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T IPmiiADELPinA, TUESDAY, DECEMBER 3, 1BG7.
YOL. VIII-No 132.
(( DCjUBLE SIIEET TIIREB CENTS. :;
SECOND EDITION
FINANCIAL BUDGET.
Abstract of Secretary McCal'
loch's Report.
Improvement in the Economical
Condition of the Country
Restoration of the Specie Standard
How it May be Achieved'
The Question of Contraction.
JTniliiro of iv IIIjjli TnrifT.
Etc.
Eto.
Ktii Et., Etc., Ete,
Owing to the great length of the other Execu
tlTe documents which we publish this after,
noon, we are able to give only an abstract of
Secretary McCul loch's report. In It will be
found, however, the most material portions.
Tbeasuby Dbpartmhnt. Washington, Nov. 30,
1807. In conformity wltb law, tbe Secretary of the
Treasury baa tbe honor to submit to Congress this,
bis regular annual report. The finances of tbe United
Stales, notwithstanding the continued depreciation of
the currency, are In a much more satisfactory eondi
Uon than they were wben the Secretary had tbe honor
to make to Congress his last annual report. Since the
st day of November. 1866, 1403,69968 of Interest bear
ing notes, certificates of Indebtedness and of temporary
loans, have been paid or converted Into bonds, and the
public debt, deducting therefrom cash In the Treasury,
which is to be applied to Its payment, hasrbeen reduced
$58,800,568. During tbe same period a decided Im
provement has also been witnessed In the general
economical condition of the country. The policy of
contracting the currency, although not enforced to
that extent authorized by law, has prevented an ex
pansion of ciedits to which a redundant and espe
cially a depreciated currency is always an Incentive,
and has bad no little Influence In stimulating labor
and Increasing production. Industry bas been
steadily returning to the healthy channels from
which It was diverted during the war, and although
Incomes have been small and trade generally in
active. In no other commercial couutry has there
been less financial embarrassment than In the United
States.
Since tbe 1st day of September, 1865, the temporary
loans, certificates ot loUebteduees, and five per cent,
notes have all been paid, with tbe exception of sma l
amounts. Tbe compound interest have oeen reduced
Iroin 1217,024.169 to J71.878.WO, $11,560,000 having been
taken up with the three per cent, certificates; seven
and three-tenths notes from f8&,ooo.ouo to .i.!7,9?8,8oo;
United States notes, including fractional currency,
from 469,5iH,ll to f 1:17,871,47; while tbe cash In tba
treasury n as ueeu iu-cmvu uuiu 9oo,is,uoo vo ijj,
W8,88: ana the funded debt has been Increased
ft 88,(4)4,81.0. While this bas been accomplished there
bas been no commercial crisis, and outside the South
ern States, which are still greatly suffering from tbe
effects of the war, there bas been no considerable
financial embarrassment.
In his last report tbe Secretary remarked that, after
a careiul survey of the whole field, be wai of opinion
that space payments might be resumed, and output
to be resumed, as early s the first day of July, 1864.
while he Indulged the hoi e that such would be the
character of future legislation, and such the condi
tion ot our productive industry, that this molt
deeirablf event might be brought about at a still
earlier day. These anticipations of tbe Secretary
may not be fully realized. The grain crops of 166 were
barely no the ent for bomecotsumolioo. Tbe expenses
of the War Department, by reason ot Indian hostili
ties aud tbe establishment of military governments
to the Southern states, have greatly exceeded
the estimates. The Government bas been deirauded
of a large part of Its revenue upon distilled liquors,
and tbe condition of the South bas been disturbed
and unsatisfactory. These facts and apprehension)
created In Europe, and to some extent at home, by
tbe utterances ot home of our puollo men upon the
subject of finance aud taxation, tbt public faith mUbt
not be maintained, may postpone the lime when
specie paymeuts shall be resumed: but, notwithstand
ing ibeve unexpected embarrassments, muoh pre
liminary work bas been done, and there Is not, lu the
Opinion of tbe Secretary, any insuperable difficulty
In the way ot an early and permanent restoration
of specie standard, It may not be safe to fix toe
exact time: but with favorable crops next year, and
with no legislation nn'avorable to contraction at .his
session. It ought not to be delayed beyond tbe firjt of
January, or at tbe farthermost the brat of July, 181,
Not bine will be gained, however, by a forced remimp
tion. Wben tbe country Is In a condition to maintain
specie payments they will be restored as a necessary
conreuuence. To such a condition ot national pros
perity as will Insure a prominent restoration of tarn
peclestandard toe following measure. In tbe opinion
Of the Secretary, Important.!! not Indispensable:
first Tbe funding or paying of tbe balance of the
Interest-bearing notes, and the continued contraction
of the paper currency. . ,
Second. The maintenance of the public faith In
retard to tbe funded debt.
Third. Kestorattou of tbe Southern States to their
proper relations to the Federal U.vernment.
tain tbe present conultlou of the country, aud In view
of the relat.ous that the national 4anks sustain la the
Government, Ignoring, lu this eouaectlon. the ques
tion of good tai.b, the Secretary has nj dltliculty In
ecnilug to the con lusiou that they should be sus
tained. T hey are so Interwoven with all branches of
business, and are so directly oonnented with the credit
Of the Government that they could not be destroyed
wl'liout precipitating upon the conn'rv Ooauchil
troubles which It is now lu no condition to meet. A t
some more propitious period, when the Union shall
lisve been fully restored, and all the States shall have
at'ained that substantial prosperity which their great
resources and the enorgy of their people must sooner
or later secure lor them, It may perhaps be wise for
Congress to consider whether the national banking
system may not be dispensed with. Tbe present Is
Dot a fav arable time to consider this question. The
condition of our political and financial affairs Is loo
critical to jusiiiy any action that would com pel the
national banks, or any considerable number of them,
to call In their loans, and put their bonds upon the
market for tbe purpose of providing means ot retiring
their circulation. Conservative legislation Is now in
dispensable Tue public ml'id Is too sensitive, business
Is loo unsteady, aud the political future is loo un
certain to warrantny financial experiments. For
tunately none are required. The natiouul banking
system bas furnished a circulation, depreciated, it Is
tme like Dolled Slates notes, but solvent beyond
question, and current throughout tbe Union. It bas
ued in regulating domestic exchanges, and fur
n shtd Ouv, rnment with valuable financial ageuie.
