THE DAW EVENING TELEGRAPH PHILADELPHIA, FRIDAY, JULY 17, 1868.
SPIRIT OF THE PRESS.
(DlTOMAt OPIMtOia Of TH1 LRADIN9 .lorjBNALB
rruR ODBBKHT TOP7C8 COMPILED 1TKKT
PAT FOR tai TKLKQBAPH.
Tlic Tart j of Dislnnor.
Prom the jr. T. Tribune.
When Governor Seymour sta'ed that be
could not with honor" bu)oint thu oaudilte
Of the Deinooratio Convention, he ge us a
text f more than usual meaning. We have
no concern with the BUfpioious and aootna
tions of foul play whloli cloud the Conveution.
If Mr. Belmont managed the dwlegatea as he
manages his Jockey Club, and sold the candi
dates out like po many horses in a "pool" in
the interest of Mr. Seymour, he must answer
to his party. This dishonor attendiig his con
cern is of a more heinous description a dis
honor aiming at the dignity and peace of the
republic
Democracy is Jlevoluwn. It is idle to say
that the men who nominated Francis P. Dlair
did not understand his platform. He is a
phrewd man, and tjie representative of a fam
ily of more than ordinary political sagacity,
lie knew perfectly well, when he declared
himself in favor of military iuterferenrje with
the Southern Status, that he was appealing to
the convictions of the Democratic party. He
came to them bearing an honored Rword; it
was only by surrendering it, aud offering to
join a dishonored conspiracy, that he could
find welcome and advauceuient. We have
Been what a resolute but purposeless man like
Johnson could do in distracting the nation.
With Hlair as President, or rather with the
party be represents in power, with fiiend.s in
(.'oigress, aud Senators like l-'essendeu aud
Trumbull and Henderson, in the perpetual
agony of pleas aud statutes, he could with
impnnity assail the work of reconstruction,
and order bis military commanders to disperse
the Legislatures of the South. Would the
"reaction" stop here ? We remember that the
restoration of the Hourbous brought a worse
feature of IJourbouism tbau that of Louis XIV.
The restoration of Democracy means the re
suscitation of the slave power with tliestreugth
of anger an 1 vengeauue, aud without the re
straining iullueiices of property. There is
nothing positive in the Democratic policy but
Tengeauce and revolution, an 1 General 151air
is the representative of that feeling. The party
Las no sympathy with any sentiment of pro
gress. It has an apology (or every victory,
and a regret for every triumph.
Democracy wninx npuiliution. In the timo
of General Jacki-ou Dim wr-cry of the Demo
cratic party was bullion money. Every debt
incurred by the nation was not only to be
paid, but every dollar in circulation was to be
represented by its value in gold. So tender
Were these Democrats uf the national honor
that they would not allow the Links the ordi
nary uses of credit. Vet now the party stands
committed to repudiation. Already its most
widely circulatrd newspapers demand the
abandonment ot tjie whole debt. The "plough
holders" are called apon to overthrow the
"bondholders," and the debt incurred in the
prosecution of an "unholy war" is to be swept
away by the friends ot the Rebellion. No
matter what misery may come to widows and
orphans no mutter for the sliamthat foreign
nations will heap upon us this debt must be
disclaimed, or, if paid at all, paid in green
backs although the contract, express and
implied, stipulated that it should be paid in
gold. In other words, to gratify the ambition
and hatr-d of these followers of a beaten Re
bellion, the proud name of Amerioa Is to be
come a by-word and mockery, and the baasted
honor of ou- people to be no better than the
"honor" which prevails among the Jiarbary
pirates or the Princes of Abyssinia.
The triumph of Dunocrwy mvans the triumph
of DeapntMii. The world moves as one
man. Climate, language, nationality, geo
graphical difference do not arrest the march of
events, or change the application of great
truths. Liberty is the same all over the
world. Success here is success everywhere.
Failure in America means that Hungary, and
Ireland, and Poland must still remain in bon
dage. There is not a legitimist or despot in
the Old World who does not pray for the elec
tion of Horatio Seymour. To them it would
have the historical signuicance of Charles suc
ceeding Cromwell, aud Bonaparte overthrow
ing the republic. It would mean the arrest of
progress, the destruction of equal suffrage,
remanding these States into a con
dition of anarchy, Rebels ascend
ing to power under the protection
of the American soldiers. When we
bring this Democracy down to its last analy
sis we find the Rebellion controlling, strength
ening, mastering it. Governor Seymour aud
his "friends" burning negro orphan asylums
in New York, found proper sympathy in
General Forrest ruassacreing negro prisoners
in Fort Pillow. They meant the triumph of
Democracy. They failed; and now they meet
again, in Tammany II 11, to renew the effort.
The Wade Hampton of Chambersburg is the
same Wade Hampton who commands the dele
gation from South Carolina. He meant that
the Rebellion should wiu when he rode at the
head of his army he meaus the same to-day.
If there is any difference, it is that during the
war he and his friends wished to destroy the
Union, and rule over its ruius they now
mean to take possession of the Union and rule
it in the interest of slavery.
