THE DAIL.1T EVENING TELEGRAPH PHILADELPHIA, MONDAY, AUGUST 3, 13G8.
SPIRIT OF TIIE PltESS.
uiTORtAti oninosa or run ibaiin kubal
UPON CCB&KlTf TOPIC COMPItiED MVABT
AT FOB 1KB 1VEN1N1 THUMBAPB.
Senator Hemlrlckg' Speech.
From the Chicago Tribune.
Mr. Hendricks, of Indiana, got home to In
dianapolis on Tuet-day uigut, and made a
Bpeeou. lie wept plteouHljr over the wrongs
and Bufferings of the inn recently in rebellion.
Lee and Beauregard have lost their corninia
Bions in the national arm y a number of men
Who were Senators and KepreWntatives before
the rebellion cannot get r-eleoted; the rebel
Whites who have lost their means in the war
cannot re-illl their exhausted pookets by sell
ing a negro or two; and in short, the wrongs
and deprivations heaped npon "a brave and
chivalrous people" by the Republican party
have not been equalled since Grant aud Hher
man, in 1805, disarmed about 150,000 of them
and sent them home on their parole of good
behaviour.
Mr. Hendricks denies that there is any
peace, or can ever be any peace, at the South,
as long as there is a Republican President, and
for proof of it refers to Fiank Ulair's threat
to renew the Rebellion, destroy the Southern
State Governments, eject the present Repre
sentatives in Congress, and compel the admis
sion of new ones eleoted by the Rebel organi
zations. Hut Mr. Hendricks is most piteous in his
lamentations over Southern wrongs when he
discusses a bill which was before Congress,
providing for a reduction of the army and the
withdrawal of the troops from all the States,
except the garrisoning of forts, eto., and the
distribution among the several S tates, according
to the population, of arms for the State
militia. The bill directed that there be dis
tributed to the States, and delivered to the
Governor thereof, from the national armory,
292.000 rifles with the accoutrements, to be
held by the States for the use of the militia.
The dibtribution proposed would give 1000 for
each Senator and Representative. Mr. Hen
dricks saw nothing in this measure but an
attempt to arm the negro aud enable him, at
the point of the bayonet, to control, subjugate,
rule and govern the thirty-three or thirty-four
millions of white people in the United States.
The whole number of arms falling to the share
Of the reconstructed State governments was
Only 48,000, leaving among the people of all
the other States, 244,000 muskets with which
to defend them-elves against the South.
Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, and Kentucky would
get one-fourth more rifles under the bill than
all the reconstructed States combined.
The reader will hardly believe that tMI ex
candidate for President, the pressut Senator,
and the candidate for Governor of Indiana,
devoted a large portion of his speech to a
statement of the sufferings and oppressions
which the South might endure under that
bill, when he knew, and the South knew, and
Lis hearers knew, that the bill did not pass,
and is not the Jaw. Mr. Hendricks' tears upon
this subject are only equalled by those shed
by the venerable maiden, who wept because
if she should ever get married, and if she
should have a baby, and if the baby should
wander off aud fall into the river and be
drowned, how afflicted she would be i Mr.
Hendricks attempted some weak assaults upon
taxes and expenditures, but Commissioner
Wells' official report on that subject, printed
In the Tribune this morning, crushes his mis
representations and those of other Copper
Lead statisticians in t he egg.
Domestic Difficulties of the Democracy.
From the N. Y. Timet.
The Democratic party, just now, is not a
happy family. It has troubles within and
troubles without, and in both cases they pro
mise to be greater. To the difficulties attendant
upon a.war against Graut are added the diffi
culties arising out of sectional differences in
the ranks of the party itself. Its light would
be an arduous one under the most harmonious
circumstances. It is especially difficult now,
because East and West are not cordially in
unison, and a galling tire is kept up in the
rear of both by the dictatorial Southerners.
The financial question is a cause of coolness,
if not of contention, between Eastern leaders
and Western. Among the main body of the
party, in both sections, unanimity undoubt
edly exists. They agree in the demaud for
paying the bonds in greenbacks, and mean
while for taxing them nationally and locally.
The rank and lile are hearty l'endletouiaus,
theoretically and practically. But the officers
those who control the supplies, direct the
movements, and judge of the tactics that may
be advantageously employed can do no more
than agree to differ. The East, they know,
must dodge repudiation, while the West will
have it, hot and poisonous as cheap whisky.
Eastern managers, therefore, exclude Pendle
ton, while Western Democracy wauta him
above all other canvassers. Mr. Tilden is
valiant after a fashion; he insists that his
party shall be aggressive; but he and his as
sociate managers in this State have a horror
of Pendleton and his heresies. Whoever else
may come to talk in this State or in New Eug
land, or in Philadelphia, Peudleton must be
excluded, By this course the wise men of the
East hope to fiud pretexts for their hypocrisy
touching the currency and the bonds.