I lad It not been adopted the elate banks would
fiave continued as long as they were tolerated,
to furbish the country with bank notes. In most
m.4 ,,- uifl.M hanks were not reoulred to denwit
Mocks for the security of their notes, and In those
b a us where security was required there was uo limit
to the amount of bonds that, muht be deposited,
and consequently no limit to amount of notes that
might be put in circulation. In other States there
was no s curity oeyouu me capita. u.uianuj.ir
fiiiumlv Ll,e unreal and i.arllal liability ot stockhold
ers, (lei. emllv (Incentive, wild can esliuine the ex-
twi.l of lujury which the people and Ooverouie.it
would have sustained if Stale institutions, without
any olher restrictions than were enforced by Slate
laws. l.uU been permuted Ourini-' me war to occupy
the field. All tiavimi su .neude.l suecie paymeuts.
and iberel.y been relieved Iroiu the necessity ol tur
nish'ng evldeuca of solvency, hauks uowlsely or dis
honestly manure 1 would huvo stood en a level
with those which were mink nil wiselv and
honestly, while the la'ter would have found It
dillicu t to keep their Usues wltn u reasonable limits,
stimulated, as iu.y would hav beou, to lsue freely
.v the nen. sallies of the
creasing demand for money, which m Wiyt the
resultot an Increased supply. The former wou'd have
poured out tne irredeemable promises until distrust
created panic and paulo dlsnsirr, Thai the natioual
system, with Usl uilted and secured circulation and
i ... -I.. rituii t.rOVislOUS. bV BllSOhlld.t.v ,1.
systems, has prevented a financial cilsia there oau be
t,t In Lie douhl For this it Is eutllled to credit, and
lor tills and for other ressoos euiri;.-aid it atiould he
..u.m...,1 unill abetter systems-bail be rtevisd...r n,
country Is iu a condition todlapeuae with baua taauus
. J .. In favor of enamelling "the banks to
retire their notes and yield tna held to thn notes ot
Ihelioverumeotarehuseo u.u uiiitn tuat
I three hundred millions V utled Stales aoles were
suhellinted for three buudred millions of national
bank nvlvs how la circulation the Uvvoiawent wvuld
save some eighteen n..".llon dnllnrs Interest whlf-h
Is now a gratuity lo lb banks. That there would be
no such saving, noi ny saving, by the proposed
substitution, Is clearly shown ny tbe Comptroller
or the ( urrency lu bls acccompanylng report,
to which tbe attention of Congress t eepec.ally
asked. Iran account were opened with the banks,
and tbey were charted lLtevest on three hundred mil
lions or dollars, aud the losses sustained ttirouira
thusethat have failed and cr dlled with Intereri on
tbe Uolted states notes held by them as a pema
nent reserve, with taxes paid by them to the Gov
ernment and Stales, and with a commission cover.
Inn only what bas been saved In transferring and
disbursing the public money. It would be ascertained
that the banks were not debtors to the United states.
It Is not necessary, however, for the Secretary . o
dwell on this point, as his main objection to tbe sub
stitution would not be removed I'asavlug of Interest
would b- ell'ecied by lu Kegardmg, as ue does, the
Issue of United Htotes notes In the first Instance as
having been a misfortune, and their continuance as a
circulating medium, unlets tbe volume shall be
steadily red need, as fraught with mischief, t e Secre
tary can conceive no clrcums'ancee that would
Jnatlfy a further Issue, These depreciated
but legal-tender notes, notw ibstandlog the
redurti n tbnt bas taken place, still stand in the
way of a return to specie payments. A substitution
01 them for bank notes would be regarded by him and
by "be country asa declaration that resumption had
been Indefinitely postponed. If those now on stand
ing shall be retired at the rate ot four ailllions per
UKintb, tbe amount In actual circulation will soon be
reduced so that they may not seriously retard
the rtsioratlon to a tme measure value. If, on
the cootrary, under any pretense or for any pur
pose whatever, their value should be Increased,
especially if they should be made the sole paper
circulation of the country, a false measure of value
will be continued, speculation will be stimulated, in
dustry will decline, aud great risk be Incurred. That
fiuanclal health will b easily obtained by a revul
sion, the effect of which upon the material Interests
and credit of Ibe couutry uo one can estimate, Sucu
a revulsion the Secretary Is most anxious to prevent,
and he, therefore, cannot approve of the proposition
for substituting notes ol the United stales for national
bank botes, but recommends that the policy of cou.
traction be continued.
Apiiehtnnion that this policy will embarrass
healthy trade is, In his judgment, unfounded. Legiti
mate business bas not suffered by the curtailment
w hich bas taken place within the last two years, nor
will It permanently suffer by such a contraction pru
dently enlorctd, as may be necessary to bring the pre
cious metals again Into circulation. Wnat business
requires is a stuulecurrency: wbalenterorlsedemandi
Is the assurance that It shall not be balked ot its just
rewards by an unreliable meaiure ot value.
It Is frequently nrged by those who admit that tbe
Currency Is redundant, that the country is not now
in a condition lo bear further contraction; that Its
growth will soon render contraction unnecessary;
that business, If 1 ft to Itself, will rapidly Increase to
such an extent as to require three buudred and
eighty millions of United states notes and fractional
currency, and three buudred millions of hank notes
now outstanding, for Its proper and needful accom
modation. Nothing can be more fallacious than this
uoiiirluuately popular Idea. An Irredeemable cur
rency Is a financial disease which retards growth In
stead ol encouraging It; which stimulates specula
tion, but diminishes labor. A healtuy growtu is to
be secured by a removal of disease, and not by post
poning the pcoper treatment of it in the expectation
that tbe vigorous constitution of the patieut will
eventually overcomeit.
The next subject lo be considered, In connection
with the permanent resumption of specie payment.