We do not believe that Providence will
permit such a dismal aud saddening result.
Many a good cause, however, has beeu perilled
by apathy and cowardice by failing to remem
ber that Providence only helps those who help
themselves. We have a desperate, unscrupu
lous, eager, and intrepid enemy. We cannot
beat Governor Seymour by deriding him, or by
iesting about the habits of General Blair.
These men are defeated to-day beyond any
hope of salvation, if we can only brinz out the
Tote, and show the voters the true meaning of
1, naa Tl.nl ., ... l..,.Jtl 1
luo uajrooot Junb 10 uui imuinuiam, pressing,
sacred duty. Victory is within our reach. We
must work to gain it.
The Cuiiuiiliite of Anarchy.
front the If. Y. Evening host.
The nomination of Mr. Frank P. Blair for
the Vice-Presidency has surprised both parties.
It was certainly an act of startling boldness
on the part of the Convention, if not an act of
desperation.
Upon the private character and personal
associations of General Blair, it will not be
necessary for the purposes of this campaign,
it ia to be hoped, to speak plainly aud caudidly.
For the present, at least, it is quite sutlloieut
to confine publio attention to his public record,
and to oppose his election on precisely the
same grounds as it he wr ru-nur.tat.iu
tlemau, a consistent politician, and a man of
Nor is it necessary to go far back to his
early years for Mr. Blair's political record.
All the Term t utinn Tin lift evui mu.1..
1 ' ' ' try u
speaker and writer, .was made in St. Louis
during the slavery excitements uf the tun
orj' nrnvinna to Ilia l!l..lli.iri Mr Ul.i.
was then the moot extreme and imprudent of
all the agitators lor abolition in that city. But
it Heema tn lie. a tnistakx to asaurt a a an monv
Lave doLe, that his views were chauged during
the war. He has again and again avowed his
continued adherence to the doctrine of politi
f ftl freedom, and equal rights for all men.
For fxample, on th7ih of Jane, 1813, Mr. I
Blair was present at the Cooper Instiitutw, au 1 I
tuade a speech to a vast assembly of citizens
upon the clone of the war au l the state ot the
country. The sentiments of that meeting
concerning the freedmen were expressed iu
the following resolution, whlfh wai unaat
nionsly adopted, and which, alike from its
politica and its grammar, might naturally be
tuppostd to be Mr. Blair's own composition:
"Metotle'l. That we hold this truth to be self
tvltleni, thni he with wnoin we can mint toe
I ullet to nave the life of the nation, weoan like
ilne Dtrahl the ballot to prtrierve It; Hud we
Invoke the co operation of um Federal snl
Hii Government", aud the people tlironnhont,
tl e Union, to iff all lawful meut to phUo1IjIi
a nyHein of Htill'niRe wtilch ahull be equal aud
Juhl to all,, black an well an wtilte."
It seems clear that if the Republican party
bad recognized the ambitious General a a
leader, or had even taken the reasonable aud
neoePFAry pains to meet his views of his oo
importance, he would never have been heard
of as outside of that organization. But there
is no doubt 'hat the Republicans treated him
with indifference aud distrust, and are now
fullering the natural penalty for their trepass
uj ou his sensitive feelings.
His bid for a nomination by the Democrats
was publicly made. Had he not sought for
this he would be no object for political criti
cism now. Or had he, after openly humilia
ting himself, by falsifying his whole past
record, been dismissed in quiet contempt by
the Democratic Convention, the Republicans
might well afford to leave him still to silence
aud such reflections as he is competent to make
for himself. But he is the candidate of a
great party, nominally for the second olllje,
but practically for the lirst in the country.
The doctrine on which he was nominated,
therefore, however unpleasant in themselves,
mnt-t be examined.
Mr. Blair's letter to Colonel Brodhead, of
June "0, ImIS, has already appeared iu the
Kviuing rout. This letter was written for the
Convention, as setting forth what Mr. Blair
considers "the real and only issue in this con
test," and as thus constituting his claim to a
nomination. In accepting him as a candidate
the Convention accepted his letter as a state
ment of principle, it is, as a Southern paper
in his interest has rightly claimed, as much a
part of the Democratic platform as if it had
been embodied therein.
The issue made by Mr. Blair is simple. He
shows that reconstruction is nearly complete
on the Congressional plan; that, if he is
elected, Congiess, or at least the Senate, will
still be Republican, so that the reconstruction
laws cannot be repealed; and therefore iusists
that the Presi leut must usurp the power of
nullifying ihose laws, and by for.:e "disperse"
the State Governments now established.
This, it cannot failed to bs noticed, is a far
worse doctrine than secession. The doctrine
of a majority of the. Democratic party in IS1)1),
that a State roilit withdraw from the Union,
has given this country much trouble, Iobs, aud
expense, which, if most of that "party ha,,
been true to the Constitution, could have been
taved. But the doctrine of that party in ISO'S
is far worse.
