is
solely their President, that he was eleoted by
them only, and that lie is bound to work out
thvir purposes ? The time will assuredly
come when the fork of the road will be
reached. The man who was elected to the
Presidency without a distinct pledge, and who
doubtless received a large proportion of the
popular vote because of his rtusal to make
one, can hardly be regarded as likely to yield
the point after gaining his position.
There is somethiug for the leaders of the
radical party to pay heed to in thij result,
which they will be much more likely, in the
flush of their selfish joy, to pass over. They
must remember that many people have given
General Grant their votes in a generous spirit,
because, first, of their gratitude to him for
what he has done for them in a time of great
peril; and second, because they reposed con
fidence in his moderation. Now here hap
pens to be an element in this election over
which the leaders of the prevailing party
had no control, and can have none. They
cannot create popular sentiment, albeit they
may, on a pinch, shrewdly avail themselves
of it to odvance their own ends. And this
same powerful body of public sentiment they
will not be at liberty to ignore, far le33 to
snccepsfully resist. General Grant will come
into office with all this accumulated foroe at
Ids back, lie will probably feel that he can
afford to keep on in his independent way,
with such a substantial reinforcement as that.
Shonld the radicals in Congress undertake to
drsgoon him into the support of measures at
which his official conscience might revolt,
they will find that they have got to confront
just so much of public feeling, embodied and
represented in his person. They cannot re
peat their Andrew Johnson experiments.
They will have very different oircumstanceB
to deal with, and a greatly altered tone of the
public temper. It strikes us that their very
victory, as they now claim it to be, will yield
them more of a lesson than of real partisan
aciutsge.
All tides, except, perhaps, these same party
managers, will be inclined to extend their con
fidence to General Grant a3 the new President.
The general disposition will be to sustain him.
He will make a strong and successful adminis
tration just in proportion as he stands firmly
by the popular confidence thus reposed in
Lim. fco long, during his term, as he refuses
to cut loese from that, he may expect to re
main the President of the people instead of a
paity; and in that position no mere party can
unfavorably affect him. It is because, by his
independent acceptance of the nomination,
and his generous support by the people, he is
to be the President of the people only, that
his official conduct will be scanned in some
thing re nth above the spirit of party, and be
supported on its solid merit3 irrespective of
considerations of the past. There is too
much waiting to be doue for the country to
care whether it is directed by men of this
party or that, so it be but done faithfully and
well. .
t'ena State Withdraw or I'ejx'al lis Ifutili
I'ittion oi iiCitiitliuiliciul AniciiihiK'iit 1
Prcm the Ar. Y. Timet.
Early action on her uew Constitution by the
people of Virginia was recently urged in Con
gress, in the expec.aliou 'hut her restoration
to the Union would assure another vote for
the ratification of the Fourteenth amendment
of tLe Pedeial Constitution. Some of the
opponents of that amendment have supposed
tLat the attempts of New .Irrsey, Ohio, aud
Oigou to rescind their ratifications o' it might
le tUectiial and valid. The whole number of
States of the Union is thirty-seven, of which
three-fourths are r quired by the Constitution
to adopt a proposed amendment. Including
New Jersey, Ohio, and Oiegon, twenty-nine
States have ratified that amendment. If
these Sta'es are to be counted oat, then two
of the unreconstructed States must ratify it
before it btcomes a part of the Constitution.
But can u State, after having ratified such a
proposed amendment, rep til its ratification?
There are no judi"ial decisions or da ta to aid
us in answering this question.
It is clar that there is not either in terni3
or by implication any warrant in the Consti
tution, or the laws under it, justifying a State
Leginlatnte in twice passing ou such an amend
ment. If a proposed amendment were to be
rejected by the States, Congress might pos
bibly resubmit the same form of words as a
new amendment, but in this case each State
is jnbtilhd in a second action on it by virtue
of this second bnbmission. The ouly con
ceivable case where a State could act a second
time in pursuance of one aud the same Con
gressional submission i3 where its first action
was fatally irregular, and therefore void, and
Leiu e no legal action at all. But h admitted
in the case of each of these backsli iiug States
that its Hist action and ratification were regular
ai.d legal in ail respects.