The Western Democrats, on the other hand,
are more positive. They care nothing lor Sey
mour except as the occupant of Pendleton's
platform, and they will tolerate no attempt to
evade or explain away its meaning. They are
for taxing the bonds almost out of existence,
and paying eff what may remain of them in
greenbacks; and they insist on conducting the
campaign on this basis. The pets of the East
ern Committee obtaiu no favor there. Sey
mour, who rides awkwardly astride tha bond
question, 1b not wanted; and Blair, whose let
ter treats the financial question as subordi
nate, everywhere encounter indifference. The
West does not want to hear Seymour or IUair
or anybody whom Messrs. Belmont and Tilden
may select. It wants the outspoken Pendle
ton and those who are as fearless as he in the
cause of repudiation. Here as well as there, the
issue really to le settled is one of good faith or
repudiation; but only the Western managers
fight manfully under the latter flag. The
Lypoorisy of the Eastern leaders disgusts
Western Democrats as much as the platform
disgusts the country.
The most formidable of the party's difficul
ties, however, grow out of the new demands
of the Southern Democracy. On the bond
question the domestic squabbling is for the
most part carried on within doors. There is
a row, but the report thereof is muiHed. Pru
dential considerations restrain it somewhat.
and suggest the maintenance of deoent ap
pearances. But the representative fire-eaters
snap their fingers at prudence, aud bid the
country note their temper. They despise the
caution which prompts concealment not less
than the duplicity which elicits their remon
strances. They helped to make the platform.
and they are resolved that the meaning which
they attached to it in the Convention shall be
adhered to by the party.
The Northern Democrats, then, who were
Solicitors lor Southern co-operation, nmi too
late that they have caught a Tartar. They
desired lor appearance sake to get up a re
united and national party, and the South,
which they took in by way of helpmate, plays I
virago, and aohumes the airs of master. They I
are consequently in a mortifying dilemma.
They timet tone down the Blair letter, or the ,
iioim Will not allow DPjmuur iu qui uin
Utica farm. They must interpret the anti
recoiifclruction features of the platform paci
fically, or the loyalty of the land will squelch
them as copperheads. The South, mean
whPe, cries out that the party is a oopper
bead party; that the Convention was Cop
perhead; that platform and candidates are
copperhead; aud that nnder no other charac
ter can the party hare the favor of unrepent
ant Rebels.
It availeth the party nothing to plead that
the Southern Demooracy ought not to be
Judged by the indiscreet utteranoes of a few
leaders. The plea would be plausible if the
displays which have attracted atteulion were
exceptional. But they are not. Wade Hamp
ton, Toombs, Ben. Hill, Cobb, Semmea, in
their denunciation of law, and their invocation
of violence as a means of overthrowing the
new Governments, do but reflect the spirit aud
purpose which rule among the Southern oppo
nents of reconstruction. We have reached
this conclusion reluctantly. Up to a compara
tively recent period there seemed a desire to
confine opposition within lawful, peaceful,
practical limits. With the holding of the New
York Convention, this disposition vanished,
and it is new impossible to observe the coarse
of the Southern press, or the proceedings of
ratification meetings, without recognizing evi
dence of the change. Acquiescence is no
longer hinted at; nothing but resistance is
counseled. And the virtue of resistance ia
invariably predicated on the position of the
Democratic party in the canvass.
Hence springs the feeling, that the party
must be kept up to the mark by its Southern
members. They scent bad faith in the dis
tance, and mean to prevent it if possible.
With this view they maintain a running fire
npon those of the Northern leaders and jour
nalists who handle tenderly the contingency
to which Blair has distinctly pointed. The
Charleston Mercury has nothing but contempt
for its "weak-kneed" friends at the North.
It refers to the recent strictures of the Time
on the equivocation of the World and its
friends or, as the Mercury puts it, "on cer
tain individuals aud presses that call them
selves Democratic," aud declares those strio
tures "perfectly true." Our Charleston con
temporary proceeds:
"The plBifoun of the Dernocrallo party Is
square upon the letter of (ju-mral Biatr, aud
beneral 11. air's letter ia tha legitimate aud
spinal expounditiK of ihe platform. It, will (wall
lit'le to deny H, North, H iutb, Kxat. or West.
Ai.y palliation ot the fact is n perversion of the
fuel. It u more ltli ill fultli to tlm body of
the Convention find It Is nn attempted decep
tion ol the voters at the polls. The Rioh'uond
AVumiiKr Is cot reel when 11 any 8 that those who
attempt, to lead the LXMaocratto party. If tliay
Intend to abandon Us platform 'urtlijut as wel I
Bbaudon tbe Held, for they are whipped
already.'
"Xbe Timet la right wht-n it says 'the platform
assalle the (so-called) Meconslrucllou acta an
usurpations, and unconstitutional, revolution
ary, wud void,' and Ucueral Bialr does no more.
And we ko further with the lime. If there Is
'odium which In heaped upou (jeueral Blair,' It
does 'iiltat h to the Cunvtui lou.'
"We ro further with the Timet: 'The Southern
wln ol the party 1h In earnest,,' and we are bo
much In earnest that we Intend to carry most
ot the Southern mates lor the Democratic
party."