But such a war is frightful prospect for
this country. It would not divide section from
section, but would rend families, would fortify
eveiy house against its neighbor, would make
all onr streets scenes of battle.
The election of Franois 1. Blair would be the
approval by th people of his desire to turn
our politioal canvass into a bloody war; to
make party differences of opinion the sufficient
reason for deadly personal enmity. It would
be the adoption by the United States of a Gov
ernment by assassination aud violence, instead
of a government by law.
A State, secediug, left the federal Govern
ment in its integrity and vigor. But a Presi
dent, declaring war against Congress and
against ten States allied with Congress, would
divide the Government itself.
It is true, the contest would be unequal.
When the Executive makes war on the legis
lature, the final triumph is pretty sure to be
on the side of the latter. This is especially
the case where be represents tyranny, and
they stand for equal rights. The precedents
of Charles I. and Louis XVI. are not likely to
be varied now.
Were he elected, and successful in hi3 plan,
he would be above all law, the military dic
tator of the land. Were he elected and yet
unsuccessful, still the attempt to carry out
views wouldgcost the country more than the his
former Rebellion.
There is no straining, no exaggeration, in
this statement of Mr. Blair's position. Here
are his words:
'We cannot, therefore, undo the radical plan
of reconstruction by Congressional acliun; the
Benate will ooniiuue a bar tn Its repeal. Sln-t
we submit to it 7 How can It be overthrown?
It can only be overthrown by the authority of
the Kxecutlve.
"Tnere Is but one way to restore the Govern,
ment. and tbe Constltu'lon, and that Is for toe
President elect to declare these acts null an J
void, compel the army to undo lta usurpations
at t he South, disperse tbe carpet-bag Utate (Jov
ernrreutN, allow ihe white people to reorganize
thelrown Governments and elect fcStnsrors and
Keprebentatlves."
Whether the writer of this atrocious lan
guage knew what he was saying is beside the
quebtion. Probably not; it is at least less dis
agreeable to suppose that he was in a state of
even more than usual excitement at the time,
than that the former soldier of freedom has
become a deliberate traitor. But he has not
retracted the letter, and if elected, is pledged
to carry it out.
Whether the Convention that nominated
him knew what they were doing is also beside
the question. Probably not; it is not attribu
ting to them excessive patriotism or fanatical
devotion to principle to assume that they
knew the Demoeratio masses of the country
too well to ask them to vote directly for trea
son or rebellion.
But taking the most favorable supposition:
Suppose the letter not to have been written
early in the morning, and suppose the nomi
nation to have beeu made without reference
to it, thoughtlessly, by a worn out conven
tion, still the letter has been written as a
pledge, the candidate was immediately nomi
nated upon It, aud under the force of these
circumstances, it is by that letter that the
Democratic party in this cauvass must stand
or fall.
If that party succeeds, we have immediate
anarchy through the South, and a general
war. If that party fails, we shall have har
mony and union.
A ridinc for Patriots to Ponder.
Front the If. Y. Comvurclal Ailverliur.
The Chairman of the Tammany Convention
at the time Horatio Seymour was nominated,
was the Rebel General Price, of Missouri,
whose State never pretented to secede from
the Union. Fx-Governor Vance the leader
of the North Carolina delegation which cast
its first ballot for Seymour, and hastening to
follow Ohio's lead, returned to its first love
declared during the war "that he was going to
light the Yankees until hell was frozen over,
and then he would fight them on the ice."
He subsequently addressed the Rebel sol
diers iu the trenches, and urged them to
"pile hell so full of Vaukees that their feet
would stick out of the windows." Tuts
same unrepentant Rebel, who was so enthu
siastic for Seymour, halted at Richmond en
route home from the Convention, and declared
that, iu his opinion, what the Confederacy
had fought for would be sec red by the elec
tion of Seymour. Henry A. Wise, another of
the latter's etithusiastio supporters, dolar i
upon the same occasion tht hedil not Ilk
the platform, because it said secession wa
dead, whereas it was more alire than ever.
The nominees were, however, unobjectionable,
inasmuch as they would restore the "lou
canse." The geutleniau who nominated
Blair for the Presidency, was none other thin
the Rebel General Preston, of Kin'.uikv,
who, if possible, deserved a severer punish
ment than the other insurgent leaders, inas
much as he had not th excuse of State
secession. He, iu conjunction with Breckeu
ridge, seduced tbonsand of the young
men of Kentucky into the Confederacy. Pres
ton's nomination was secouded by Fort Pillow
Forrest and Wade Hampton, who said iu his
recent address before the alumni and under
graduates of Lee's College, "the cause for
which Jackson (S'onewall) fell, cannot be in
vain; but, in some form, will yet triumph,"
who declared in his New York ratification
speech that the disfranchised of the South
should cast their ballots, and the bayonet must
force an entrance for them into the ballot
boxes. Is it at all surprising that the nominations
have fallen stillborn upon the Northern De
mocracy ? Iu spite of the "gasconade" of
their newspapers they do uot fail to see that
Lee's prediction has been verified, and the
late insurgents have recaptured the Demo
cratic party.