A State Legislature, in ratifying a proposed
amendment, does not act in its ordinary legis
lative capacity. It cau resort to none of its
metlods of originating or perfecting billj. It
can neither insert new clauses into the
amendment nor Strike out old ones, nor, after
striking ont, insert others. It am simply
vote to ratify, or refuse to ratify. Whm that
Is doue, its function is discharged. Thence
forth it can neither reoall its vote nor chauge
it. Whichever way it votes, it forth ritu
transmits a certificate duly authenticated of
its action in the premises to the oltloe of . the
Secretary of State, and thereafter its vote and
action are the exclusive property of all the
States of the Union. State authority extends
over Statejarea, but never beyond, exoept by
the comity of nister States. Over local inte
rests within its own domain tin State has
exolnsive jurisdiction. But the power of a
Legislature to aot oa a proposed amendment
is not derived from the State Constitution,
bnt from the Federal Constitution. Aud iu
passing ou such amendment it acts in a new
capacity on a subject foreign to its oustotnary
duties, and with an energy that way be felt
iu every State of the Unon. It is then a
quasi-national body sitting within the limits
of a State, engaged In framing the organic
supreme law of the land, or, rather, engaged iu
an organic act of legislation.
When this high body has consummated its
action on such amendment, its return to its
usual duties operates an ad jou'nmcnt uim din
of itsBession on the constitut'oual question
and it could not reassemble in its former high
capacity, except by the express authority of
the power that summoned its first session.
Its action in that extraordinary capacity was
a finality, and thenceforth the nation has a
vested interest in such action. A man sigus
a contract pledging the payment of the sum
set opposite his name, provided a certain total
sum shall be subscribed in all. He may re
gret his subscription the instant it is mvle,
but he cannot recall it or modify it. When
the total amount is subscribed, his subscrip
tion becomes due and payable. When a State
Legislature ratifies a proposed constitutional
amendment, it in effect say?: "I will be for
ever bound by my ratification, provided
three-fonrths of the States iu all
shall ratify it." It may claim to
be ou the stool of repeutauce
the moment after such ratifica
tion, and seek to nullify its action.
But the instant the three-iourths ma
jority is obtained, that amendment is a part
of the Unittd States Constitution. Again:
A proposed State constitution is submitted to
the citizens of the State for ratification, and if
a majority of those voting ratify it, it is
adopted. An amendment of the United States
Constitution is submitted to the. State legis
latures for ratification, and if three-fourths
ratify it, it is adopted. Now, a man who, in
the forenoon, casts his vote in favor of the
proposed State constitution, might, with the
same propriety aud right, apply in the after
noon, and before a majority of those voting
that day shall have voted to ratify that consti
tution, to recall his vote because he had, iu
the meantime, changed his tniud, as a State
legislature which has once ratified a constitu
tional amendment could ask for a second
opportunity to vote, because, in the interim,
it has obtained new light. No. Once ratified
by a State, its ratification binds it forever,
provided the required number of State3
cooperate.
We trust, therefore, that Congress will not
precipitate the admission of any of the unre
constructed States to secure the adoption of
that amendment. Give those States all the
time they may require to rally and embolden
the loyal masses, so that their future local
governments shall surely be such as will meet
the wishes and necessities of their people.
When finally admitted, they will promptly
perform the superfluous but gratifying act of
ratifying that amendment.
Preliminaries to Itesunmliou.
From the AT. Y. World.
Senator Morton's speech convinces us that
resumption is yet a long way in the future.
