THE DAllrr ?v EN1NG; TELEGRAPH PHILADELPHIA, MONDAY, isEPTEMBEIl 14, 1SG8.
SPIRIT OF THE PRESS.
EDITORIAL OPINIONS OF THB LBADINO JODRSALS
CPOIC CURRENT TOriCH CUMTILED KVBRT
DAT FOR TUB &VI'.N1NQ TKLEUBAPU.
What Is the Truth as to tho National
Finances I
' From they. X. Sp-Wuie.'
Af tlie close of the war, the Union rested
tinder an immHUse burden of public debt. II aa
that debt been ditniniehed or increased? i
Secretary MoCullooh officially reported, on
' the 1st of September, J8G5, that the aggregate
' of ascertained, liquidated debt, over and above
all the money in the Treasury, was then
..f 2,707, CSS). 071. He reported it on the 1st inst.
(just three years later) at $2,535,1)14,313.
Subtract this gum from the amount reported
three years ago, and the reduction is
$222,075,258. There can be no doubt, we
judge, that, beside p&ytog all accruing inte
rest, we have reduced the principal by that
amount.
But this is not all. We have just paid
$7,200,000 In gold to Russia for Alaska, whicn
adds so much to our debt; .but we have the
property to show for it. Then we have issued
35,314,000 of new bonds in aid of the 1'aciQo
Railroads now in progress. They pay the
interest on these bonds; they are to pay the
principal also, and we think will be abund
antly able to do so. This ia not like a war
debt; first, beoause we are only to pay it in
case of default by the Railroads; secondly,
because, even in that case, we have a mart
cage on the roads for security; and thirdly,
because, even if this should prove inadequate,
the increase of our national wealth and tax
paying ability by reason of those roads would
more than oompHusate us for the loss.
13 ut more: We have, in these last three
years, paid enormous sums for arrears and
mustering out bounties to the soldiers who
put down the Rebellion, and millions more for
(State claims, and deferred indebtedness of
every kind. Alt this has reduced by so much
the actual, though not the liquidated, debt of
, September 1, lbti5. Mr. Edward Atkinson, of
Boston, makes the total reduction of our debt
within these three years no less than
1300,000,000, aud gives the figures for it.
Suppose we reduce this amount by estimating
that $100,000,000 of it is offset by munitions
of every Bort sold or nsed during these years
that were previously bought and paid for,
then allow another $100,000,000 for every
possible error in Mr. Atkinson's calculations,
and the reduction of our actual (not liqui
dated) debt in three years is still $1500,000,000.
Why should we not wipe out the residue
Within the next twenty years ? If we could
pay off an average of $200,000,000 per annum
' in the three years immediately following a
most exhaustive, devastating war, we surely
might pay half bo much in the better years
that follow.
13ear in mind that the property and produc
tive power of our people are steadily aud
' rapidly increasing. We estimate our increase
of population at fully five and of wealth at
ten per cent, per annum. That these rates
would double the former in far less than
twenty and the latter in less than ten years, is
' well known. U-nce, if we did not pay off an
other dime of our debt, its burden would be
diminished fully half within the next fifteen,
and three-fourths within the next thirty years
merely by the iuorease of our population, pro
duction and wealth. Bat we are in favor of
, paying off the last cent within the next twenty
years.
Now as to the National expenditures:
Mr. . David A. Wells is Commissioner of
Revenue, and a3 suoh is necessarily familiar
with all the ins and outs of the Treasury. At
the request of Mr. Allison of Iowa, he made
a full exhibit, soon after the last fiaoal year
closed (June 30, 1SC8) of the actual oendition
of the finances. - it was frank, clear, aud
specific. Weeks have since passed: Have his
statements been seriously controverted ? The
, Secretary of the Treasury is ah avowed Sey
mourite; the President is another; the Statia
1 tioian of the Department another. II ad there
;-; bean a flaw in Mr. Wells' exhibit, it would
'a ', evidently have long since been pointed out.
y This Lj a case wherein silence is assent,
t ', Manifestly, if. Mr. Wells' statements ooald
.-i. have been' impeaohed, they would have been,
-i"- Mr. Horatio Seymmr had declared that of
" 1400,000,000 annually raised by taxation, only
" $100,000,000 were paid to the public creditors.
I, Air. Wells shows that, during the fiscal year
. Id being when Qovernor Seymour spoke, and
eince closed, we actually paid no less than
$141,635,651 lor interest alone, much of it
' being baok interest on the compound interest
, notes, which have been paid off this year.
', Has any one attempted or affected to oontro
;,. vert this statement f And is not the payment
. of interest which accrued in former years pre-
' - clsely the same as paying principal ?
i: Governor Seymour had asserted that the
v current cost of carrying on the Government,
' " apart from the publio. debt, was $300,000,000
' per annum. . . ...