Is the maintenance of public faith, which Involves the
necessity ot wise and aiaele revenue laws, lmi ariially
and rlvoroi'Sly eniorced. Kconomy In thepublloex
pennltuies, aud a recognition of tbe obligation of
Government to pay lie bunds in accordance with the
understanding under which tbey were Issued. Tue
remarks ot tbe Secretary In tbla report upon tbe
subject ol public revenue must necessarily be brief
ano general. Fortunately, the accompanying report
of the t ommissloner ot tbe .Revenue Is so full and
exhaustive as to render any elaborate discussion of
this great subject on bis part nn necessary. Taxaiion,
tbe power to lax, Is one or tbe most Important
powers exercised by a Governmeut To tax wisely,
so as to raise large revenues without oppressing in
dustry, Is one of the most dllUcult dutlf sever devolved
upon tne law-making power. Taxation can never be
otherwise than burdensome, and It becomes espe
cially so wben subject to frequent changes: It Is,
therefore, ct great Importance that the Revenue laws
should be stable. - By this It Is not meant that they
should be.uochangable, but that while from lime to
time they may be modified lo meet the changing
condition oi me country, tue principles upon wuicu
I hey are based should be so wise and Just at to give
them permanency of character. Perhaps as much
mischief has resulted from the frequent changes
in the tariff laws ot the United states ma from their
defects. From the time wben tbe first tariff was
named, In 1789, up to ibe last session or Congress, tbe
tariff has been a fruitful subject of discussion, and at
noperloo has the policy of government in regard to
customs duties been considered as detlnitely settled.
T here bas been a constant struggle Detween tne advo
cates aud opponents of protection and free trade, as
cender cy generally being with the protectionists.
Tne tariUB ot imu, isi4, ihzs ibiz, ana isei, were an or
a h.nl.1. .1 ..... iwl .1 nl.aruKllir 'I' li Au .1 (if I U'J't u . I U 1 .!
reduced duties larselv and looked In the direction of
free trade. So evenly, however, bave parties been
divided, inataiinougn protective taws navegenerauy
been lu force, at no pe'lod from 179 to tbe present
dav have importers and manufacturers had auv rea
sonable assurances tbat the existing tariff laws might
ant be suddenly ana materially altered, rnst tue
effect ot these changes, actual and apprenended, has
been highly Injurious to the country, cannot be ques
tioned. Tbat It bas not been disastrous Indicates tbe
readiness of the people of the United States to adapt
their business to policy of the Government, what
ever It may be. Frtquent changes of the tariff lavs
are attributable to the fact tbat In none of them has
reveuue been tbe principal object. 1 here baa never
been in tbe United States a strictly revenue tariff.
and consequently there bas been no stability In the
tarirx laws, up to iui me revenue from customs
under any scale of duties adapted were sufficient to
defray the expenses of the Government, and there
lore tbe question now so lntereslsng was hardly a
prominent one.
Iu the present financial condition of the country
large revenues are ludlspensable.aud in adjusting the
present tariff the question of revenue must necessa
rily be a question or paramount Importance. Wnen
the Government was substantially free from debt,
and tbe public expenditures were small, as was the
case belore the Rebellion, a revenue tariff, properly
adjusted to tbe publlo necessities, would bave been a
low tarin; out now, wnen a neavy ueot ana libe
ral expenditures create a necessity for large
revenues, a considerable portion of which must
for some years to come be derived from customs, ft is
difficult to perceive bow, without excessive Importa
tions, a Binctiy revenue tarin can tan to oe a utgu one.
It may thus turn out tbst the necessities of govern
ment may give Incidentally to American manufac
turers the production tbey are supposed to reoulre.
without special legislation, always odious aud gene
rally unre.iMu.e, jn fcueir uenaii.
Inasmuch as larire ana permanent revenues cannot
be realized uniess tbe laws are so framed as not u
bear heavily upon Industrial pursuits, a tariff which,
harmonizing wtih the Internal taxes, shou.d year by
year yield the largest revenue!, would undoubtedly
prove to oe toe least, prei'iuicial to tue national
f rowth and prosperity. A nigh tariff, by reducing
miMirlatloLS. or by oppressing important branches of
trade and Industry which are subject to Internal
duties, might prove to be as unfavorable to revenue
as a low oue. and equally unsulied to the public ne
cessities, i ne present iarm, aitnougn a nigh
one. bas not proved to be protective, while for
the past two years It has been highly pro
ductive or revenue; but Its tuilure to protect those lu
terests toe whose benefit It was In a great measure
framed, aud tbe laige revenues whlchbave been de
rived from It, do not prove tl to be In any Just sense a
reveuue tariff. It bas (ailed to give to American
nisntilHclures tbe protectlou It was intended to atford,
and It bos yielded much larger revenues than were
anticipated, because the high prices prevulllug lu the
United Slates have stimulated Importations. It does
not follow because It Is producing a large revenue now
that It will continue lo do so when business and the
currency shall be restored to a healthy oondillon.
The time will soon come when the Uolted States will
cease lo be the most favorable country to sell In, and
when It must pay lor what it purchases, not lu Its
bouds, but in its own productions.
In order thai the present tariff should be a revenue
tariff, important modifications will be necessary,
which osuuol oe Intelligently made until business
ceases lo be subject to derangement by an irredeeina
ahle currency. The Secretary does nut, the eiore,
recommend a complete revision of the tariff at the
present session; but there a-e some features of it. aud
Home matters connected with it, which require early
attention.
The experience of the department discloses many
alsadvauiaves aiteadaut upon the collection or du'los
on Imports w beu the tales are high, aud eatlmatu i on
an ad valorem basis. For tbe collection ol such
duties machinery more or less complicated It ueues
sary for verification abroad or inm.i,.,.. ..r i..,....,,
11. ,iis. and for examination and appraisement of me'
rliandiseon I's arrival In tins coun rv. In every
Instance, a nnmparlsnn is required between the In vol e
estimate auu tue aeuerai vaiue in the pilnuipal mar
kets of the country to wulch a com luv .