Though worthless and preposterous a3 au
argument, his speech is nevertheless of consi
derable value as an indication of the existing
state of public opinion, lie proposed his bill
with a wish to have it pass; and as we must
suppose him to understand the temper of Con
gress and the West, we infer, from the idea
which he expends all his strength in combat
ting, that Congress and the West will not
consent to any scheme of resumption which
seems to them to involve a contraction of
the currency as its acoompaniment. It ap
pears to have been almost the sole aim of
Mr. Morton's speech to disarm this fear; he
felt that, unless he could succeed in doing so,
his bill would not, to use a si tng phrase, hive
"a ghost of a chance." Ilcnoe his labo
rious and futile attempt to prove that the
depreciation of the currency does not result
from redundance but from discredit. Hence
his vehement assault upon the positions of
Secretary McCulloch, whose former p9licy of
contraction (which die still believes the true
one) was so strongly reprobated by the West,
and so emphatically condemned and repu
diated by Congress. This fre3h evidence,
which Mr. Morton's speech affords, that con
traction will not be tolerated in the present
state of public feeling, seems to set the ques
tion of early resumption practically at rest;
since nothing is more demonstrably certain
than that resumption is impossible without
the dreaded accompaniment of contraction. If
resumption is still distant, it is important
that the country should understand it, as every
element of uncertainty operates injuriously oa
business calculations.
But while the currency will not soon be cou
tracted, it seems almost equally certain that it
will not be further expanded. The ground of
this opinion is the felt inconvenience of the
present state of things, and the growing eon
victiou that resumption is greatly desirable, as
evidenced iu tLe deep interest which Air. Mor
ton's bill and the schores of similar schemes
excite in the public mind. With a tolerable
certainty tint there will be no contraction nor
any further inflation for two or three years to
come, the business community must do the
best it can. ' Business of jourse caunot stop;
and, within certain limits, it can calculate the
immediate future. All engagements not ex
tending beyond two or three years will be met
in a currency of about the same value as that
in which they are contracted. This bding the
case, the passage of a bill authorizing gold
contracts is not a matter of auy great import
ance, for comparatively few would avail tuem
selves of such an authorization; but the mea
sure is so unobjectionable in itself, nay, so
just and right, that it ought to be passed, in
order that all who choose may avail them
selves of that liberty.
The only practical question that seems to
be really op n, is, what can now be done to
smooth the way to resumption when the
times are more propitious? A capital dilli
culty in the way of resumption, even if the
country would brook the necessary contrac
tion, is our heavy foreign indebtedness aud
the constant danger which thence results of an
nufavorable state of the exchanges. The
Secretary of the Treasury estimates that
American securities held abroad amount to the
enormous Bum of eight hundred and fifty mil
lions. A portion of this Bum consists of State
and railroad bonds, but the greater part of it of
Government securities. It is by the exporta
tion of five-twenty bonds that we have buon,
ior the last live years, paying for our importa
tions of foreign goods. These have besu the
substitute for our former vast exportation of
the great Southern staple. Bat as we have
ceased to deluge the market with further issue
of bonds, this resource must soon stop, and
besides a return for the goods we import, we
shall have to send abroad every year the
interest on the bonds. And yet our main re
source is our breadstuff and moderate cott3n
crop, which have so long required to be sup
plemented by immense exportation of secu
rities. An abundant harvest in Kuropa, or a
scant harvest at home, or, still worae, both of
these occurring in the same year, wuld bring
us so heavily in debt that the country would
be drained of all Its specie, and the bauki
would again be forced Into f.u.jpenslon even if
they could now resume. It is a sigual Illus
tration of the narrowness of view with which
the question of resumption has beeu dis
cussed, that this all-important consideration
has been well-nigh ignored. It is the inaia
thing which should have occupied pnblio
attention from the moment that the war closed.
The great requisite for strengthening our
finanoial position is the rehabilitation of the
Sonth, and the building up of its enfeebled
industries. If the Union had been promptly
restored on the close of the war, capital would
have llowed freely into the exhausted South to
revive Its prosperity; aud its great staples, so
important to redress our foreign balances,
would by this time have been in a state of
healthy recuperation. Prompt restoration
would have benefitted the oountry everv way.
By greatly enlarging the field for the employ
ment of money, our currency would have been
made less redundant, and the saving of the
heavy military expenses attendant on bastard
"reconstruction" would have made our re
sources more adequate to our exigencies, and
have greatly strengthened the public credit.
The most important steps that can now be
taken towards resumption are to foster and
encourage the iu iustry of the South, cut down
our military establishment, so disproportionel
te a state of peace, and retrench the extrava
gance which has so long run riot under the
misrule of the Republican party.
The Situation iu England.
Pi om the N. Y. Tribune.