Mr. Wells states 1 the entire outgoes from
the Treasury in the last fiscal year, apar; from
the public dbt,i at 1229,014,674; aud '.adds
that, of this - aggregate, only $14(1,231,379
about equal to 1100,000,000 In gold) were for
"running the Government, including $(5,132, ti20
i. for improving rivers and harbors, the residue
t- having been: devoted to the following pur
poses : r:..
, iiountleis to soldiers lor service In our
late war $33,003,000
i ' PeDtlouH (for war service) i '23 24,070
Kf imburslug States (war aUo).... ISI.SiM.lM
"' trying for property destroyed Ju the
... . war... ........-.....M.. ....................
' Yrtediueii'n Bureau (now clonlug up)..
. .'. Iteconatruotlon expenses) (do.) ..
HubniHteuce of ludiauM
.National Cemeteries .
Commutation of rations to our soldiers
.When prisoners of war......
5.111 300
3,215.000
1.7U,27i)
1,000,000
792.801)
' 153,000
Total 92,683,(M
' Here are over ninety millions for ex
penses, properly chargeable to the war, in
effeot, public debt incurred in the war, and
paid off during tb'j last fiscal year.
Has any one uenied that these are true and
complete trap scripts from the Treasury books?
If bo, who e.nd where is he f
Govern or Seymour had broadly asserted that
we were spending $150,000,000 per annum on
an army to keep the South in subjugation.
Kr. Wells affirms that the entire support of
the army (not nearly all of it employed in the
South) during the last fiscal year cost but
. $50,713 410; the remainder of the $123,246,-
C48 disbursed through the War Department
having been devoted to the payment of war
bounties, State war claims, river and harbor
improvements, property destroyed in the
war, etc., etc
Has any one attempted to show any error
in this statement f And, if there ba none,
where ia Governor Seymour's veracity r
' Governor Seymour instructs hid friends
to make the canvass turn on financial issues.
There is just where we are happy to meet
them. A searching inquiry will prove that
' the expenses of the Government except for
pnblio debt and war claims have been steadily
diminishing ever since tue Ueoei armies sur
' rendered that Contrres has cut down Secre
tarv Welles nearly half of his demand for
the present year and that the actual current
. expenses of ..this year wiu be. was U" J?1"";
than they wan in the last year of BUchanan.
It is only by charging
Alaska, the expense of
Railroad, the payment of
bounties, eto., that the expenses of the 'Gov
eminent can be made to seem exorl
war pensions ana
exorbitant.
Who Made the War Debt 1.
From t7ie Nashville i Jenn ) Union,
Taking a sentence from a recent letter from
Mr. Seymour to a personal friend, in which he
says that the Republicans (radicals) are try
ing to dedge the financial issues, aud that it is
the duty of Democratic canvassers to push the
debt and taxation upon public attention, the
New York Tribune makes it a text npon which
to air a'resh some of ite stereotyped perver
sions of the origin of the public debt and
grievous taxation under which the coautry
Bullers. ,
As a matter of course, its first assertion is,
that the Democratio party caused the civil
war; and to sustain this, it bats for the ten
thousandth time the chair about the aggres
sions of the pro-slavery Democracy, and the
imbecility and ill-concealed treachery of the
lluchanan administration as the remote aud
immediate provocations of the con diet out of
which grew the debt. Mr. Seymour himself
conns in for attick as an ally with the Demo
cratio party in piling up the mouutain of debt.
To refute the sophistry which seeks to shift
the responsibility of the war from the shoul
ders ot the Abolition crusaders against the
South, is a taek npon which it were profitless
to enter. History will note prominently one
fact, viz.: that if a political party in the North
bad not organized itself with the avowed in
tention of abolishing slavery, and in doing so
to override the rights of the Southern States
and people, and the Federal Constitution
which gave them guarantee, there would
have been no war and no debt. The
present radical party made all the condi
tions of the war. It invited it. It en
couraged it. It provoked it. For tweaty
five years it persistently labored to bring
it about. Argument, protestation, appeal,
threat, repeated compromises, and the final
oiler of the Crittenden compromise, could
net change their purpose or deter them in
the least from diiving the Southern people
to arms. Thl3 we say is history. It has
passed above the range of party discussion at
the present time, and cannot be altered by the
bald assertions of the Tribune ani lis associ
ates. The fact that resistance came from one
side after it was deliberately and calculatingly
provoked by the other, does not fix the guilt
oi consequences upon tlie nrst party. So
the world and posterity will judge.