Ported. The dllliculty of ascei ta'nii.a- iha nr,.i ,,,
market value, especially Id caNes where a commodity
Is nianulBCtured expressly for transportation, alljrd
Inif temntine opportunities lor successful under valu
ation aud hiiih ra'es of duty, ntler Inducements for
evasion more than conmieusurate with the risk of
detection. Since the pasaugeoi tue iarm actor Maroh
1. IhOi. Hi rates of duty, which were exclusively ad
Valorem, have on many articles beea speo lie. t he
kiktem fif specific duties appears to have niveu much
satisfaction to honorable dealers aud to officers
of ' customs ' for the ease with which the
character and quantity- of 1 nierchondle Im
ported can be determined, lor the uniformity
a in, ui.ti-ii . duties niav be as ums. d at
dlflrrents sorts, and particularly as It preel ides ibe
IHHislbliiiy ol fraudulent undervaluation-. Without
recnruuiending an exclusive adoption ot the specific
Sullen, tbe Secretary would suggest for the considera
tion of CoriNresa whether the system might not wltti
Prt trleU- he axtendml to all commodities oa which
the dutv ftMfira a luru. M.iftiMrli.m Uk value, nr at Wlklltil
Jnrelao market price Is auhjtcl to great fluctuations,
J) M Ixotu other cause ltlth dfttloulty asourtalusd.
OmMrttl in Tfitra JStWron.
CHARLES DICKENS, j
U1S FIRST READING IN AMERICA.
Boston, Peo. 2. Ever since It wan announced
that Mr. Dickens would give bis first Reading
on this side of tbeAtlaullo in Boston, the lu
baOHauU of our quaint, old-faehloned sister
city bave been In a slate of feverlHh excitement.
Mo sooner was the news fins bed alonit the oaole
that be was coming, tbat everything was lm
mediately put In apple-pie order. Toe streets
were all swept from one end of the city to the
other, for the eeooud time in the twenty-four
hours; the State Houseand theold South Cuurcu
were painted, ofl'band, a delicate rose pink; a
new statue of Edward Everett was put up In tne
Publlo Uurden, In tue altitude of throwing op
bis bat and tstioutlng "Hurrah !" every booksel
ler's window was stacked up with copies of 1'lck
nor Field's new edition of "Dickens," to
the temporary displacement of Longfellow's
Dante" and Dr. Holmes' "Guardian Angil;"
the cigar-shops came out as one man with their
brands all new-ohrletened, and nothlag Is
smoked, chewed, or taken lu snufT to-day hut
"Little Nell Cigars," Mr. Houeers' Fine Cut, tbe
Mantlllnl Plug, and the ''Uenutne Pickwick
Bnull;" while at every turn. In the Illustrated
newspapers, In the hotel olllces, and in all tne
shop windows, the new portrait of Mr, Dickens
Is to be seen, showing us a man somewhat past
middle life, with thin gr ey halr.a scanty beard,
and eyes downcast reading on a book; a striking
contrast to the boyish face of twenty-live years
ago, with Its large eyes full of wouder and sen
sitive feeling, lis delicate, almost girlish con
tour, and iu long locks of dark, abundant hair.
The younger portrait was, porhaps, a little
flattered; but the older one Is as good as a quiet,
lmpacslve picture of a face full of life and ex
pression, and rarely at rest, can be. We had the
pleasure of meeting Mr. Dickens at dinner a
few days ago, and, of course, It was not dllUcult
to recognize him, even though seeing him for
the first time; buttbls portrait would, we think,
have helped us but little. All we can say Is, to
these who wish to know beforehand bow so
famous a man will look when tbey see him, Is
tbat this portrait prepares the mind to recog
nize him, but tbat Is all its ollloe. Ic shows at
all tbat time, and labor, and care have done,
to batter do.vn tbe beautiful house of youth
and haunting fancy, but it gives no gleam of
the radiant spirit that still lights up the en
chanter's face.
Meanwhile, until to-night, Mr. Dickens has
kept himself strictly secluded frem all but one
or two old and intimate friends. His rooms
are at the Parker House, and there he has re
mained, busily engaged all day, In writing and
study, except wheu he Is taking bis dally eight
mile "constitutional" walk with his publisher,
Fields, and steadily declining all the Invita
tions to breakfast, dinner, tea, supper, parties,
bails, and drives that hospitable Boston pours
In upon him In an unfailing stream. Muoh of
his time is spent in the most laborious pains
taking study of the parts he is to read. Indeed,
the publlo has but Utile idea of the cost in
downright hard work of mind, and body, and
voice at which these readings are produced.
Although Mr. Dickens has road, now, nearly
five hundred times, I am assured, on the best
authority, that he never attempts a new part
In publlo until he has spent at least two
months Id study over it as lallhful and search
ing as Kachel or Cushman would give to a
new character, inis stuuy extenas not merely
to the analysis of the text, to the discrimination
of character, to the minutest points of elocu
tion; but decides upon the facial expression, the
tone of tbe voice, the gesture, the attitude, and
even the material surroundings of the actor,
for. Actino it it. not Heading, in the ordinary
sense, at ail. Mr. Dickens is so essentially an
artist that be cannot neglect the slightest
thing tbat may serve to heighten the effect of
what, he has undertaken to do. And be Is as
conscientious, so strict in all bis dealings a
very martinet in business and thorough man of
affairs that he will leave nothing undone, that
time and labor can do, to give to the public that
pays so much for tbe pleasure of hearing him,
the full worth of lu money. This is the reason
wby be, a man of tbe world, greatly delighting
in society, thoroughly fitted to enjoy It himself,
and to make omers enjoy n ueuoeraieiy cuui
himself OUT from It, until his task shall
be done. "1 am eome nere, ne says, -to
read. The people expect me to do my
best, and how can I do it if I am all
tbe time on the go? My time is not my own,
wben I am preparing to read, any more than
it is wben 1 am writing a novel, and I can as
well do one as the other wituout concentrating
all my powers on It until It is done." Wnoever,
then, fancies that the crowd that packed tbe
Trexnont Temple to-night, that the crowd
which, after tbe splendid success of this first
reading, will oontlnue to pack It till the read
ings are an over nave given tneir money ior a
bavalelle. an hour's careless play of genius
whoever thinks Ibis, is quite mistaken. This
wonderful two-hours performance so iuu or
... I . . . 1 . k.lnfllll ft Ant , . ,1
VHUCU JlUffVli U11U11U11, w VUU.
of feeling, pathos, mirth, and fun, a sunlit
shower of smiles and tears, not to be described
in words, hardly to be comprehended by the
mind; all this if it be not the pure result of un
remitting study, and thought, and physical
labor, would, at least, not bave been the perfect
thing it is, without these helps.