"Come what may," said Mr. Disraeli to a
political acquaintance towards the close of a
memorable debate in 1S5:i, "history must
record that I was twice Chancellor of the Ex
chequer." This was said in anticipation of
the vote of the House of Commons which a
few hours after dismissed Mr. Disraeli from
office; and it was his proud consolation for
expected defeat. Doubtless he finds at pre
sent the tame sort of consolation in looking
back upon the greater honors he has lately
won. Come what may, history must record
that he was three times Chancellor of the
Exchequer and once Prime Minister. Ouly
those who study closely the organization of
English political life cau understand the na
ture of the tiiumph over difficulties which is
repiesented by the elevation of a man of no
family to the place of Prime Minister. Il3d
Mr. Disraeli a soul far loftier and more disin
tertsted than he ha, Le might well indulge a
personal pride in the recollection of his tri
umphs. "I cease to live," says Goethe's Eg
mont, "but I have lived."
There is something, however, we cannot
help thinkirjg, which sustains Mr. Disraeli iu
his fall beside the consolation of memory. The
address in which he explains to his party the
reason of his resignation of office shows that
he Las no idea of giving up the game he has
played so unscrupulously and so successfully.
There were reasons why he could not hope,
for the present, to bid against Gladstone for
popular favor. He could not just yet attempt
to accomplish the same audacious change of
front with regard to the Irish Church which
he effected so completely in the case of the
Reform bill. lie could not bring his party, at
this hour, up to the pitch of sacrificing the
Irish Church. His hold over Borne of the
stricter members cf the party was terribly
shaken by the events of last year. One more
such victory and he must have been undone.
Already a sort of sullen secession wa3 forming
itself in hi3 own Ministry in anticipation of his
venturing on some surrender of true-blue Tory
principle. A faction was silently gathering itself
lound Gathorne Hardy, who had proclaimed
that, come what might, he would nail his Pro
testant ascendancy colors to the mast. Then
there were the powerful seceders of last year
the Marquis of Salisbury, the Earl of Car
narvon, and Gen. Peel prepared to resist
with uttermost force any attempt to compro
mise with the spirit of religious equality. No,
the thing could not be done. It must have
been very tempting to Disraeli. Oue bold
coup d'ttat, one daring announcement that the
abolition of the Irish Church had all along
been the dream and the hope of the Con3erva
tive party aud where would Gladstone aud
Itright be then ? But it could not be done.
Disraeli must iu his heart have raged against
the slow snd stolid men of principle the
llardys and such like who could not appre
ciate the splendid change before them, and
would rather stick to what they called their
principles than execute the most brilliant
manccuvre with the utmost certainty of suc
cess. Unluckily, too, he had tried the No
Popery cry himself; he had tried to kindle
the lire which would not light, and he had
only burned bis own lingers iu the
futile N effort. So, surveying the situa
tion calmly, he saw nothing left for
him but to go out of office, and educate his
party in the w:iy of religions equality. The
coming year is full of chances. Gladstone has
now to prepare a definite and complete scheme
for the (iisendowment and disestablishment of
the lrir-h Church; and what opportunies may
not the development of any such scheme afford
to bis hateful rival ! It would hardly be in
human possibility to carry such a measure in
the next session ; and meanwhile events, and
the force of rivalry and jealousy, ambition and
disappointment, will be doing wonderful work
tow aids the education of the Tc-ry party. If
it be true that Mr. Gladstone and Mr. Bright
havo ri-tolved to make the Marquis of Salis
bury Governor-General of India an appoint
ment quite likely to be made by men so mag
nanimous and no wise a grave difficulty wonld
be removed out of Mr. Disraeli's rath. The
Marquis of Salicbuiy is by far the ablest,
the best, the most high-minded of the
Tories; he Las long watched Mr. Disraeli with
jealous eye, and Disraeli feared him. If
Salisbury were bestowed safely in India the
way of the great adventurer would be much
more clear. iSouoay supposes that Disraeli, in
his lieait, cares three btraws about the Irish
Church. If he has any individual feeling in
the matter, itmubt rather be a secret sympa
thy with the cause of religious equality.