That there may be no mistake as to whither
the earnestness of the Southern wing teads,
or the import attached to the propo
sition of the platform regarding reconstruu
tion, the same journal resumes its exposi
tion of Democratic doctrine and duty in this
strain:
"The mongrel meeting In Columbia, called a
Legislature, had btiur aujouin and adjourn
fcpttdily. They need not trouble themselves lo
make lawn, f r they will not be enforced. Tuey
need not elect ofllci rs to rule the sHule, for they
will perform no duties. They are, as Mr. But
ler Kays of C'ongreHM, Hiiuply 'losing lime' In me
coEbiieiullf n of legislative measures. There
fore, like CongrtkM, they had better disperse.
Their doom is sealed. Their power (with tue
United Htates army) is gone. Congressional
reconBt ruction, as we anticipated from the
111 st that it would be, la a failure. To go on
further with It will only Involve danger aud In
crease exacerbation. Being nucooBiltutloa!,
all who attempt to enforce It, or to exercise
power by Its authority, are simply trespassers.
A trespasser can be sued In an action for
tiamages. A trexpaster may be juttijivbly kilted.
With the President of the United Htates, with
tbe army of the United States, support! uk the
white population lii treating the Kecoustruc-
iiou laws as unconstitutional ana void, wuai
eau their agents or Instruments be praolioaliy
but trespassers ? If they use violence, what are
mey nut traitors?"
We might fill columns daily with extracts
from the journalism and oratory of the south,
as significant in their menaces as these passages
from the Mercury. The whole Demooratio
party in the South is, in faot, so impregnated
with disloyalty, so implacable in its hostility
to reconstruction, and so resolved to rule or
ruin the Northern managers in the campaign,
that it cannot fail to produce embarrassment,
and ultimately dissension, among the sup
porters of Seymour.
now long the northern uemoeraoy will
submit to be dragooned by its friends in the
South, is a problem yet to be solved. We
know, however, that "dough faces" guided it
before the war, and according to present
indications they are still in the ascendant.
lheir efforts at paoification only make mat
ters worse. The Richmond H'htq returns to
the war talk of the World with the remark
that "we have been cheated so often that we
become accustomed to it," and sneers of this
sort are oommou. Being in earnest, Southern
Kebeldom does not intend to be fooled. It
requires Northern Copperheadism to shoulder
its rilie or to come down from the platform;
and whether the one thing or the other be
decided on, the trouble in the family is not
near the end.
Tho revolutionary MagoTho Factions
and the People.
From the AT. Y. ileruid.
Hard as it is to make war, it is harder to
make peace; and the difficulties that confront
a nation when it is oalled upon to assert its
honor or defend its life, to raise money, orga
nize armies and find generals, are insignificant
by comparison with those it finds in its way
when it tries to settle conditions for restoring
the proper balance of society. This is the ex
perience of all ages. See how grandly Greeoe
made war and pushed her successes in it till
the most gigantio contemporary realm was be
neath her feet; and before she could make
peaoe she was beneath the feet of others.
Borne had the same history, for the leaders of
faction always endeavored to make peace in
accordance with their own extreme views, and
this made every peace the cause of a new war,
till Home fell exhausted. But little of the
honor that is in every chapter of the French
revolution is due to the accomplishment of the
legitimate objects of that great struggle; for
the monarchy was cast down, the foundation
of the republio laid, and its united enemiea
beaten without appalling excesses; but these
resulted from the effort to make peaoe, the
attempt to reorganize sooiety always in ac
cordance with the political views of this or
that faction. In the history of the great rebel
lion in England we see the same faot. The
nation put down a tyrant with comparative
ease; bnt the trouble came when the question
arose which of the factions should control in
the new system. In all these revolutionary
crises the real danger to a people and a gov
ernment begins after the people and the gov
ernment Lave secured their real triumph; for
then comes the hour of faction and the struggle
in which the popular perception of right and
wrong ia confused and lost in a vile scramble
for power and . office between sellisu pre
tenders. . .
And this is our danger now. Wo stand be
tween the factions. On one hand we have the
radicals, guilty of every crime that oan stain
the history of a party; guilty of the meanest
chicanery in calling the national victory theirs,
and perverting it to their party purposes;
guilty of outraging humanity itself in the dis
organization of Southern society, and of the
most diabolical hypocrisy in pretending that
their use of tbe negro is for the saKe of equal
rights; guilty of indescribable dishonesty in
violating that great pledge of the nation that
the war was not waged against the integrity of
the States, and was only to seoure the Union.
Such is one faction a party whose morality,
moderation and purpose are fitly typified
by such exemplars as Butler, Stevens,
and Sumner. It would be a stolid,
servile and broken down people among whom
a party in such hands would not awaicen
reaction. Reaction, therefore, is earnest, and
the people repudiate the pretense of these
lenders to settle the future peace of the nation
in accordance with the extreme views their
diseased intellects take of our position. Bat
whither will the reaction carry us f Into the
hands of a faction equally to be feared; into
the bands of the Democrats, who promise by
authority to reopen the questions that began
ihe war to unsettle what was settled by the
carnage of four years to revive the spirit
that put the seotions of the country face to
face in battle. If the Democrats oome into
power animated by such a purpose, we have
nothing before us but a perspective of destruc
tive contests, in which one or the other politi
cal party, as it succeeds to power, will only
use the name of the Government to gloss a
reorganization whoBe real object will be po
litical revenge.