Progress of 1 lie Presidential Campaign.
From the N. Y. Ilrrwd.
In view of the great fizzle in which the Tam
many Fourth of July Convention closed its
labors, in iw of the failure of that Conven
tion to come up to the broad ground ou which
the Democratic masses were prepared to meet
it, the evident tendency of popular opinion is
to revert to the times when the people found
that it was not safe to trust the Democratic
party. Those were the times that gave the
Republican party Us start in life. Republicans
promised to save the nation, and the lirtiuo
crats were crazy to carry out a theory that
must destroy it, and this forced tbe peoole into
the foinier party, made up thougn it was of
bigs, Know Nothings, Abolitionists, aud all
tiie elements of chronic oppo.-itiou to popular
impulse. The uatiou went with this party for
a put pose and forced it to accomplish the pur
pose; but so soon as the pressure of the gene
ral will was withdrawn, so soon as the direct
action of the people on party councils was no
longer felt, as it had been through the war,
the leaders of the party gave indications that
their old instinct had not died out, and they
proceeded to reorganize the government in
accordance with these old instincts, on a
tyi annioal, intolerant, auti-detn"cra'io basis.
Kntiiirted with the national power, they made
a partisan use of it, their prime object b-ting
not to restore union, harmony, aud peace be
tween tbe rebelling States aud the faithful
ones, but to so frame the fundamental law of
reorganization as to keep down and defeat the
popular will, and prevent a Deinooratio party
from laii-ing its head iu the Southern States.
Seeing their great victory abused t such
purposes, the people abandaned this party by
common consent, and gave victories and great
gains in uume-rous States to any organiza
tibn that prjuiised successful opposition.
Here was the hint for the Democratic leaders.
From the very nature of the case the De
mociacy revived everywhere, aud the people
rejoiced ill api ouii-ed opportunity to put down
the men and the party they bad Seemed to
stamp with their approval by acting through
them during the war. As the country is over
whelmingly Democratic in its normal state,
and as the people were everywhere giving in
dication that eight years' experiment of the
other paity had sickened them, the case seemed
plain that there was to be a return to the nor
mal condition. Only oue thing was neces
sary the people required to be sure that the
Democracy in its revived phase was soundly
national and not vitiated by the errors and bad
purposes that had compelled them to cast it
aside eight yean since. As the Democratic
party was wrong the last time they knew it,
they demanded to kuow that it had got right
before they would trust it. They waited for
its nomination, to read, in the name of the
individual "distilled of all its virtues," what
were its views of our recent history and our
present position and its purposes for the future.
In the name of Horatio Seymour they see these
views aud purposes declared with unblushing
front; they see that the Democracy has not
yet arisen to a national comprehension of
the war, but is resolute still to regard it
as it did from Chicago, and to consider the
present position of the nation as the result
of the iiinuiph of wrong, the whole of
whicL must be undone, and they see that
the purpose of this party iu the future
must be to humiliate the victor. In the very
name of the candidate the Democracy repels
the masses that poured out the blood and sub
scribed the money for the war. This will not
do for a proud, generous people, confident of
the right of what they have done, and thus
by inevitable necessity the nation tnrns to
Grant. Little as it likes the party that was
compelled to put him up, much as it distrusts
the more violent element of that party, it
knows, likes, and is willing to trust Grant
himself, for sound judgment, upright heart,
and inflexible purpose the people's owu hero
and it knows that it has no good to hope
and every evil to fear in the success of the
Demoaratio candidate ticket.
The Last 1'iulical Canard.
From the N. Y. World.
An unknown personage, who'e acquaintance
we faucy scrupulous people will hardly care
to cultivate, by name "It is said," who seems
to be just now left in the editorial charge of
two newspapers in this city, "tiotu daily,"
has made up what he calls his miud to assail
the Democratic candidate for the Pretddency
with the chaige which Festus in the Scriptures
brought against St. Paul. Using the Times in
the morning, and the J-'osl iu the evening, this
inventive creature anuouuees that, as Horatio
Seymour is tolerably certain to be elected
President of the United States next November,
it one bt to be known that his real reason for
declining the Democratic nomination uutil it
was forced upon him by the unanimous vote
of the Convention, was the existence iu his
family of "an hereditaiy insanity which
threatens him also, and from which he can
only hope to escape by avoiding excitement
and tevere labor."
We are very much mistaken iu onr estimate
alike of Mr. Raymond, the responsible editor
of the 7 Vhc, aud of Mr. Bryaut, the responsi
ble editor of the 7W, if either of these gentle
men can need any comments of ours to make
him sharply realize the dishonor put upon
bitu by this pleasing device of the mysterious
Mr. "It Is said."