Givkn a free choice, he would probably rather
be remembered in history as the statesman
who abolished the Irish Church than as the
Tory leader who su-daiued it. But he wanted
to be Prime Minister anyhow that first, all
the rest second and he could no more work
himself up to the political virtue of a Bright
or a Gladstone than he could make himself
young again. So he went in for Protestant
ascendancy because it gave him the first and
apparent ty the best chance; and he must lately
have felt ' very much as Becky Sharp did
when, after having secretly contrived to get
married to Rawdon Crawley, the poor younger
son, tdie found out that she might have mar
lit d Sir Pitt Crawley, the rich father.
Disraeli's game, then, we fancy, is this:
lie will wait, watch, delay, harass, bullle he
213 & 220
S. FRONT ST.
0 ! . Vr jS. FSOST ST
w A 1
& CO-
OFFER TO TUB TRAPS, IN LOTS,
FIXE UYB ANI) BOURBON WH1SKIF5, IS BOND
OI 18G5, 18(JC, 1807 and ,
ALSO, FREE FIXE UIE AND B0FBB0N . VtUSSKlES,
Of GREAT AGE, ranging from to 184S.
I lbural contract will fee entered into for low, it bona at DlnUUory.oItUU jrWM iaanutoctnr
will seize every chance, clutch at every quib
ble, bring into play every parliamentary form,
to prevent the accomplishment of Gladstone's
Echeiue. He will do all he cau to lea l his
own party gently up to the brink of a new
policy. Alrtady the programme of the Tory
l.arty, even of the dullest and most bigoted
among them, includes what they call reform
of the Irish Church. Who shall S3y that the
party who begin by conceding reform may
not erd by adopting abolition 1 We do not
venture to predict that they will so end; but
we do venture to affirm that Mr. Disraeli
thinks or hopes he can "lead them thither
with a gentle hand." By his prompt resigna
tion ha has made himself, in the eyes of the
outer circle of Tories, a sort of martyr in the
cause of Protestant principle. They will begin
many of them for the first time to think
that, after all, they may trust themselves
and their Protestantism to the guidance
of so faithful a leader. There was
a lady, mentioned by Brantoine, we think,
who struggled hard and successfully against
the blandishments of her lover while she dis
trusted his religions principles, but yielded
without scruple or murmur when Bhe dis
covered that he had taken to going to church.
Some of the Tories are just the persons to
make this sacrifice of virtue for virtue's own
dear sake. At all events, this is, we doubt
not, Mr. Disraeli's present hope aud purpose.
He sees that the no-Popery business is an
anachronism. He knows no one knows
better that the Irish Church must go. He
is not a man to "argue with the inexorable."
Since the Church must fall, there is no reason
why its fate should only profit its enemies;
and if Mr. Disraeli can, he will mount into
power again upon its ruins. A campaign of
two sessions long will see hitu, we venture to
prediot, as ready to abolish tho Irish esta
blishment as he was last year to Introduce
household suffrage.
Y, P-
Y. IV M.
Y. P. Mi
YOITNWS PITRB MALT WHISKY.
VUVMU'M ITKK 91 ALT WUISKV.
YOliNU'M PIBK 9IA1.T WUISKV.
Th'ra is no question relative to tn merit or the
oelebrattd Y. P. M. Xtls me nurtBt quality of WulsKy,
u . niluntureU Irom tbe bent grain aUorded bv ine
Fnllutle.plilu market, and It Is sold at tbe low rate of
(5 jJt r gallon, or (1 25 p r quart, at tbe salesrooms,
Ko. 700 TASSxTSK 110 AD,
11 T 2vl rHILAUKLfHIA.
Ti EXCELLENT
CHRISTMAS PRESENT
17 O It YOUNG MEN.
WINES, ETC.
A fc'cliolargblp at CRITTENDEN S COMMERCIAL
CULLKUJi;, NO. 617 CHKtNUl' btrcei, corner of
beveuth. Kntabllalied ImU. Incorporate'! ls."5.
'1 lie quaUllcHttonH for Business gained at this lustl.