Aitnougn tne ticaeu ior tne roauines carry
twice repeated on their face the request that
"the audience would all be seated punctually at
8 o'clock." it was nearly 815 before the vast
crowd had simmered down to a state or com
parative qulzsoence And it was indeed a vast
audience such a crowd as is seldom gathered
Jn a single hall to meet any single man. The
line of carriages ran oown an manner oi streets
and lost Itself in tbe suburbs. All the cars
leading from the outlying towns brought in
fresh recruits to the great army, and the snow
that had been falling all the afternoon at last
gave up trying to get to the pavement, and
went to some other place, while the moon shone
out and helped tbe gas-lamps light the gay,
struggling, swarming multitude that was try
ing to get inside the doors watched by a long
faced, silent multitude that crowded round the
door-ways without tickets and no hope of get
ting in at all. Inside the bouse tbe scene was
striking enough. Few cilles, anywhere, could
show an audience of such character. Hardly a
notable man in Boston, or fifty miles about,
but was there, and we doubt if in London Itself
Mr. Dickens ever read Deiore sucu an assem
blage. There sat Longfellow, looking like the
very spirit of Christmas, with his ruddy cheeks
and bright sort eyes looking out from the
vest of snow-white hair and snow-white beard.
There was Holmes, looking crisp and fine like
a tight little grape-skin full of wit instead of
wine. There was Lowell, as If Sidney himself
bad come back with-his poet's heart smiling
sadly through his poet's eyes. Here too was
the elder Dana, now an old man of eighty,
with long grey balr falling round a faoe bright
wltb shrewd intelligence, as able now as thirty
years ago to write "Paul Felton; or, tbe Bucca
neer." Running the eye over the hall, oue
saw other men widely known, Charles IJI lot
Norton, whose translation of Dante's "Vita
JN'uova" may well staud side by side with his
master Longfellow ol the grander song. There
in the gallery is Edwin Whipple. Y-onder is
Fields, to whom all owe this great pleasure, for
he suggested, urged, and made this visit of
Dickeus easy to blm. Bishop Eitstburn, over
on the olher side, seems thankful that clergy
men bave yet some pleasures left. There Is
I'ooie, the Librarian of the Athenteum, oue of
our men who knows most about books, and
Samuel Eliot, the President of the Hooial
Science, and Ueorce Green, who recently
crossed blades with Bancroft. Erauinou's faoe
I could not catch. Concord is fur away, and
snow storms no Joke to travel in. Nor did
WhlUler come as was promised Whlttler, who
has never in his life been presuut at an evening
entertainment of any description, concert or
even, strange to say, a lecture. He promised,
but at the last his heart fulled blm; and the
"good grey bead that all men know" did not
bless our eyes lo-nlght, .
1 have said that Dickens Is an artist In all ha
does, anal seldom have I seen a more finished
piece of work than this whole reading. Ho
careful is he of every point, that nothing shall
go amiss, tbat he bus brought with him from
Ecglaid all the appoinlinenU by which
fie is - surrounded wheu be reads , at
borne. At the hack of the platform Is
stretched a long kcrn covered with dark red
?'ot,'f d least It looked by gaslight, though
Helda to d nie it was purple-and lu irJut of it
stands a table wltn square legs covered with
rich crimson velvet th top, aloo, covered with
tbe same, bunging over the, eda, and bordered
1 with a heavy fringe. At oue bide of this tabl
projeeu a little shelf, also eoverod with velvet.
n whjeh. wtea. waiw-bvtuB &u4 gUt, lit
the left band corner Is a square block about
eight inches high that also covered, top and
eides,!wlth velvet, like the rest. On this block
the reader rests his book, and usee it, besldeM,
ns an accessory lu bis byplay. Now it is Boo
Cratchlte's desk lu Scrooge's office. Now It IS
Mr. Flzzlwlg's desk, from which he looks be
nlgnanlly down on his apprentices. Now It IS
thedesk on which rests the Christmas goos-j
of the Crntcblte family. A very useful little
velvet box Mr. Dickens makes It, 1 assure you,
and the audience gets lo look upou it as quite a
delightful piece of furniture.
Mr. Dickens Is not qutieas rigid In his punc
tuality as dear Funny Keinhle used to
be, who began like a beautiful fte, tbe
minute the clock struck 8, no matter whether
people had come or not, and treated the lag.
gards to bewitching frowns, as tbey crept, be-,
lated, up the Isles. But at last he comes 1 He
enters, holding tbe book In both bands, aome
op tbe steps wltb a quick, springing walk, and,
standing at his velvet desk, proceeds to work,
like a man of business. He is dressed with
perfect neatness and simplicity, but a trace of
the old foppery the aulumu's flower of all the
youthful dandyism is seen in bis buttonhole.
In tbe shape of a white carnation, and apluk
rosebud on bis shirt front. There Is nothing
more pretending than a plain gold st ud. He
has, to be sure, considerable wa oh-ohatn, and
on his finger a diamond ring, but nothing Is
noticeable In bis dress. He stands there a quiet
gentleman, rluin Charles Dickens; and that
name is grace and ornament enough.
For a Boston audience, his reception la re
markably enthusiastic beldom does the
polished ice of this proper community crack as
loudly and as cheerily, under the thawing
beams ol any intellectual sun, as itdld to-night
when Dickens stood before them, and wulie
cheer after cheer broke forth, and o lea of wel
come and clapping of Innumerable kids, rose
and fell and rose again in a friendly roar, tried
to sneak and was defeated, and returned gal
lantly to the charge again, but has scarcely got
as far as "Ladies" wben be was oollged to suc
cumb, and made another dash at "Oentlemen,"
and gave it up, and at last saw tbat one English
man was nothing to so many hundred Yan
kees, and waited smiling and bowing until they
bad had their will, aud were ready to let him
bave his.