The Tribune's criticism upon Governor Sey
mour's noble aud patriotic course in the win
ter ot 18C0-'C1, iu endeavoiiog to repress tue
risirjg tide which soon lauuched the country
into war and debt, it.elf sustains the charge
that the Republican leaders were d-af to. the
appeals for compromise, aud baed with
voices "still for war." A quotation is given
from Governor Seymour's celebrate! Tweddle
Hall speech, in which, after urging that the
Peace Conference, then in session, should not
adjourn without presenting to the country
some Scheme of pacification, he said: "The
question is simply this Shall we have com
promise after a war, or compromise w Ihout
war." The Republican section of the Peace
Conference shouted back, "No compromise to
avert war," and war came, and debt came,
and taxation still comes.
And they are not satisfied with all this train
of evils. Tbey will not have compromise
after war. The same party, yet iu possession
of the Government, is more exacting, intole
rant, and oppressive than before. The douth,
by the force of numbers, wa3 coerced into
peace, and yet radicalism will abate nothing
of its demands. Having conquered, it seeks
to humiliate and degrade. Its measures for
this purpose continue to increase the debt aud
add to the taxes. The inisoalled Republican
party is primarily responsible for the war aud
the debt, and its successor, the radical party,
is following in its footsteps.
Governor Seymour was wi3e in his advice.
It is the duty of the Democracy to arraign the
authors of the debt which lays a mortgage of
ten per cent, on the property and producing
resources of the people for an indefinite
period, and hold them responsible before the
tax-oppressed people.
The "Political Sense" at tho South. '
From the N. Y. Nation.
Ihe performances of the Southern orators
and editors oontinue to furnish atriklng illus
trations of the extent to which their troubles
are due to their bad political habits, and of
the large part which time and restraint from
without must play in Southern regeneration.
When we have been looking, as most of us
have, to some particular measure as a "sure
and instant cure" for Southern ills, we have
forgotten that hardly any Sontherner of this
generation is familiar'with the practical work
ing of a free , government; that the very basis
of a free government a general faith in the
power of discussion, as expressed by the vote
has ' been wanting at the South for thirty
years; that none of the young or middle-aged
men are any more familiar with the prooess of
forming opinion by talk, and of listening to
talk that they do not like, than Frenchmen or
Russians in fact they are not nearly bo fami
liar with it as Frenchmen. . - . j .,,
It is over thirty years since the plaoe of the
negro in society became the vital question of
Southern politics.. The question oi secession
was merely ad accessory of that Of slavery.
The people have, during that Interval,
thought, spoken, and written of little else.
AlL other subjects theolegy, political i eco
nomy, moral philosophy, the natural sciences
even have owed a large part of their interest,
in Southern eyes, to their bearing on the negro's
origin and destiny, and have been cultivated
mainly with reference to slavery. Now, touch
ing slavery that is, touching tue matter
which most occupied men's thoughts, and
about which men's passions have been most
roused the expression of opposing opinions
has not been permitted in any part of , the
South within the experience of the present
generation. No mau has dared to present to
the public, either in the press or on the plat
form, more than one side of the great ques
tion of the day, or, latterly, to introduce from
abroad any expressions of dissent from the pre
vailing doctrine. Theoons quenoe has been that
there is no native Southerner under the age of
forty-five who can be said to have any political
training, or to possess the "politloal sense,"
as that phrase is understood at the North. He
has never witnessed free debate; he has never
seen political changes accomplished by debate;
be has never seen a minority submit to the
legislation of a majority without losing the
hope of converting them or desistiag from its
"efforts to do so. In short, he feels very muoh
about dissenters from the prevailiug political
creed as a pious Catholic of the twelfth cen
tury felt about heretics, aud looks on orators
who deolaim against his theories on the stump
very much as Austrian politicians, about
1S20, might be supposed to look on an Italian
exile, newly-arrived from London, to edit a
paper of extreme views at Milan.
Now, what is the "political sense f" It is
not that acquaintance with history, politloal
economy, Jurisprudence, and human nature
which is called political knowledge; nor is it
the shrewdness, aouteneBS, and skill, in the
art of persuasion which makes the suooesaful
political "manager." There are couutrim ia
the world in which political knowledge
ns with the cost of I abounds, but in which the politloal sense is so
building the l'aoifio i wanting that the establishment of a free gov
ernment is almost Impossible. A man might
be, as the Abbe Sieyes thought he was, "per
fect in the scienoe of politics," and yet be, as
the Abbe certainly was, an incorrigible politioal
donkey. A oommunity, too, might be com
posed of men as astute, dexterous, and uno
tuons as any "wire-puller" who has ever
walked the streets of Albany, and yet go to
pieces politically in the course of a Very few
years for want of any cohesive principle. The
"political sense" is, in short, tit quality, partly
moral, partly mental, which enables a nun to
believe in The power of discussion, to work tor
distant results, and to be content for the pre
sent with what he can get iu default of what
he wants. A man who rails against "talk" in
politics; who loves the "previous question)"
and who, when the vote goes against him,
goes homo to pack up his trunk with a view
to emigration, or to load hU pistol, or to dis
tribute arms amongst his friends, or form secret
associations, or who talks of "pestilent doc
trines," or who forces himself into company
where he is not wanted, or drags his neighbors'
children to school with his Dwn against their
parents' will in order to a.isert the doctrine of
human equality, is wanting in the . political
sense, and if be has reached middle life is not
likely ever to acqnlre it.