But letting that pas, aud assuming that
Mr. Se incur, or any other statesman who
should use tbe standard of the JNational Demo
cratic paity, might naturally enough be sup
nosed by an anonymous aud exasperated Rad
ical to be "mad," we should like to know what
soit ot light this accusation of "hereditary in
sanity" made against the Democratic candidate
by Mr. "It is said," a being unknown alike to
the tax gatherer and to the faculty, can be ex
pected to throw npon the charge of incipient
litlirium trimcni brought, notbyau anonymous
inventor, but by Wendell Philip", Theodore
ititon and other highly ohservaut uomiuatire
cases, against the Kadical candidate, Guer il
Grant? torbes, Wiuidow, aud other author
itie have proved to most people's satis
faction that everybody iu the world is
more or less insane, and of course,
therefore, that everybody's father mil
mother must also have been more or less in
sane liefore everybody was born. But nob ily,
that we know wf, has yet undertaken to proire
that every body in the world is more or less
Addicted to delirium titmtns. When John
Wilkes was accused of squinting, an ardent
admirer of his protested that he ' squinted
no more than a gentleman aud a man of honor
ought to squint." But even Mr. Wilkes' ar
dent admirer might have recoiled from assert
ing that his idol, being accused of intemperance,
"got drunk no more than a geutleman aud a
man ot honor ought to get drunk." Jnnnirimun
wimcs, sang the old Latin poet; and we dare
say that the "truly loil" Union Leaguers of
Philadelphia may have thought that Horatio
Seymour was quite "mad" when in June,
lfcijo, he hurried on the troops of New York
by the th out and to drive back the Rebel
invaders from the soil of Pennsylvania,
although its radical rulers had vituperated
and slandered both himself personally aud
the great party to which he belongs for month
alter month. But, if we are all mad, we do
not all of us "fall down" whenever we "staud
up before a bottle," as Wendell Phillips de
clares that the "General of the Armies" inva
riably does. Nor do we all of us get ourselves
indicted for playing fast and loose with the
Government funds, as the publisher of the Post,
Mr. Henderson contrived to do. The only
hereditary insanity" of which Horatio Sey
mour is a victim is what the radicals regard
as a "hereditary insanity" of belief in the
principles of Jell'ersonian Democracy. From
this we really don't believe he can escape,
even by "avoiding excitement and hard
labor." Ou the contrary, he was led by this
"hereditary insanity" to undergo, as Gover
nor ol New Yoik, au amount of "excitement
end hard labor" in defending the soil of the
Ninth against the Rebel invasions, aud the
liberties of the North against radical usurpa
tions which cau haully be paralleled by
the obligations even ot the high oihie to
which the people, propose to call him iu No
vember next. If we were engaged in a battle
f genealogies it might be easy to show
that if General Grant really be the "root of
JeERe" he is in imminent peril of taking his
own life, iu which case it is horribly certain
that Schuyler Colfax would be the heir of the
radical b anner. But this pending Presidential
liiht is to be fought out, not between the
fathers of the candidates, but between the can
didates theuiseHes and the principles which
they repiesent. If the radicals, owning them
selves beateu on the ground ot principle, really
want to make light ou the personal qualities,
habits, tastes aud tender cies of the cau lidates,
we shall be sorry for General Grant, but we
shall not feel at liberty to decline the en
counter. Counting the Votes Wade Hampton's
'1 Ureal.
From the If. Y. 2me.
The South Carolinian soldier who threatens
revolution unless the white reople be allowed
control of the toulhern vote in November
next, has an apologist in the Democratic
joumal of this city. Not au apologist of the
outspoken sort, however, but one who per
verts and misstates Wade Hampton's meaning
and then hunies to his rescue.
What Wade Hampton demands is "that the
white people of the South shall vote,, whether
the States in which they live have been re
constructed or not that Mississippi, which
has rejected the new constitution; Virginia,
which may render a similar verdict; and
Geoigia, whose Demoeratio legislators pro
pose to defeat the Constitutional amendment,
shall participate with North Carolina aud
other restored States in the voting for Presi
dent. He demanded that the Southern whites,
under other organizations than those formed
or to be formed under acts of Congress, shall
Lave admission to the Electoral College. Aud
Le declares that if by these devices a majority
of while votes be secured for Seymour and
Blair leaving the colored vote out of the
account these candidates shall be installed in
power "in spite of all the bayonets that shall
be biought against them." These purposes,
as we have said, are revolutionary. Aud we
1 ave reason to believe that they are shared
by that class of extremists for whom Wade
Hampton spoke in this city.
The World, however, conjures up a totally
aiiierent hypothesis, it Ignores the claim set
up in behalf of the Southern whites regard
less of reconstruction and other laws, and
seeks to justify Wade Hampton's threat by
assuming that it was directed agaiust the
possible exclusion, by Congress, of States
lestortd to representation, ihus it tneo
rizes:
"SuppoBP, to illnstfate the principle, that the
result ol the el ction should depend uoou tne
eiecioiai votes oi me newiy admitted male ot
Koi ioi ; that the three votes of Florida should
be ieinoeiiii. ami Unit Couro-a should Urow
I turn out and dec;iue Utneial Uraul elected,
fcow, ou liiu sue position uf a fair elecilon In
I'h'i h a. Uiibt the Democratic party euOmit ?