Union have proved a fortune to hundreds of young
men. Tbe Instruction Is eminently pracUeul, tlior
otigli. and comprehensive. Ut'lug oue In tue HUorteit
pukHlOle time, at a comparative ly Binull expeuse, for
UjO employments of business life liuudreds of our
most accompliHbe J and succesbtul tmiilniss wen are
among lis graduates. I
TheCourieof Instruction Includes BOOK-KKEP-In
all lis branches, as practised In the beil bint
nets liouf-8; FKNM ANiilf, l'lalu and Ornamental,
Con. n.erciul Calculations. HuHlnes fapers, Uuiluets
Practices, Commercial I,aw, etc. etc.
riiuder.ls Instructed separately, at snota hours, DAY
and HVKS1KO, as may bent suit their couvuuleuce.
Diplomas awarded on graduation. Circulars ou
B1lb'ettCRi'TTENrEN COMMERCIAL ARITHME
TIC ANI BUHINKSSl MANUAL, BKVKN I II .EDI
TION, lor Bute at the College. iJilce, l'5U. Muilud
fro e.
Hit MERCHANT'S MONTHLY, an etght-p8dd
paper, devoted to the Interests or iiiutueis Men,
YouDir Wen, and Families, containing articles on
l'rfic ical Business fc-ubjec's, Binlness Dealings, Ope
rations, Wtaus of Success, Commercial Law and
Political KeoHoroy, Items ot Business Intelligence,
Stories, Poetry, Kitsays on Hoolal Topics, A necdo es,
Sketches ol Mercantile Life, and a miscellany of au
Instructive and nutnrtalniug character
ONLY FitTY CEN rs a year, In advance.
Clubs of Seven, fl; Clubs of Twelve. 15. To any
person sending TEN NAMES and FIVE DOLLARS
we will send the Commercial Arithmetic free of
choree. 8. U. CHITTENDEN .t CO..
CB" 8 No. IS7 Cil ENU r B-.reet,
12 15 17 19 21 13rp Philadelphia, Pa.
M C V. A. TRUMPLER,
U
8
SO. 2G CUISSUT ST.,
Offers for Holiday Presents
211. SIC FOLIOS,
ELEGANTLY HOUND MlT.SIU-UOOiW,
E1IKET MUSIC,
12 l.s Orp
OPERA GLASSES.
EIUNBSf IRttOY & CO.
CHAMPACiJC,
Carto Blancho and Special.
Just deceived ami forj Sale; al the Agcul'a
Trice.
The Wines from this bouse, bo favorably known la
England, are fruity and generous.
Trey need but a trial to pttco thcru ou au equality
with tbe linett Ccarupagno be e.
tWM CCLTON & CLARKE,
S. W. Comer 1IKOAD and WALMJT Sis,,
11 J1J PHILADELPHIA.
MINCED MEAT.
Rfl I N C E D MEAT.
THE 5SEST IS THE 3IAKKE T.
THIS FACT IS Ili:YOM QCUSTIOX.
Tho undersigned, a few days Biuoo, IsMueJ A
clialktgo that his article was the best
MINCKU M12 AT
In tlie market.
TUIh has not becu accepted, but evaded by
one who tcretofore has claimed superiority.
JOSHUA WRIGHT,
S. W. COUNEK
FItASXLIS ana SPIUAU ttlKDO Sis.,
PHILADELPHIA.
A T 1-V 1 xM O W It AT rmiv,
l or llttrlllsss Citrs, Steamboats, Ktc.
l'fcvents KattllriK and Kliuklng of tho Wiu
dnwh liy Die wind or other causes, tig Liens tlio
bai-h, I'icvtiitB tuowiiidaudiiUHtlVoiu euleriijg,
niMiy hUuctu'd, niul lKii.Uta but u slatio
gmnut' to juilyo of .its met lis,
C'Kii ou me Uouerul Aeiit,
C. P. ItOSE,
No. 727 JAYSE Street,
lietwcbii Murket nud CheKnut,
IU 11 imwllm Philadelphia.
PRE B 13 rtf rr f3.
I!mI-i's' mill Most onliol iii's 1'ocKct
ImUt's, iiiizurs, and .Scissor.
LA LIES' BCIS30KS. IN CASEK.