That this sense has almost totally died out
at the South, and that it will need tsome years
of order and security to restore it, the occur
rences of every week show more and more
clearly. The abstinence of the leading whites
from all participation In politics under the new
constitutions, thus permitting the government
to pass into the hands of those whom they de
nominate as carpet-baggers," "scallawags,"
and ignorant blacks, followed by incessant talk
of appeals to arms, deputation) to Washing
ton to apply for military protection, the forma
tion of fecret associations, the practice of
assassination aa a political remedy, and the
issue of irritating denunciatory manifestoes
directed against the black population with
whom they have to live, and on whom they
are dependent for their prosperity, are all
striking proofs of the politioal imbecility
brought on the Southern mind by the long
absence of an opposition. Men with the po
litical sense in a liealthy condition would have
held on tenaciously to every scrap of
power they could seize or retain, would, if
possible, never have let the negroes get from
under their influence, aud, above all, would
never have allowed them to realize the possi
bility that the State could be governed by
Ckrret-baggers and ignoramuses. The expo
sures recently made by the Democratic Club
at Charleston of the composition of the South
Carolinian Legislature under tlie new regm.
are, even if true, simply consequences of their
own folly, aud, indeed, have a striking resem
blance, as pitcs of self-stultification, to the
mani tEtoes and declarations which the French
(liiujra used to issue from the bauks of the
Rhine agaiust the vulvar French republicans.
A politician who sulks aud siit-eia aud refuses
to act, does not simply confess that h is
powerless, but that he is a fool.
The Ku-Klux Khtu, let us add, is nothing
new. The South before the war was one vast
Ku-Klux Klan: every man was a member of
the organization, and the State Governments
made no atteaipt to interfere with it, aud its
victims were rare because dissenters from the
popular creed did not enter the South. What
makes it seem eo novel now is that the State
Governments are in the hands of the dissent
ers, and there is a Urge body of them iu every
State. But its operations are simply the ap
plication to the new sute of things of the old
Southern mode of repressing differences of
politioal opiniou. The great question of the
day to Southerners is still the status and
rights of the negro, aud thiy bring to the con
sideration of it their old pracMces. If a man
gets up on the slump and preaches negro
equality, they do not get up on another stump
and preach white superiority, aud rely on time
and their own exertions to shotv that
bis preaching was idle talk, but
they go home ; and take a, solemn
oath to keep an eye " ou the
orator, and if he does the like agaiu to shoot
him or carry him into the woods aud whip
him in other words, aboat what . the Monte
negrins would do if a preacher made his ap
pearauoe amongst them to propagate Moham
medanism and eulogize the Turks. ' When
Forrest and others like him throw the blame
of the present state of things on the radicals,
they deceive either themselves or are trying to
deceive others. . In the aocount he gave the
other day of his plans and those of his asso
ciates, to the correspondent of the Cincinnati
Commercial, . he .simply said that they were
going to adhere to the old Southern male of
extirpating holders of disagreeable opinions;
and his threats seem alarming simply because
the holders of disagreeable opinions now are.
likely to resist. Formerly, they never thought
of such a thing. ' " i .
. There can be no doubt that it is a misfor
tune that some such disposition . should not
have been made at the close of the war of suuh
persons as Forrest, Toombs, and Cobb as
would have ensured their absttuenoe from
poiiiics. After the report of the Congressional
Committee on the Fort Pillow massacre, the
release of Forrest on parole was a great scau
dal; even after his parole had been acoepted,
it ought to have been returned to him by the
Government, and the alternative exile, or a
trial before a military commission have been
.Uered to him. With regard to the others,
however much opposed we may be to politioal
vtsgeanee, there is nobody who will deny that
men who have made themselves conspicuous
in instigating an appeal from the ballot to the
tword ought to be compelled, after defeat in
the field, to. hold their tongues for the re
mainder of their days. Civil war is too dread
ful a thing to be tried by agitators unless they
really mean it to be the Ust thing they will
tier try; but the mild v.ew taken of their per
formances by the Northern publio not un
naturally causes the Southern leaders now to
treat the Rebellion as merdy one of the legiti
mate means of attaining political eudi, the
failure of which ought to euUil no more in
convenience on the vanquished tbau defeat at
an election. These men are now trying to be
as mischievous as ever, aud there is only one
remedy for their talk, and that is, the forcing
them to listen peaceably to other pnople's talk.