In view of this attitude and character of the
respective factions, what can the people do f
They must look personally at the candidates
presented for their suffrages; and here the case
has more promise. Seymour is nothing ex
cept as he stands by his party. Graut is a
great figure only as he stands alone. With
Seymour in the Presidential chair, we must
expect to see the country governed simply on
such bogus Democratic principles as prevailed
before the war, when Democracy merely
meant servility to the Southern element. And
if Seymour were pushed aside to make room
for the more aggressive Blair, we should see
the Government taken to pieces aud
put together agaiu in a sense
favorable to the men who led
Southern armies against it for four succes
sive years. On that hand, therefore, we can
hope for nothing from the candidates bat
what we fear from their party. (Jn the other
hand, Giant aud the party that was compelled
to nominate him stand wide apart. Graut is
unmistakably committed by his acts and his
words against every distinguishing principle
of that party. His first instinct was to treat
the conquered 0 generously, and the whole
history of the radicals is a revolt against that
manly impulse. In this one fact we see the
intellectual difference between the man and
his party, and they are equally different in all
other ways. Under Grant we may hope to see
the country governed uprightly and vigor
ously, and the factions crushed, out; and we
believe it is, therefore, for the people to sus
tain Grant, trusting mat m. ration tha uses
his name may not be able to cripple his ad
ministration. Mr. Stevens' Last Card.
From the N. Y. Tribune.
If we could feel sure that Mr. Thadieus
Stevens' last letter on the bond-paying ques
tion was merely intended to cover his retreat
from an untenable position, as Lee assaulted
Grant's lines before Petersburg preparatory to
evacuating that city, we should let it pass
without comment. But Mr. Steveus has done
his country great harm by undermining her
credit for integrity and fair dealing at a mo
ment when it was of the highest consequence
that these should be undoubted; and his new
manifesto evinces a resolve to maintain a
show of consistency at whatever cost to the
public; so we are constrained to scrutinize its
positions.
1. Mr. Stevens asserts that "the gold ques
tion is settled." How settled f Pendleton
and the Copperheads, backed by the Rebels,
declare the Five-twenty bonds payable in
geeenbacks; whereupon they propose to print
off greenbacks enough to pay them off forth
with, and stop the interest on the debt. As
we understand Pendleton's Grafton speech, he
is no more willing to pay four than six per
cent, interest. Four per cent, on the debt, he
argues, will call for $100,000,000 a year
$4,000,000,000 in forty years. Why not rather
print off the greenbacks, cancel the bonds at
once, and have no interest to pay f Mr. Ste
vens does not take this position; but he main
tains premises that justify those who do hold
it. He thus makes himself an ally an im
portant and most useful ally of the repudia-
tors, without having the excuse of hating the
debt because it represents indispensable assist
ance rendered to the Union in putting down
the Rebellion. He is triumphantly and
effectively quoted by those who would much
rather hang the bondholders than pay them,
and is to-day of signal use to them in per
suading Democrats who are not conscious,
unblushing villains to vote for Seymour and
Blair.
11. Mr. Stevens pronounces the style of dis
cussion used by some of us "unbecoming"
and "vulgar." So the culprit at the bar, lis
tening to the hot and heavy denunciation
of his crimes in parsing sentence, felt con-
straintd to interrupt him with "Sir, 1 beg
leave to remind you that your remarks are
personal, ungentlemauly aud offensive. I do
not choose to listen to such language, and will
thank you to change the subject." Mr. Stevens,
the queation at issue is one of honesty against
rascality. For months aud years, we exhausted
argument and entreaty in persuading all who
could to take those bonds, knowing well that
the war must break down and the Rebellion
triumph whenever people stopped taking them
at the rate of millions per day. We assured
them that they would all be paid in gold or its
equivalent at maturity. You authorized us to
and Means Committee, and three successive
Secretaries of the Treasury, itere are the
words used by you iu nrging the passage of
the Legal-tender act, wheu the bill made each
greenback fundable in the five-twenty loan:
A dollar in a mlsor's safe, unproductive, U
sore disturbance. Wncre could lie Invest it'.'
lu United Ktutes loaus at six per rent,, redeem
able iu told at twenty veaiH the bett and mnsl
valuable permanent Investment that could he
aesireu.