The qucmion answers Itself; only a negative
enswei is pobsiuie.
The supposition is absurd. There is no
more probability of excluding Florida, or any
other of the Southern States which have been
restored to the Union, than of excluding New
Yoik or Maryland. The counting of their
votes, whether Republican or Democratic, is
not optional with Congress, whose action on
Mr. Fdmunds' resolution, as amended, is a
cuaiautee ol straightforwardness and a ihe
reiice. to duty. Tbe Constitution protects the
rights ot states within the Union, as the re
coustiucted States will be. And the joint
resolution adopted the other day declares in
advance that the votes of communities which
may not have complied with the terms of the
Recorstiuction acts will not be admitted. The
question will turn, not upon the party com
plexiou of the votes, but upon the relation of
the Mates to the L uion. Florida, being in,
will vote as of course. Mississippi, being not,
will not be allowed to vote, equally of course.
Will the World drop fanciful conjectures,
and meet lairly the question raised by Wade
Hampton's menace f We don't care what
mij;ht be done in the presence of a contin
gency whitdi cannot arise. We want to know
w hat, in the World's opinion, may, should, aud
will be done if Seymour aud Blair obtain a
ma)' rily by including in their calculation the
votes ( f Mississippi, aud perhaps Virginia aud
Georgia if the reconstruction of these States
le not at the time perfected r
Does our contemporary demand the adrnis
siou to the Electoral College of the entire
South, irrespective of the Reconstruction acts?
aud is it prepared to recommend a resort to
violence if admission be denied to portions of
the South, on the ground that, for purposes of
representation, tuey have not been restored to
the Union? These are the queries suggested
by Wade Hampton s declaration, aud we in
vite the Wot Id to face and answer them.
rqnsrely and frankly. Wade Hampton is too
luave a man to dodge the consequences of his
own argument; and if the World would be
come his champion it should at least imitate
Lis candor.
213 220
S. FRONT ST.
4
OFFER TO THE TRADE, IN LOTS;
FIXE RYE AM) B 0 U Ii B 0 1 WHISKIES, IX KOm
Oi 18U6, 1800, 1H7, niicl 188.
ALSO, FEIE im ME AKD YAWWVM WHISKIES,
Of GREAT AGE, ranging from 14 to 1845.
Literal contracts will be entered Into for lots, in bond at Distillery, of this years' alunrn'aet nr.)
American Enterprise China
Fiomthey. Y. IVibune.
We are accustomed to regard the Panama
Railroad as the very best exemplification yet
perdcted of American energy aud capacity.
The d flicultie encouutered were peculiar aud
euoimous; laborers could scarcely b procured,
and those who could be died nearly as faH aa
they were obtained; the cost far exceeded any
previous estimate; yet the projectors undaunt
edly struggled on, and at length achieved a
maguihcent success a triumph which has
6ensibly diminished the sum of human misery
and increased the aggregate of human wealth
and comfort.
A lailroad to the Paciflo wholly through our
owu country, connecting our seaboard cities
with the mining regions of our two great
ranges of niouutaius, the vast deserts which
nearly inclose them, aud with the rising marts
of the Pai itic, was a still more arduous and.
costly nndertakiug. Less than twenty years
ago, it was first suggested; and Us advocates
were lidiculed as it they had proposed a stone
bridge to the moon; yet ISO'D will see the first
thriugh road completed, aud the Iron horse
prancing and snorting from Jew lorn to iu
Fiancisoo inside of a week. The cvntenuial
celel ration of our naiioual auuiversary will
probfcbly see tLree distiuct lines of railroad iu
opeia i m from the Mississipi to the Pacitic,
each connecting with two or more through
lines from ihe Mississippi to the Atlantic.
Each of the three will have beeu constructed
exclusively by American capital, using only
Ameiican Iron.
A kiLdred though less importaut and far
less costly uudertakiug is that of the Kist
India Telegraph Conipauy, wholly American,
but proposing to connect the cradle aud aucieut
focus of civilization with the entire occidental
world. Immediately, however, the Compauy
proposes to connect the great seaports of
China, ten in number, from Cautou to Shang
hai, by a submerged cable, 8H5 miles long,
with ollices in each of the ten cities, whose in
habitants number in the aggregate nearly six
millions, and whose foreign trade alone
amounts to 1)00,000,000 per annum.
As yet-, no telegraph wire is stretched across
one rood of the Chinese Empire, whose enor
miusly dense population, immense tratlio, lite
rary culture and lack of post-office facilities
would seem to render it peculiarly adapted to
the Introduction and profitable use of tele
graphs. In California, we learn, the Chiuese
make great use of the telegraph, as they would
natuially do at home if they had it. Bat popu
lar prejudice, suggesting apprehensions that
the cuirents of "good luck" will be injuriously
disturbed by setting the lightning to racing
about as a messenger of commerce, has hitherto
prevented, and may long prevent, the estab
lishment of internal lines of electrio communi
cation throughout that conservative empire.