The very first vords "Marley waa dead, to
begin with I That was certain" settled tbe
question of success. The way in whloh those
words were uttered, showed also that the read
ing was to-depend for all effect upon the worth
of what was read, and upon the sincerity of
tbe reader. From first to last there is no trick
ery in It full of action, abounding in gesture,
with a voice for every character in every mood;
with a face for every man. woman, and child,
reflecting every feeling. There Is no straining
for stage effect, no atlltudlzing, no affectation.
The most effective reading we ever listened to
It was tbe most beautifully simple, straight
forward, hearty piece ot painting from life.
Dear Bob Cratchlte made twenty-five hundred
friends before be had spoken two words, and If
everybody had obeyed the Impulse of his heart,
and sent him a Christmas goose, he would have
been suffocated, in a twinkling, under a moun
tain of poultry. As for the delightful Flzzl
wlgs, not the coldest heart In the audience but
warmed to them at once. Probably never
was a' ball so thoroughly enjoyed as the
one given by these worthy people to
their apprentices. The greatest hit of tbe even
ing was tbe point were the dance executed by
Mr, and Mrs. Fizzlwlg to Miss Fizzlwlg was
described. The contagion of tbe audience's
laugbter reached Mr. Dickens himself, who
wltb difficulty brought out the Inimitable drol
lery, "after which Mr. Fizzlwlg cut positively
cut bo tbat a light seemed to shine from his
very calves, and he actually winked with his
legs." This was too much for Boston, and I
thought the roof would gooff. Next to this,
tbe most effective point was Tiny Tim. whose
plaintive treble, with Bob Cratchlte's way
of speaking of blm, brought out so many
pocket baudkerchiefs that it looked as If a
snow-storm had somehow got Into the hall
without tlckeU. Seldom do we hear such genu
ine pathos as tbat with which Mr. Dickens read
the poor futber's lament over his little lame
child, and great was the genius which enabled
him to walk so safely on the dangerous edge
thai separates nature, pure ana simple, from
mere traveslle.
The Christmas party at the house of Scrooge's
nephew, where Tupplns plays blind man's buff
wltb the plump sister in the lace tucker, was a
thing never to be forgotten. When Dickeus
said, "I no more believe that that man was
Dlinaroiueo man l oeneve mat ne naa eyes in
his boou." his facial expression Indignant as
of a man who is being put upon, and yet with
a consciousness of the absurdity of the state
ment that makes blm laugh iu spite of his
anger was Inimitable, and it was longbefo e
the audience would let mm get on. At last we
had it, and the plump sister with the lace
tucker became Immortal. There was an
Intermission of about ten minutes between
the reading of "Tbe Christmas Carol" and "The
Trial bcenefrom Pickwick," and as he closed
the book with Tiny Tim's -uoa Diess us every
one," tbe enthusiasm or tne vast assem
bly broke forth in such expressions as, to those
who know the impassive nature or Boston
audiences, showed plainly enough that
the heart under all their silk and broad
cloth was fairly stirred and beating with
warm goou-wui. nut uioaens was ptainty not
to be persuaded into a speech. For all the
nproar, be did not appear again, until the court
called up the case of Bardeil versus Pickwick.
It was easy to see that tbe reader himself had a
peculiar affection for this part a leaf torn from
a book that is associated with the beginning of
his lame, the end oat of whloh this splendid
tree-stock, set with flower and fruit, bas grown.
He read it wltb full force, throwing himself
into It with all his heart, and, I may add, with
all bis body, tor be put much more acting into
this part of bis reading tnan into the first part.
Sergeant Buzfuz's speech to the jury was with
out a flaw, a pearl of the art of anting, and no
worusoimtue or anyooay couiu express the
way in which Nathaniel Winkle was before us.
Not less excellent was the Judge the sourest.
stupidity that ever was seen or beard
ot. lam aoout iaciai expression, nothing more
wonderful was ever seen than the change from
tbe Judge, who seemed to always be smelling
something disagreeable, to the frank, cheery
face of Samuel Weller, as fresh as a rose aud as
good to look at. Here was a soene. The
minute the Court said, "Call up Samuel
Weller," that lrlend of near thirty years'
standing was recognized by all Boston at a
glance, and his mounting tbe stand was a sig
nal for such a baud-shaking (speaking in a
Cgure) that he will never forget. And wasn't It
jolly to see him. Jolly to hear him, and jolllest
of all to hear tbat deeo. rich voice of hlsolrf
father, deep aud rich as the loam on his quart
pot of ale, culling out from the gallery, "Put
it uuw u wnu ice, uiy toru, put It aoffU With
a we."
. In reading these works of his. Mr. Dickens
neither follows the original text, nor adheres
closely by any means to the text of tne pretty
and convenient handbooks which he has him.
self condensed ard prepared. He leaves out a
good deal, changes words, mistakes words
sometimes, and really muoh of It seems im
promptu, i mougni, now anu men, that he
was thinking of his present audience, and put
ting In what he fancied would suit butler here
than In London. 'His delivery has marked
peculiarities, and is thoroughly original, lie
deals much In the rising Inflection at the end
of sentences. Is sometimes monotonous, and
keeps up old pronunciations that we seldom
bear on this side of the water: "C'larc" for
clerk, "wlud" with a lonx ," "Ojun" for
odious, area few. But, on the whole, his accent
and pronunciation are not what we cull Eng
lish, Tbe greut difference between bis delivery,
and that of our best Americans, is In Its slow,
deliberate, clear-cut distinctness. This Is in
the descriptive parts. Where it sulU the occa
sion, his delivery takes every shape, aud U
good for all needs. Hcrogus' growl, Bob
Ciatohlt's trembling appeal, the pompous blus
ter of Buzfuz, Mrs. Cluppln's maundering
whine, and Sam Weller's manly yeoman s
shout are all echoed by that magical yol!8.
which will be recognized wherever it is i""r4
In America as the voice of a great autho r. aud
of Hie greatest, perhaps (certainly lu vorsutility
of rower the greatest), tbat bus ever charmed
oui Western World. ;
' Tna Power of tub Times. A correspondent
of the paper says: "The Timet having taken
4h subleot of cheap food, it ia now in
I verybod ft mouth." WUluU causes foolUU
' Jr'ua to aik whether it is the Timet or. cbP-
FIRST EDlTlQtll
STATE OP THE NATION.