Again:
"But widows and orphans are Interested, and
iu i tar lesi incir estaiea auuuiu un unuiy iu
vested. I Pity do one who has bis money In
vested In United Slates bonds, payable in gold
in twenty years, with interest semi-annuauy.-
Agaiu:
"Let me restate the various prr-jnet. Onrs
propones United States notes secured, at the
end ol twenty years, to be paid In coin, and the
interest raised bv taxation nenil aiinuully
such notes to be money, and of uniform value
turouguout tue union,"
Again:
'Here, then, lies your choice. Throw bonds
at six or nevea per cent, on the market between
this and December, enough U raise at leant
18 0.(00,000 or lMue United Htaten
not8, not redeemable In coin, but fundable In
imele-paying bonds at twenty years."
These, Mr. Stevens, are your words. Yon
catinot deny them. They prove beyond cavil
that you understood the matter as Secretary
ihase did, and as every one else did. - We be
lieved you aud followed your lead. "Leeal-
tender" paper was a hard dose to swallow-
very bard but our soldiers must be fed and
paid, arms and munitions must be bought
or made, and the Rebellion at any sacritloa
put down. You devised and enacted the
financial measures; we begged every patriot
to sell whatever he could spare and invest the
proceeds in Government bonds. We assured
every one that these Ifjnds were payable and
would be paid at maturity in coin, jfou au
thorized us to do so. We did not mean to
swindle them; did youf
Mr. Stevens, this is a very crave matter.
The bread of widows and orphans is at stake.
v e wish there were polite phrases that would
suffice for its thorough discussion, but there
are not. Nor can we pass it in silence. Those
who at our solicitation lent their fortunes to
sustain our Government in its dire extremity
have a right to our best efforts to save them
from spoliation, aud shall have them.
111. ion state that the new funding bill
provides tor redeeming the Five-twenties by
an infue of bonds at lower rates of interest.
Certainly; did we not all expect to do pre
cisely this ? Were not the six per cent, bonds
made payable at the pleasure of the Govern
ment alter five and within twenty years ex
pressly that this might be done f Our Gov
ernment borrowed in 1814 at twelve per cent.
getting nirety to ninety-five dollars in de
preciated paper for every $100 of its bonds,
which it nevertheless redeemed at par in com.
Did it go on borrowing at such rates after the
war with Great Britain was ended r Of course
not. Great Britain has for fifty years been
steadily paying off loans at higher rates with
the proceeds ot new loans at lower, until her
entire debt is now consolidated, and her "Con
sols" draw but three per cent, interest. There
is no difficulty and no hardship in this. All we
need is suoh a credit with moneyed men that
they will be glad to loan us money at four per
cent.: then we say to holders of "five-twen
ties" over five years old, "Take the new bonds
at four per cent., or we will pay you off."
Of course, if our four per cents, are the least
fraction above par, they will all take these
rather than the money, and the conversion is
effected. No one can complain, for no one has
been wronged. It was part of the bargain
that we might pay off these Five-twenties after
they had run five years; and we ought ere
this to have converted mauy millions of them,
reducing the interest one-third. It is the
threat of repudiation that now renders this
process impracticable. IFe conld borrow at
lour per cent, as well as Great Britain, if there
were no fear that we would cheat the lend
ers. We are paying the penalty of a bad re
putation, which you, Mr. Stevens, have aided
to give ue.
IV. You say, If the Jive-twenties had been
payable in gold, there would have been no
reason for specifying that our new consols are
thus payable. But you, Mr. Stevens, are a
lawj er and legislator, and ought to know that
laws are being altered and amended every day
to meet and baffle the ingenuity of rascals,
who are perpetually scheming to evade, to
circumvent, to nullify them. When they
have picked a flaw in one, whereby they are
enabled to cheat with impunity, we pass "an
set to amend an act entitled an act," so as to
head them off on that tack and compel them
to try another. That is what we shall do in
authorizing the new consols.
V. The bondholder may or may not choose
to take one of our new Consols when we get
ready to offer it. If he does not, some one
else will, provided those Consols are above
par; and we will use the proceeds to redeem
and cancel the Five-twenties whose owners
will not take the new bonds. Thus giving
every one his righteous due, who will have the
right to complain r
VI. Finally, Mr. Stevens, be entreated to
ponder well this noble plank in the Chicago
platform, whereon Grant and Colfax are bbout
to be elected:
"That tbe best policy to diminish our bur
den of debt is to so improve our credit that
capitalists will seek to loan ns money at
lower rales of Interest than we now pay, and
must continue to pay bo long as repudiation,
partial or total, open or covert, Is threatened or
eutpected."
The North tJerman Navy.
From the JY. Y. World.