Tbe right to connect the several seaports by
submerged wires has, however, been conceded
to the Fast India Telegraph Company; and the
satisfactory improvement of the privilege thus
conceded will doubtless lead to still further
and larger concessions. The busiuess of the
great, seaports, however, is believed, by those
who have personal knowledge in the premises,
to be ample to render their connection in the
manner proposed amply remunerating to the
Company. Good judges have estimated that
the entire outlay may be returned in dividends
to the stockholders every two years subie
qnent to the completion of the line.
The Fast India Telegraph Company has en
countered many obstaoles and difficulties; but
these have now been happily snrmouuted, aud
a reorganization has just been effeoted, with
the Hon. Andrew Q. Curtin (late Governor of
P-nnsylvania) as President, with Messrs.
Paul S. Forbes, Frederick Butterfield, Alex
ander Hollaud, Isaac Livermore, James Noxou,
O. H. Palmer, Fletcher Westray, and Nicholas
Mickles as Directors, and George Ellis (cashier
Bank of the Commonwealth) as Treasurer.
Books of subscription have been opened at
the Company's ollices, Nos. 23 and 25 Nassau
street, at the Bank of the Commonwealth, at
Drexel & Co.'s, Philadelphia, Jay Cooke's,
Washington, and other banking houses; and
It is confidently expected that the $5,000,000
of capital required will be promptly taken up,
with every prospect of a speedy construction ot
the woik, followed by generous dividends to its
stockholders.
The certificates of New York, Boston, and
other merchants engaged iu the China trade
with the assurances of protection and favor
accorded by Mr. Seward on behalf of our Gov
ernment, and M Moustier on that of Frauoe,
seem to leave no room for rational doubt that
this enterprise is one of great promise, and, in
view of its inevitable benefits to China, to our
own country, and to mankind, we heartily
commend it to the favor of the intelligent and
the thiifty.
FURNISHING GOODS, SHIRTS.iC
H. 8. K. G.
Harris Seamless Kid Gloves.
EVKBT PA IB WiBBiMtlSDi
JCXCLUfclVK AG K NTS FOB GXNTS' GLOVES.
J. VV. SCOTT a CO.,
I rrp MO. 814 VHiMNVT ITUEET,
pATEKT B II O U L D E It-SEAM
HHIHT HANCFiCTOBT,
AMPttF.H 1XKHKN'R fBBKlSllIMH STOB1
rv.HK.m iriTTrNu eHirtra and dkawkjrs
made from ineanureineut t very short notice.
Ml othnr article ol OKiNTLlLMKN'b DRB&)
GOOD In foil variety.
WINCH FTEB A (H)H
U2 No. ttituailMNUT Birr
WIRE GUARDS,
rU KTOBIS FBONTS, ASIIVMS, VAC
TOUIKH, ETC.
f teut Wire Kallim, Iron Bedstead, Ornament
Wire Work, Paper Makers' tvea. aad every yarteij
ot Wirt Work, mantUaciared by
If. VALUES HONS.'
soiw No U Borth BIXT1I Street.
Qrr CAST-OFF CLOTHIrVa.-THE HIGH
CUll. ml in Ice I'alU lur LaUleaand Unni.
Atlrireh H 11K11TON.
16 nu HO. 8o bO U i ll Btreet.
218 1 220
S. FRONT ST.
r
c CO
BRANDY, WINE, GIN, ETC.
NEALL Q. McDRIDR,
IMF-OUTERS OF ,
BBAWDIES, WINES, GINS, ETCH
IND DIPTILLBBB OP
f'uil OLD RYE, eCURBOl AND EONONGfiHEU
w ui a it y,
PUFF, AND UNADDLTICRATBP,
No. 1M South FRONT Street,
PHILADfcXHPIA.
I.lqnnni by die U Ule and Deunjotin fnrulnhna
exi'reHNly tor fumily ud niedlliml ur;Hf. Orden
by mall will be lirorbnMy uttcnrtwl to. i i)miirv
CIIAMPACNK.-AN INVOICE OK "PLANT
J Vote" Clmail'iKe. Inn orlnd xml or (m'e hy
jamKh ca hta i kh, j A.,
126 WALNUl mid 21 U K AM IT k (Street
c
"MI AMPAfiNK. AN 1NVOICK OF "GOLD
utu' iKiir, iujnr.M. ana lor naie ny
J A & KH CA KhTA I KH, J lu
" n kj j pun uiA . J I it rir.
c
MIAMl'AGNE.-AN INVOICE OF "GLO.
J rill" l!lik.iji nnviiii lr.....rtul ....
't'. ""'I' "-w nun iui flIITUr
JAM I. M I ' A IMrl A 1 Lu T .
4 11 (
m WAUUi and 2 UKAM I bAirwrt.
pAKsTMKh' OLIVE Oil AN INVOICB
J ot tbe above, lor ale by w
J A Ma CAR&TATRR. JR..