CI EN 'I'd' IKKbUNU-UA8s, ETC.
MAIEII!VS,
o. 115 Ti:vril Mveol, lu'low licsiuil.
f It EMKNTS FOR A DEAF FRIEND are tho IN
H I KTM l'"l'4 to UHKigl the 11EAUINU, at MA
Li IKA'b.No. US Tetith St., below Chtuut. 12 18 (it
Foil Sale m- at.l Grockps.
12 15 tf
MINCE ME ATI
The Best and only Reliable!!
NO CHALLENGE NEEDED ! ! !
The (Juautity Sold and Selliug the IJest
Challenge I
AT3I0RE DEFIES COMPETITION!
TO UK HAD OF NEARLY ALL GROCER9 INT
THE CITY AND COUNIItY. 12 5 17t Ip
PIANOS. "
r-tr"--T3 STKUNWAY A SONS' (J HAND
lifn Square and upright Flams, atBLAHIUa
iItCB.' No. im.'B CM.KSN tJ'l Mtreeu H 1 If
ff":j C II 1 C K E K 1 N o
II If I ff Grand, Square and Upright
riAkus.
BUTTON'S.
11 311 No 914 CHKdNUl Btree.
CLOTHS, CAS5IMERES, ETC7
QOATIKGS! COATf HGS
J A F.T E 8 & LEE,
NO. 11 KOKTil S(!0!I1) STKECT,
Sign o the Vohhm Lamb,
ARE NOW KEiriVIXM KW STTLES OF
FALL AJiD WIXTEK COATLNUS,
TO WHICH THET INVITE TUB ATTEN
TION OF THE TBAOE AND OTUKBU,
AT WHOLESALE AND ItKTAlI.. fsalm
CARPETIiMGS.
Q U D G T A M T I A L 8
FoamR
H O L I D A Y G.
HUGS,
HATS,
HASSOCKS,
DRUG GETS,
OIL CLOTHS.
11EEYE L. KMCJ11T & SOX.
Ko. I CHEB?3UT Stroot,
12 18Clrp ' PHILADELPHIA.
MUSICAL INSTRUCTION.
AJIIIUCAN CONsKltVATOKV OF MUSIC,
w. eoLtrof Ti-Nl'J'i and WALNUT Hueel
'luurtaular VMnirr gunner will beijlu oa
SIOiM.AY. Junuury 11, IhuU.
Names ot new jitipdi should hn biittred at au early
day onriirn the numtn ol 1) ruruher,
J V: WILLIAMS aud UAUL UAEBTSKR,
1211 IK Directors.
I)ALLAD AND SHiUT S I N Q I N (.
J illhllOl. No. M 8. NliNK I KENT H HI. 12 tm
rj A I N T D O X E 8
f AND
DEC A Lt 'OMAN I A PICTURE J,
I'HKTTV AND NEW,
FOB
(.'HOICK CHRISTMAS PRESENTS.
J.tKEN'IZKV V !'..
12 11 fuiCt No. 112 8uth K1UHTH Huvet,
HATS AND CAPS.
13.
JONES TKMTLE A CO.,
AbUIONAHLlC H A T X E It a
No. 26 W. NINTH KtreOt,
Firm door ahuve Cheuuut street. 49
f WARBUHTON'S IMPROVED VENTI
ftT.b lHtf(1. ifclld uhV-liLtlnor ItlrMlM Hutu fnutnnlni frt
all (he improved I'ahhloiia ot the Benaoti. CKKi
KIT btreet, neat door to the Post Olhua. U in J jo
rn II li Y O U N O M E N ' SH 6 M K
J- OF rillLADKLPHIA.
Pfinoi s wIIHuk to cuiilrilnile to the bnllrtluu fund
ot iM.i kuclKy will pit-use bend their Uoualiuua to
either
F. RAT CII FOll D HTAim, President,
No. 40 i WALK U 1' btteet.
WILLIAM VlMiVKH, Trenur,.r,
Mo. WU WALNUT Street,,
WILLIAM C. A'l WOOD, t.H(.r.. arp,
VJ 10 Ht No. M'J CHjN UX blreot.