The North German Parliament, at the olose
of its recent session, gave to the King of
Prussia a nice little douceur of $25,000,000 for
"military purposes," with the understanding,
however, that it was to be used iu the creation
of an increase to the naval force of the North
German Confederation. Germany fears no
foes that may assail her on land, but her
extensive mercantile marine, in the event
of a war, would be almost wholly without
protection. Before the money was voted,
General Moltke, with that commend
able frankness which has of late charac
terized the actions of the German Cab
inet, and which is in such striking
contrast with the elaborate reticence ana
mystery preserved by the Emperor of the
French and his ministers in regard to all of
their purposes, explained that the Parliament
must not expect to receive any immediate or
substantial return for this investment. The
greater part of the money, he said, would
be spent in necessary but very costly experi
ments. The Government was determined not
to "go it blind," after the fashion of England,
and epend millions of dollars in building a
navy which, when completed, might be found
so far behind that of other nations as to be
practically useless, with ships that could not
open their ports in a sea way, and that could
neither be sailed under canvass nor carry coal
enough to make a six days' voyage. The
Geimun Government would avoid committiug
any such blunders as these, and would expe
riment until it deoided what sort of ships it
could build that would fulfill the purpose of a
navy, aud then, if more money wad forthcom
ing, the navy would be formed. General
Moltke did not attempt to disguise the faot
that this way of doing business was a costly
one, and that it was not a pleasant outlook
for tax-layers. But if North Germany wished
to have an effective navy, this was the way to
secure it. He had no faith in the idea
that the balance of power could ever be
adjusted in Europe without at least one
more war, and as Providenoe had laid
upon Germany the duty ot becoming the
peace-maker of Europe, she must prepare her
self for the task before her. One of two things
must occur the ascendency of Germany in
Europe must be secured aud sealed by her
victory in a great war, or she must make her
self i o strong that no other power will dare to
question her deoisions as arbiter of European
affairs, bo that, whether peaoe is to be attained
through war or maintained by the fear of war,
Germany is called upon to build herself up
into a military power of overshadowing great
ness. Nothing could be more charming than
the naimt with which General Moltke avowed
these purposes of the Government. Nothing
is done in North Germany at present without
ppeculation as to the effect which it will have
upon South Germany, and the unification of
the entire German nation. When this
218 & 220
S. FRONT ST.
4
OFFER TO TUB TRADE, IN LOTS,
FINE RYE AND BOURBON WHISKIES, H BOM)
Of 1805, 1800, lOT and 1808,.
AIS0, FliEE FINE LIE AND B0U1B0N WHISKIES, J
Of GREAT AGE, ranging from ieG4 to
Liberal contracts will be entered Into for lots, in bond at Distillery, of this yearn' mnuafrtotn -n ,;
union occurs, Germany will at once
assume her destined position as the t
guardian of Europe. But, while every day j
brings indications of the faot that Southern j
Germany is more and more attracted towards
the union, it would be the worst of errors to '
coerce her in any manner. The weddiug, to
be a happy one, must be a wholly voluntary
engagement, with love, and not fear, as its
controlling motive. Therefore, in this little
matter of the navy, uenerai AioitKe repeated i
what King William and Count Bismark have ;
so often before said, that they do not
desire the union in order that they may
have a great army and navy, but they
want a great army and navy iu order
that they may have the union. When the
North becomes so strong that the South
sees that her safety can best be secured by
becoming a portion of the strongest power on
the continent, she will no longer hesitate as to
what she ought to do. At present the South
ern States are wooed alike by Prussia aul
France; or, more correotly, they are in the po
sition of an heiress who is Bought in marriage
by a gallant young knight, but who is warned
by a powerful and surly neighbor that If she
mar lies he will thrash her husband and carry
her to his own harem. The young lady's in
clinations lead her towards matrimony, her
fears prompt her to refrain from pronouncing
the possibly fatal vows. Meanwhile the lover
grows in strength and arms himself. When
the maiden is convinced that he is able to pro
tect her, ehe will say "yes;" but meanwhile
she is not to be hurried, but continues to
amuse herself by coquetting with her suitor,
and saying pleasant things to her dangerous
neighbor.
While this game lasts, it is idle to expect
that either France or Prussia will even con
template anything like a disarmament, or will
cease to spend all the money they can raise in
adding to their military and naval strength.
There must come a time when the limit to
which this Bort of thing can be carried will be
reached. One would imagine that it had al
ready been reached in France. The odds in
tbe game are in favor ef Prussia and it is to
be hoped that should the decision finally be
on her Bide, she will be as pacific in practice
as she now is in profession. It is very de
sirable that Germany should be united but
it will not be well should she, when united,
aspire to dictate to all the rest of Europe. Her
piesent ambition, she declares, is simply to be
so strong that she may prevent all the other
European nations from quarrelling with aoh
other. That is very laudable, but in exer
cising this authority over her neighbors, she
might be so dictatorial as to meddle with
affairs that do not belong to her, in which
event there would be sure to be trouble.
ENUINES, MACHINERY, ETC.
jyr e E li i c K & SONS'
BOUTHWAKK FOUNDRY,
No. 480 WASHINGTON AVENTJB, Philadelphia.
WILLIAM WRIGHT'S PATiJJT VARIABLE
, CUT OF 8TEAM-ENQLNJB,
Regulated by the Governor.
MFJIRICK'S SAFETY HOISTING MACHINE,
Patented June, 1S68.
D.VID JOY'S
PATENT VALVE LESS STEAM HAMMER.