This cannot be done in a year, but a great
deal may be done towards it in four years.
Whenever the time comes when the spectacle
eo common at the West a spectacle, let us
add, which indicates, no matter how coarse the
manners or low the intellectual culture of a
community may be, politioal development of
the highest order, and the possession of the
political sense in the utmost activity of the
candidates of the opposing parties traversing
the countiy together, and haranguing the sa ne
audiences on opposite sides of the same ques
tion, will be witnessed at the South, its rege
neration will for all practical purposes be
complete, but not till then. Until we see
this, emigrants will avoid it, life and property
in it will be insecure, and the minority, or
the blacks, will be in constant peril. The
process of education, as we have often said,
has been begun. Every time a radical get
up in any Southern State, and Bays "shock
ing" things, and is not murdered for tueni,
the work is advanoed. It ought to be the
main business of the North now to see that it
is not interrupted until there will ba no cor
ner of the country iu which a uiau cannot
make a fool of himself, on the Stump or Iu A
newspaper, without fear of other penalty than
having his folly exposed. Southern society
will then be placed under the dominion of
publio opinion, which, in a healthy condition
of things, is the fundamental guarantee of
peace and security.
rolltic8, Not Men.
From the If. Y. World. ...
Massachusetts, as usual, opens at last the
genuine radical , battle ia the pending Presi
dential oampaigu. The elaborate ' manifesto
composed to the order of the , Massachusetts
radicals by their financial .man, Mr, David A.
Wells, and spoken at the Worcester Conven
tion with much fluency and a certain poetio
fervor by Mr. David A. Wells' oratorical man,
Mr. Edward Atkinson, brings the ceotltct be
tween the radicals aud the Democracy to the
precise ground on which it is the interest of
the American people, and therefore of the
Demooratio party, that it should be fought out.
No sooner had the nominations of Horatio
Seymour and Franols P. Blair been made than
the radicals, under the leadership and inspira
tion of the New York Tribune, commenced a
series of the moat virulent and vulgar personal
assaults upon the character and the career of
the Democratio candidates. .Horatio Seymour,
who had been raised by the votes of the Em
pire State to the highest position within her
gift, at the most tryiug orisis of the civil war;
whose personal reputation no breath of slander
had ever tarnished; and who had justly
earned, by his fidelity and his vigor in the dis
charge of his executive duties, the cordial aud
earnest thanks of President Lincoln, was de
nounced as a "traitor" ani a "Rebel," aocused
of complicity with the enemies of his country,
and held up, not to the disapproval merely,
but to the contempt aud hatred of his fellow
citizenS. Nay, more; these coarse aud pas
sionate assailants did not shrink from invading
the sanctity of long-past domestic sorrows, to
steal from them the exonse of the falsest
and most malignant imputations upon the
Banity of the man whom a great ani powerful
party of American citizens had invited to bear
their banner in a grave political conflict.
Francis P. Blair a life-long aud efficient
opponent of that very institution of sUvery
to destroy which had been the real or pre
tended motive-power of the Rpublioau
party itself, before the possession of patron
age and influence made its leaders indifferent
even to the pretense of consistency; a soldier
of the Union, conspicuous not only for that
facile and easily counterfeited virtue of "loy
alty" which was not less practicable, and
which was much more profitable in the safety
of Vermont and Iowa thu it was uuder the
fire of Confederate caunon iu Missouri aud
Kentucky, but for conduct, also, and for mili
tary skill, was charged with the vilest per
sonal habits, and with a deliberate attempt to
imperil by new and revolutionary practices
that very Union fyr which he had fought aud
spoken and suffered and labored during all the
weary and wasting years of the war.
Such was the temper in which the radioals
opened the oampaigu upon ns. We protested
against it as unworthy of freemen. We
warned those who obeyed its evil inspirations
that in such a fight as they sought to make,
there would be blows to give as well as blows
to take. We called their own past to wituess
how severe those blows of retaliation must be.
We arrayed before them the bitter and con
temptuous imputations heaped by themselves
upon' their own chosen standard-baarer, in
the days when Ulyspes 8. Grant was simply a
leader of the Union armie3, and not the repre
sentative of a desperate political faction bent
on saving themselves if possible from the
just retiibntion of their long trifling with the
pnblio weal, by usiog the name and fame
which for years they bad done so much to
belittle and to bring into disrepute.