The American Annual Budget,
- ,
- .
Second Message of Presidont
Andrew Johnson. , '
Tlic Repeal of the Reconstruction
Acts Demanded.
Negro Suffrage and its Dangers
Bitter Opposition to Congress
Southern States Ought to bo
Admitted at Once.
Important Financial Views.
Ktc Etc.( Etc.. Etc., Etc., Etc.
Washington, Dec. 8, 186T.
Fellow Citizens of the Senate and
Uuute of Repreentative:
Tbe continued disorganization of the Union, to
which the President bas so often called the attention
of Congress, Is yet a subject ot profound aud patriotic
concern. We may, however, find some relief from
that anxiety In the reflection that the palnfnl politi
cal situation, although untried by ourselves, is not
new In the experience of nations.
Political science, perhaps as highly perfected In
onr own time and country as In any other, has not yet
disclosed any means by which civil wars can be ab
solutely prevented ; an enlightened nation, however,
with a wise and beneficent Constitution of free go
vernment, may diminish their frequency and mltipate
their severity, by directing all it's proceedings in ac
cordance with its fundamental law. When a civil
war baa been brought to a close, It Is manifestly the
first Interest and duty of the State lo repair the In
juries which the war has inflicted, and to secure the
benefit of the lessons It teaches, as fully aud as
speedily as possible. This duty was, upon the termi
nation of the Rebellion, promptly accepted, not only
by the Executive Department but by the Insurrec
tionary States themselves, and restoration in the first
moment of peace, was believed to bo as easy and cer
tain as it was indispensable.
Disappointed expectations.
Tbe expectations, however, tben so reasonably and
confidently entertained, were disappointed by legisla
tion from which I felt constrained, by my obligations
to the Constitution, to withhold my assent. It is,
therefore, a source of profonnd regret that In comply
ing with the obligation imposed npon the President by
the Constitution, to give to Congress -from time to
time information of tbe state of the Union, I am nn
able to commnnlcate any definitive adjustment satisfac
tory to the American people, of the questions which,
since the close of the Rebellion, have agitated the
public mind. On the contrary, candor compels me to
declare that at this time there is no Union as our
fathers understood the term, and as they meant It to
be understood by us. The Union which they estab
lished can exist only where all the States are repre
sented in both nouses of Congress, " where one State
is as free as another to regulate its concerns accord
ing to lta own will," and where the laws of the central
government, strictly confiued to matters of national
jurisdiction, apply with equal force to all the people,
of every section.
That such la not the present "state of the Union" is
a melancholy fact, and we ail must acknowledge that
the restoration of the States to their proper legal re
lations with the Federal Government, and with oue
another, according to the terms of the original com- ,
pact, would be the greatest temporal blessing which
God, In his kindest providence, could bestow upon
this nation.
Our Duty.
It becomes onr Imperative duty to consider whether
or not it la Impossible to effect this most desirable
consummation. The Union and the Constitution are
Inseparable. As long as one Is obeyed by all parties,
the other will be preserved ; and if ont Is destroyed,
both must perish together. The destruction of the
Constitution will be followed by other aud still greater
calamities.
The Constitution.
It was ordained not only.to form a more perfect
tnion between tue States, but to "establish justice,
insure domestic tranquility, provide for the common
defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the
blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity."
Nothing but Implicit obedience to its requirements,
In all parts of the country, will accomplish these great
ends. W ithout that obedience we can look forward
only to continual outrages npon Individual rights, In
cessant breaches or the public peace, national weak'
ncss, financial dishonor, the total loss of our profpe-
rlty, the general corruption of morals, and the flual
extinction of popular freedom. To save our country
from evils so appalling as these, we should renew our
efforts again and again.
To me the process of restoration seems perfectly
plain and simple. It coiiblcts merely In a faithful ap
plication of the Constitution and the laws. The execu
tion of tho laws Is not now obstructed or opposed oy
physical force ; there is no military or other necessity,
real or pretended, which can prevent obedience to the
Constitution, either North or South. All the rights
and all the obligations of St.tos sud individuals can
be protected ud enforced by means perfectly con
sistent with the fundamental law. Tbe courts may
be everywhere open, and, If open, their process would
be unimpeded. Crimes at'alust the United States cau
be prevented or punished by the proper Judicial au
thorities in a manner entirely practicable and legal.
There is. therefore, no reason why the Constitution
, should not be obeyed, unless those who exercise Its
powers have dctermiuea mat it suau ue uisiegaraeu
aud violated. The mere naked will or this govern
ment, or of some one or more of Us branches, is the
only obstacle that can exist to a perfect Uniou of all
the States. On this momentous question, aud some
of the measures growing out of It, I have had the
misfortune to differ from Congress, aud have ex-
pressed my couvictlous without reserve, though with
becoming deference to the opinions of the Legislative
Department.
Tbe President's Position Unchanged.
Those convictions are ' not only unchanged, but
strengthened by subsequeut eveuU and further re
flection. .The. UauSMudjsat importance of tb subject'
will P tuttclcal vx.cui. fvi caUUig joux uttliva W
some of tht reasons which hare so strongly influenced
my own Judgment The hope tbat we may all for
mally concur In a mod of settlement consistent at
once with onr true Interests, and with our iwri
duties to the Constitution, is too natural and too Jut t
to be easily relinquished, i
' Tbe Late Insurrectionary States. ' . .
It Is clear to my apprehension that the States la'e'y
In rebellion are still members of tbe National Union.
When did they cease to be sot The "Ordinance ol Se
cession" adopted by a portion In most of thsm a very
small portion of their citizens were mer nullities. If
we admit now tbat they were valid and effectual for
tbe purpose intended by their authors, we sweep from
tinder onr feet the whole ground npon which w Jus
tified the wflr. Were those States afterwards expelled
irom tbe Union by the war? The direct contrary WM
averred by this government to be Its purpose, and was
o understood by all those who gave their blood and
treasure to aid In Us prosecution.