128 WA LN lTn4MOKAKiTJC blxoet.
WATCHES, JEWELRY, ETC.
J-TAVIKd rurvCJJASED tub interest
OF TIIOMAV WBI;.INH, KSU.
My late partner In tlifl firm of WRIUQINS & WAR
DKK, I am now prepared to oilxr
A Nk.W AM) VAKUD STOCK O?
WATCHES AND JEWELRY,
AT TIIE OLD feTASD,
H.E. COBNF.lt FIFTH AM IHEM UT NTS.'
And rrspicHnlly rpqnent a continuance ot the pa
in nage eo long and UDerally OpHuwhC upon tne law
rirni. . Par'IcnlKr aunulon given to the repairing ol
"WATCHJOi AND JKWliLRY.
A. B. WARDRIT,
Philadelphia, March 16, 1868. 6 a wrmgra
JEWELRY! JEWELRYI
S. E. Corner Teiilh and Chesnut.
NEW STORE.
NEW GOODS.
. WRICCINS & CO.,
(Formerly WrlyKlns Warden. Filth and Chonnut)
Invite attention to their New Jewelry olore. 8. K. cor
tier TJiMTH and (IHKsNUT HlreeiB.
We are now prepared, with mr b xtenslve Stock, to
oiler (IKKAT 1MMKKMKNT.S to buyers.
WATCH KS ot tie most celebrated muken, JEW
FXKV, aim KII.VKH WARE, always the latest da
bltis and bent qualities.
lioods epeciallv cenlfined for BRIDAL PRESENTS.
iertlinlar attertlou (jiven to the Repairing Ol
WATGlibti AND JKWIXttV, (6 1 niwf
WHIQQIN3 & CO.,
8. E. Corner Tenth and ('peanut Ntreets.
XtWlS LAD0MUS& CO.
'DIAM0XD DEALERS & JEWELERS."
WATt llKS, JEWBMtY A BILVKIl WAllr..
."WATCHES and JEWELRY REPAIRED.
J02 Chestnut St., Phila-,
WATCEEi OF THE FINEST MAKER,
DIAMOItD ASD OTSJlR JEWELRY,
Of the latest styles.
SOLID SILVER AND PLATED-WARE, ETO.ETO,
SMALL STTJDS FOR EYELET HOLES,
A large assortment Just received, with m variety of
settings. s )4p
We keep always on hand an assortment ot
LADIES' A tiKNTH' "JFIKB WATCHB
Of the best American and Foreign Mafcers, all w&f
ranted to give complete satisfaction, and at
8BJSATLY REDUCED PRICES.
FA HR ft BROTHItlH,
Xxnporters oi Watches, Jewelry, Mnslcal Boxea, ltd.
U llnruthirpj P,i, m CflEMNUT Bt below Fourti.,
Espec'al attention given to repairing Watches an
Monica! Botes tiv KliiBT.CLAHH wornmen.
TUKRBT CLOCKS
O. W. RUSSELL,
Importer and dealer In flue Watches.
French Clocks, Gold Jewelry, Etc., No. 22 H. blXTK
Street, baying rectivtd the agency ot
BTEVENS' PATENT TOWER CLOCKS.
Is prepared to male estimates and contract 'or pnt
Ung op these CI icks for Town Halls, entireties,
School Bouses, t ic. In the full assurance that they
are the beet and cheapest
TURRET 0iXCK8
In tbe United States,
Inquiries by mall promptly answered. t2CJ
JHE S TEAM GENERATOR
UAMIF4CTUUING COMPANY
OF rtMSMYLrAtHA,
CAPITAL, - - - SI 00,000
This Company are now prepared to furnish
WIEUANU'Si P ATF AT IDIPBOVED MTEA3I
iiUSt BBATOB,
Of any power reqnlred, upon two weeks' notice. They
have been utrodiicrd In thla city, and thoroughly
tested, with mott sailHiactory results, aud are sold
UNDER GUARANTEE Off ABSOLUTE SAFETY
FROM DEsTRCCTiVE EXPLOSION. They ar
cheaper In first cost, and In expense of erection, mora
economical In fuel, durable aud convenient In tug
than any other apilratus for generating steam.
OFFICE OF coarAii,
(ROOMS Nob. taid 6),
No. WALNUT 8TRKET
NF.I.RON J. NICKERSON, President,
EDWARD H. GRAHAM,
itilm Herretary and Traa nrar
MON 1'AM'hAND S1Z1NO COMPANY.
A Paste lor liuxuiHkern. Du.'Soinilnr.. Paper,
hangers, bhoemakei s, Porket-hook Mailers, Mill
l'nners. eic. It will not sour. Is fhep and always
ready lor tine. Xefer to J. Jl. Uiu eurott & cxi.. Ddvar
A Keller. Wllliaiu Mun, Philadelphia, ' Inquirer,
Harper Brew.. American Tra'it tviuiety. ami other
bole KVIUi. CKAUIN ')0..
) No. t&i CUMMiUiCk bireet.
FINE WATCHES.