The work wai not a pleas ut work, but it
was not of our choosing. That it was neces
sary, the radical change of front iu Massachu
setts at last triumphantly shows. The radicals
have been driven from the cheap Bham-fight of
personal vituperation into the battle-field of
principles and of facts.
Hither we have desired to bring them. To
meet them here is victory for us; for them,
humiliation and defeat.'
Tbey must henoeforth assume the impossi
ble task of vindicating themselves against the
tenible indictment with which the history of
the last three years confronts them. They
muBt render up an account to the American
people of golden opportunities thrown away;
of peace slaughtered in the halls of Congress;
of the national resources misapplied aud
wasted; of the national burdens made heavier
with every pa&cing month.. They Jmust meet
the poor mau demanding the just remunera
tion of. his toil curtailed by their iisoal inca
pacity and extravaganoe. They must meet
the rich man demanding liberty and security
of employment for his capital.1 Oar strangled
commerce, our hampered industries, the prin
ciples of our constitutional Government tram
pied under foot, the rights of citiaeua and the
rights of States treated with an equal con
tempt; civilization itself put in peril by mad
aud revolutionary attempts to override the
instincts of our race aud the traditions Of pur
history in one-halt' ot the national domain
IJre is their work. To this we hold them.
These are their title, to a protracted leaie of
power. ' r . :: , . i i ;
Let us hear no more of men. They pro
pope, at lafct, to hhow that What the country
cOLdemns as incapacity and recklessness in
the, administrr.iiou of publio affairs has really
been a divinely wdained aud , providential
siatetmanhhip. Let them .proceed to lite
demonstration. It is no longer their oaudi
dale whom they auk the American people to
elect. -; It is themselves and their ftxt that
they now ask the American people to endorse
by lectiiig their caudtdate.
We debire no cleaner or clearer field than
this. 1 o doubt the Issue of a Ulr Hht fought
cut cu this Hel l would be to doubt the napa
ciiy of the American people, we will lint ay
or self-government, but for the management
of their mertst material interests; we will
not fay for a juht appreciation of the philo
sophical couditiouh of liberty, but for coin-n.on-beijse
in the discrimination of houesty
from corruption, and of the just from the
UEjust steward.
The Coining Oelober Kiccllous.
Fron the N. Y. JlcrtUd.
It is generally conceded that ' the coming
October elections in Pennsylvania, Ohio, In
diana, and Iowa will virtually determine the
result of the Presidential election. The hope
of the Democratic party is in a movement of j
the people of the Western and Middle Spates
for a change in the policy of the Government
f xttnsive enough to sweep away all past Re
publican majorities, and turn the great Spates
over to the Democrats by overwhelming votes.
Such a thing as a close contest is improbable,
and hence it is clear that if this tremendous
revolution is to come at all it must show itself
in the State elections we have named. Iu
view of these facts a glance at the results iu
18(i2, when a similar reaction to that now pre
dicted Bet in agaiust the Republican party, ou
account of their 'mismanagement of the war
and alleped ollieial extravagance and corrup
tion, will be of interest at this time. .
We find, then, thnt Vermont, wh'eh led off
in the election of I8(i2, gaye twtuty-six thou
sand Republican majority, being au increase
over Its majority for Linoylu in lSo'0."Mlua
"218 & 220
S. FRONT ST.
4
4
213 & 22D
S. FROIIT ST.
t
& GO
OFFER TO THB TRADE, H? LOTS,
F I IV E It Y E A1VD B 0 II 11 ii ON i W niSKIES.IIK BOSD ,
Of 1806, 1800, 1807V and 1808.
AIS0, FI1IE FIXE ME AM) BOURBON! HUSKIES,
Of GREAT AGE, ranging from isoarto "184s. t
Liberal contracts will be entered Into for I ots, in bond at Distillery, of this years' manafacturi
followed with thirteen or fourteen thousand
Republican majority. But when the October
elections came Pennsylvania, which had given
Lincoln sixty thousand majority two years
before, turned over to the Democracy by
nearly four thousand majority; Ohio changed
its twenty thousand for Lincoln into six thou
sand for the Democratio ticket, and Indiana,
which had given Lincoln twenty-four thousand
over Douglas, elected Democratio officers by
ten thousand majority. This was the begin
ning of the revolution, and it was followed by
similar results in other great States, so that
had a President been elected in 13(52 the Dem
ocrats would have been successful by the fol
lowing electoral vote, baaed on the elections of
that year:
Dcttioeratio. Republican.