D. M. WESTON'S
PATINT 6ELF-UEKTEKING, BELF -BALANCING
CENTRIFUGAL SUGAR-DRAINING MACHINE
AND
HYDRO EXTRACTOR,
For Cotton or Woollen flauufcturers. 7 lOmwf ly
yt PRNN KTKAM TCNiJIVP! IVn
BOiLkR WOitKa. NEAFIK k I.KW
. . i H A T A Kill nVU tPl U L'rniri A W li k.f it T .T t.m w-k.r.'
MACHINIST, BOILEK-MAKKKS, BLACK..
bAUTHb, and FOL'NDKRS, having lor many yean
beeu In aucctsearul opeiatlOD, anif been vxcltulvel
ngaged In building nd repairing Marine aud Hlvei
Engines, tilth and low-pressure, Iron Boilers, Watei
Tanks, Propellers, etc. etc, respectfully otfer tneli
services to the public as being fully prepared to con
tract for engines of all sites, Marine, Klver, ana
btutiouary; having sea of patterns of different Use
are prepared to execute orders with quick despatch
Every description of pattern-making made t the
shortest notice. High aud Low-presnare Fine
Tubular and Cylinder Boilers, ol the best Pennsylva
nia charcoal lrou. Forglngs of ail size and kluds
Iron and Brass Castings of all descriptions. Roll
Turning. Screw CnuiDg.and allelherworkoonnected
with the above business.
Drawings and speclhcatlona for all work done at
tLe establishment free ol charge, and work guaran
teed. Tbe subscribers have ample wharf-dock room fo
repairs of boats, where they can lie In perfect safety
aud are provided will) shears, blocks, fells, eto. eta
for rauliig heavy or.llght weights.
JACOB C. NEAFIJL
JOHN P. LEW.
8 1 BEACH and PALMER BtrecU.
f, VAC9HN MKBBICK, WIXUAM H. MKJUtlOX
JOHN X. COPB.
SOTJTHWAKK FUUNDItr. FIFTH AND
WASHINGTON Street. ' ABiu
PHILADELPHIA,
m MERRICK Sc SONS.
fENGINEEKS AND MACHINISTS,
ruannfacture High and Low Prensure Steam Engines
lor Land, River, and Marine Service.
Boilers, Gasometers, Tanks, Iron Boats, eto.
Castings vt all kinds, either Iron or brass.
Iron Frame Rooft for Gaa Work, Workshops and
Railroad blatloaa. eto.
Retorts and Gas Machinery, ot the latest and moal
Improved construction.
Every description of Plantation Machinery, also
(Sugar, Saw, aud Grist Mills. Vacuum Pans, OU
steam Trains, Defecators, Filters, Pumping, Kn
glnefl, etc.
Sole Agents for N. Blllenx's Patent guitar Botllng
Appnratus, Nesmyth's Patent steam Hammer, and
Asplnwall fc Wooluey'a Patent Centrifugal sugar
Lmlnliig Machines. W '
GAS FIXTURES.
JOHN J. Vt SAVIB. J. SELLKR8 PENNOCK.
WEAVER & PENNOOK,
PLUMBER9, OAS AND STEAM FITTERS,
No. 37 NORTH SEVENTH STREET,
Pnlladelphla.
CooDtry Beats fitted up with Gaa and Water, in first
class style. An assortment ot Brass and Iron 1.1ft and
Force Pumps constantly on hand
LEAD BURNING AND CHEMICAL PLUMBING.
N. B. Wa er Wheels supplied to the trade and
Others at reasonable prlcf . 7 si ltu
GAS FIXTURES.
MlbKKY, MERRILL A THACKARA.
No. 710 CHEMNCT Street,
manufacturers of Gas Fixtures, Lumps, etc., eto,,
would call the attention of the public to their large an
eiegsut asHortmeut ot Gaa Chandeliers, Pendants,
brackets, eto, They also Introduce gaa-plpe Into
awttuiugg uu puunu DuiiGiifc;a, nu atieaa K) exMna-
Ing, altering, and repairing ga-plpea,
All '
i work warranted.
Ult
QEORCE PLOW MAN.
CARPENTER AND BUILDUP,
REMOVED
To Ho. 134 DOCK Street,
PHILADELPHIA.
218 & 220
S. FRONT ST.
Sr C O
pHAMPAC.Nf.-lN INVOICE OF "l'LAfll
Dore ' Cbaiupttgiie, iniiiorlci ami lor dale by
J AM KM UAKHTAJKH, JK.,
128 WALNUT ud Jt HJtANITp'strAj.
c
II AMPAONE. AN INVOICE OF "GOLD
i.ac" t;nai. ragne, impnuwi ana fomiriy
. JAM ION CA RSTA 1 14M. JR.,
12 WALNUT and 21 GRANITE Street,
CIIAJirAGNE. AN INVOICE OP "GLC
rla" Champagne. Imported and fur sale by
JAM K8 CA F.ST A t v. jp
11 1 12 WALNUT and 2i GRANITE Strait.
CARPTA1KS' OLIVE OIL.-AN INVOIC3
ol the above, for sale by 'uiCJ
... . 3A MKH CAR8TATRS. JR..