New York 83 Massachusetts 13
Pennsylvania. -....28 Mlxeourl 11
Ohio M -...Ul low - - 8
Illinois ...........lO.MloliiKan .. 8
I ndiaun. IS. Wisconsin 8
Kentucky - 11 Maine - 7
New Jersey 7!Counectlcul 6
Maryland 7,New Heinpsblre... ...... 5
Icalirornla 5
Total M...-..131 Vermont - 5
JtQoiie Island 4
Minnesota 4
l)eluwnre - 3
Oregon ... 3
Kansas 3
. Total i 92
In that election Missouri was carried by the
emancipationists, and Delaware, although
electing a Republican Governor, cast a Con
gressional majority for the Democrats. It
will be sten that neither Vermont nor Maina
afforded any indication of the great change
about to take place in the political sentiment
of the country, but that the revolution com
menced with the Ootolfer eleotions. It will be
the same this year. Vermont amounts to no
thing. Maine is important only iu eo far as
the Democrats have made a hot contest there,
and may be discouraged by a bad defeat. But on
the 13th of October, when the voices of the
men of iron, the Hoosiers and the Buckeyes,
make themselves heard, we shall know whe
ther the radioals are to be hurled from power
or whether the stupidity aud stubbornness of
the Democratio managers are to cheok the
revolution foreshadowed la it fall, and occa
sion the re-enaction of the election of 183 1,
WANTS.
AGENTS WANTED. THE BEST VlRK
fur Canvassers, bead lor Circulars, free. .
MACKENZIE 8 UNIVERSAL ENCYCLOPEDIA
, MACKENZIE'S 10,000 HECIPE3.
TUE BEST BOOK OF THE KIND. .
Edited by Pio'essors In the best colleges in the coun
try. Kveryhody Deeds IU New edition now ready
Tlie beat article npon
BEKS AND THEIR MANAGEMENT,
Ever published, la the new edition. Article upoa
FARMING IMPLEMENTS,
, EEST MOWEBS, REAPEBS. ETC.
'Tia invaluable to Farmers. This Is the boon for
AGENTS AND CANVASSERS.
DOMESTIC MEDICINE,
By the Professor of Hygiene, in the University of
Pennsylvania. Prevention and Cure of
' CATTLE DISEASE.
COOKING. PRESERVING, PHOTOGRAPHY, ETC
Almost everything ia to be found In this work, and
t has been pronounced '
; THE BEST SECULAR BOOK IN THE WORLD.'
The Michigan "Reporter" says (Ant. 11): ''H Is the
most extensive and reliable work of tue kind ever
printed."
Toe "Rnral American," of Mew York, says, (Aur.
4): "it is the tnosi important farming book ever
issued."
. T. XLLWOOD ZELL & CO., Publishers,
9 U 6trp Kos. 17 and II) S. 61XTII Street, Paua.
FLAGS, BANNERS, ETC.
1868.-
PRESIDENTIAL CONTEST.
FLAUS, 1IA5NEES, TRMSPAIUCIES,
A5D LAJiTERKS, . ,
Campaign Badges, Medals, and ring,
' Or BOTH CANDIDATES.'
WINES, ETC.
n receipt of One Dollar
Tea alflerent style tent
Mid llty lent.
Agtsuis wauled everywhere,
Vias in Muslia, Bantlnc, and Silt, all sis, wnol
l and nUll. '' ' '
I'ullih al uliirm flurd out wirb everything they m
ruqnlie.
, MLALL OH OB , AUDKEbB ,.. , '', j
W. F. 8CHEIDLE,
o. 41) SOUTH Til I Kl STKEET,
'Ihurp fUlLAiEi PUIA.
PAPER HANGINGS, ETC.
yjyf"AL L PAPERS.
WD Alii) NOW KKTAtXIXO OITB
IMMENSE STOCK
OP
PAPER HANGINGS,
FOR HALLS, PARLORS, Kto.
NEW GOODB constantly coming In. and first-class
workmen sent to any part of lb country,
HOWELL & BOURKE,
Gorner of FOURTH and MARKET,
i fmw2m PHILADELPHIA.
QEORCE PLOWMAN.
CARPENTER AND BUILDE4,
REMOVED
To No. 131 DOCK Street,
Philadelphia;
COTTON AND FuAX, 2 '
J HAIL DUCK AND CANVAS,
. ' ',' . Of all numbers and brands.
Tent, Awning, Trunk, and Witou lvr lm a
AhoFaiwrMaiiufmUurers' Drlor Vlm. rrnm x
sovetai leel WlUu; Panlli u, Bflllng. Kail Twluo, st,v
JOilN.v. HVKKNAN .tV.
Ho,fcJOWKT AUr
JAME8 CAR8TAIR8. JR.,
Kos. 12G WALKUT aud 21 UKAAITE Sta.,
IMPOBTEB OF
Brandies, WIiics, Uln, Olive Oil, Etc Etc,
COMMISSION MERCHANT;
FOR THE SALE OF
1T1U2 OLD RYE, WHEAT, AND HOUR.
DOS WHISKIES. ,
LUMBER.
F. WILLIAMS,
SEVENTEENTH AKD SPRING GARDEN,3'
Ori EBI FOB BJALH
PATTERN LUMBER OF ALL KIND
EXTRA SEASONED PAN1L PLANK.
BTJILDINO LUM.BEB OF EVERY DESCIUp.
TION.
CAROLINA 4-4 and 14 FLOORING,
HEMLOCK JOISTS, ALL BIZE8.
CEDAR SHINGLES, CTTPRE68 BUNCH SHIN
GLES, PLASTERING: LATH, POSTS,
ALSO,
A FULL LINE OF
WALNUT AND OTHER HARD WOODS.
LUMBER
NOTICE.
WORKED TO ORDER
AT SHORT
7 27mwltm
186a
8PBUCJC JOIST,
BPKTJCKJOisr.
HEMLOCK.
HJLMXiOCK.
1868.1
1868.
SEASONED CLEAR PINK. lfV)n
BKAtSONKD CLEAR PinK IKttS
CHOICE PATTERN Pin v.
BPANltoil tKDAFtmPATTERNa,
1868.
FLORIDA FLOORING.
FLORIDA FLOORING.
CAROLINA FLOORING,
VIRGINIA FLOORING.
DJfcXA WARE FLOORING!
ASH FLOORING.
WALNUT FLOORING.
FLORIDA STEP BOARDS.
RAIL PLANKr
186&
lttftft WALN OT BUB. AND PLANK inno
lOUO. "WALNUTBDS. AND PLANK. loOQ.
WALNUT BOARDS. UU
WALNUT PLANK.
TCAQ UNDERTAKERS LUMBER, 1 0.r7
IStO. KDJaiTAKERS'MilKR: 1868.
WALNUT AND PINE.
1 fifcft SEASONED POPLAR,
lOUO. bEASONED CHERRY.
WHITE OAKJLANK AND BOARDS.
1868.
1868.
CIGAR BOX MAKERS' 0?0
IIUA R BOX MAU ' I KKfZ
bPANImt CEDAR BOX BOARDS '
FOR BALE LOW. '
1 RAft CAROLINA SCANTLING.
lOOO. CAROLINA H. T. HILLS
- NORWAY SCANTLING.
186a
1868.
HI
CEDAR SHINGLES. 1 0?0
Ci'FREfoS (SHINGLES. lOOO.
MAULK, BROTHER
No. 86WI SOUTH HtreM.
"TJNITED
Kos. 21,
STATJsS BUILDERS' MILL
26, and 28 S. FIFTEENTH St.,
PHILADELPHIA. r .
ESLER & BROTHER,
.MiUICll'I OF ,
VTOCD MOULDINGS, BRACKETS, STAIR BALUS
TERS, NEWELL POSTS. GENERAL TURN
ING AND SCROLL WORK. ETC
.' The largest assortment of WOOD HOQLDINQS In
Hals city constantly on hand ' g s 2ax
- WATCHES, JEWELRY, ETC.
-tVIS LADOMUS 4
'DIAMOND DEALERS & JEWEIEBS.T
WaTCUKS, JKWILRT I1LTIB WAMC
, WATQHE3 and JEWELRY REPAIRED.
Wonld Invite particular Mtftuuou to their lare. and
elegant anaorUueni of
LADIES' AND GENTS WATCHES 5 '
Of American and Foreign Makers of tbefnnest quality
tluilng.
A variety of Independent X Second, for horse
14
1 -art leu and Debts' CHAINS of latest tvnm. Ia
BTTTON AND EYELET STUDS
In treat variety newest patterns.
. SOLID SILVER W ARB "
for Bridal prespnis; Piated-ware, eto.
Repairing duue In Uis best manner, and war
rntL 1 ittp
WEDDING RINGS. !
.
W have fpr a long time made a specially of
Solid 18 -Karat Fine (Jold Wedding U
Engagement lUngs,
Ard In orer to supply Immediate want. v
FULL ASbOBTMENT OF S1AKS Jj W.
11 Usmthjrp No. tu CUKxrt a s fc
SPECIAL nITtTc V
CKTH. KmttUUKU 1, Sf s
i WIU.U.OSK mux av
u vu KrsM Ua,
IWl'WUt Wv tryMvs Vv., v-t