126 WALN UT aud 81 GRANITE Strt,
WATCHES, JEWELRY, ETC.
T-TAVIKQ PURCHASED (TUB INTEREST
or inojui wbiogims, fjsi.
My late partner in tbe firm of WRIGGIN8 A WAK
DEN, I am now prepared to offer
A NEW AND VARIED STOCK OF
WATCHES AND JEWELSIY,
AT THE OLD STAND,
S.E. COBNEK FIFTH AND CIIESNUT WTS.'
And respectfully request a continuance of the pa
tn nage bo long and liberally bnetowwd npon the lnti
&mA.?rt1cu"4r attention given to the repairing ol
WATCHES AND JEWELRY. " m
A. It. WARDEN,
Philadelphia, March 16, 1868. 6 s wfmliza
JEWELRY! JEWELRY!
S. E. Comer Tenth aud Chesnnt.
NEW STORE. NEW GOODS.
WRICGINS & CO.,
(Formerly WrfgRlns & Warden, Fifth and ChMtintl
Invl.e attention lo their New Jewelry btore. 8. E. cor.
ner 'i KM H and CUKtiN UT Streeis.
We are now prernrcd. with our Extensive Stock, to
offer GREAT INDUCEMENTS to buyers,
WATCHES ot the most celebrated makers, JEW
ELRY, ana SILVER WARE, always the latest do
slfDS and best qualities,
Gcods especially tlenlgned for BRIDAL PRESENTS.
Particular attpnllnn given to the Repairing of
WATCHES AND JEWELRV, (6 1 mwf
witiaaiNs & oo.t
8. E. Corner Tcnlk and Cbesnut Strrcta.
-EWIS LADOMUS 4 Co;
'DIAMOND DEALERS & JEWELERS.!
WATCHES, JKft BLIttr SILVKK WAItK.
. WAT0HE3 and JEWELRY REPAIRED,
J02 Chestnut St., Phila-
Would invite particular Attention to their large aud
elcgaut assortment of
LADIES' AND GENTS' WATCHES
of meIran and Foreign Makers of thejflmst quality,
in t.old and Hiver Catns.
tlmln"11 y 0t lnlePe,ldent Second, for horss
Ladlt'and Gents' CHAINS of latest styles. Ia 14
ft&u 18 ktj
BTTTON AND EYELET ST CDS
In great variety newest patterns.
SOLID SILVERWARE
for Bridal presents; Piated-ware. eto.
n pairing dona in the best manner, and war
ranted. 5 ,4p
Wo keep always on hand an assortment of "1
LADIES' AND GENTS' "FINE WATCHES"
Of the beat American and Foreign Makers, all war
ranted to give complete satisfaction, and at
GREATLY REDUCED PRICES.
FARR ti BROTHER,
Importers ot Watches, Jewelry, Moalcal Boxes, eta.,
U Usjutbjrp No. J24CHE3NUT St., below Fourth.
Especial attention given to repairing Watchea and
Musical Boxes by FIRST-CLASS workmen.
SPECIAL NOTICE.
UJiTlL SEPTEMBER 1, 18G8,
I WILL CLOSE DAILY AT 5 P. M.
. W. RUSSELL,
Importer and Dealer tn French Clocks, Watches
Fine Jewelry, and Silver Ware.
Ko. 22 Korlli SIXTH Street,
5 26 PHILADELPHIA.
INSTRUCTION.
gTETEHBD ALB INSTITUTE.
BOAADING SCHOOL FOB YOUNG LADIES,
rorms Board, Tuition, etc. per scholastic year,S00
NO EXTRAS,
Circulars at Messrs, Fairbanks A Swing's, No. 711
CHE8NTJT Street; also at Messrs. T. B. Peterson A
Brothers', No. 806 CHESNCT Street,
Address, personally or by note,
N FOSTER BROWNS, Principal,
lfJLUmU Sonth Am boy. N. J.
FURNISHING GOODS, SHiRTS.AQ
H. 8. K. C.
Harris' Seamless Kid Gloves.
F.VEBT PAIR WARRANTED.
EXCLUSIVE AGENTS FOR GENTS' GLOVE3.
J. W. SCOTT A CO.,
Brjrp NO. M CUES MUX WTltKBT.
PATENT 8 II O U L D B li-S E A M
BIIIHT JIANTFil'TORr,
AND GENTLEMEN'S FURNISQINd BTOEB.
PERFECT FITTING SHIRTS A WD DRAWERS
made troin mrakiireaieut a very short notice.
All other articles ot OkI 1'LEME-N ei DREa
Gcoiblu full variety
WINCHESTER & CO.,
Jill No. TusCH EHA U T rttr!et.
COAL.
BMIDPLETON A CO., DEALIKS 15
. HA HLi.It.il LBUJOH and HAULM VKUM
COAL. Kept di imilur cover. Prt-prt-d exprenuly
ir xamiiy ose, un, rso. r.i'H wauimuijji
venue, Oiiloe No. 61 W AX.NUT 8'rwt.
li
j FINE WATCHES. j