It cannot be that a successful war, WAged ior th
preservation M tbe Union, had the legal effect of dis
solving It. The victory of the nation' arms was not
the disgrace of her policy ; the defeat of Secession on
the battle-field was not the triumph of It lawless
principles ; nor could Congress, with or without the
consent of the Executive, do anything which would
have the effect, directly or Indirectly, of separating the
States from each other. To dissolve the Union is to
repeal tbe Constitution which holds it together, and
that is a power which does not bolong to any depart
of the government, or to ail of them united.
This is so plain that it has becu acknowledged by
all branches of the Federal Government. The Execu
tive, roy predecessor, as well as myself, and the
beads of all the departments have uniformly acted npon
the principle that the Union Is not only undissolved,
but indissoluble. Congress submitted an amendment
to the Constitution to be ratified by the boathern
States, and accepted their acts of ratification a a ne
cessary and lawful exercise of their highest fnnction.
If they were not States, or were States ont of the
Union, their consent to a change in tbe fundamental
law of the Union would have been nugatory, and
Congress In asking It committed a political absurdity
The Jndictary has also given the solemn sanction of
Its authority to the earns view of the case. Tb J udgei
of the Supreme Court have included the Southern
States In their circuits, and they are constantly, la
banc and elsewhere, exercising Jurisdiction which
does not belong to them, nuless those States are States
of the Union. If the Southern States are component
parts of the Union, the Constitution is the supreme
law for them, as it is for all the other States. Tbey
are bound to obey It, and so are we. The right of the
Federal Government, which is clear and unquestion
able, to enforce the Constitution npon them, implies
the corelative obligation on our part to observe its
limitations and execute its guaranties. Without the
Constitution we are nothing; by, through and under
Ibe Constitution we are what It makes us.
We msy doubt the wisdom of the law; we may not
approve of Its provisions, bnt we cannot violate it
merely because ft seem to confine our powers within
limits narrower than we could wish. It is not a
question of Individual, or class or sectional interests,
much less of party predominance, but of duty of high
and sacred duty which we are all sworn to perform.
If we cannot support the Constitution with the cheer
ful alacrity of those who love and believe in it, we
must give to it, at least, the fidelity of public servants
who act nnder solemn obligations and commands
which they dare not disregard. The constitutional
duty Is not the only one which requires the States to
be restored ; there Is another consideration, which,
though of minor importance, Is yet of great weight.
Object of the Late War.
On the 82d day of July, 18BI, Congress declared, by
an almost nnauimons vote of both Houses, tbat tbe war
should be conducted solely for the purpose of preserv
ing the Union and maintaining the supremacy of the
Federal Constitution and laws, without impairing the
divnity, equality and right of tbe States or of Indi
viduals, and tbat when this was done the war should
cease. I do not say that this declaration Is personally
bindinff on those who Joined 1n makinc 1L int mum
than individual members of Congress are personally
uwuiiu iu puj b iiiiunc ueot crested unaer a law ror
which they voted. But It was a solemn nnhlic official
pledge of the national honor, and I cannot Imagine
upon what ground tbe reuudtation of It Is to h
justified.
ir it be remembered, this promise was not made
to Rebels only. Thousauds of true men in the South
were drawn to onr standard by it, and hundreds of
thousands in the North gave their lives in the belief
that it would be carried out It wa mad ou the day
after the first great battle of the war had been fought
and lost All patriotic and intelligent men then saw
the necessity of giving such an assurance, and be
lieved that-without it the war would eud In disaster to
our cause. Having given that assurance in tbe ex
tremity of our peril, the violation of it now, in the day
oi onr power, wouin do a rucie rending or mat good
faith which holds the moral world together. Onr
country would cease to have any claim upon the con
fidence of men. It would make the war not only a
failure but a fraud.
Opposition to Military Reconstruction. ,
Being sincerely convinced that these views are cor
rect I would be unfaithful to my duty If 1 did not
recommend the repeal of the cls of Congress which
place ten of the Southern States under the domina
tion of military masters. If calm reflection shall
eatisfy a majority of your honorable bodies that the
acts referred to are uot only a violation of tbe na
tional faith, bnt in direct conflict with the Constitu
tion, I dare not permit myself to doubt that yon will
immediately strike them from the statute book. To .
demonstrate the unconstitutional character of those
acts, I need do uo more than refer to their general
provisions. -'
It must be seen at once tbat they are anthorlied
to dictate what alterations shall be made In the con
stitutions of tbe several States ; to control tbe elec
tions of State legislators and State officers, member
of Congress and electors of President aud Vice Presi
dent LJ arbitrarily declaring who shall vote aud wh
shall be excluded from that privilege; to dissolve
State legislatures or preveut them from assembling;
to dismiss judges and other civil functionaries of the
State aud appoint others without regard to Slat lawj
to organize aud operate all the political machinery of
the States; to regulate the whole administration of
their domestic aud local affairs according to the mere
will of strange and Irresponsible agents sent among
them for that purpose.
These are powers not granted to the Federal Uo
vernment or to any one of It branches; not being
granted, we violate In the face of a positive interdict,
for t) Constitution forbids us to do whatever it does
not affirmatively authorize even by express words or
by clear implication. If the authorily we desir to
use does not come to us through the Constitution,, we
can exercise it only by usurpation, and usurpation ia
the most dangerous of political crimes. Hy that crlma
the enemies of free government in all ages hav
worked out their designs agaiust public liberty and
private right. It leads diructly and immediately to
the establlHiimeutof absolute rule, for undelegated,
power is always unlimited aud nnrestrslned. - -- 1
The acts of -Congress in question, are not only olv
jectionable for their assumption of uugranted power;
but many of their provisious are in conflict with the
direct prohibitions of the Constitution. The Consti
tution commands that a republican form of povtiru
meut shall ha gtiarautied to all the States; that no
person ehallibe deprived of life, liberty or property,
wiiluuit due procets or law ; arrested without a Jiidlt
cial warrant, or punibhea without a fair trial before au
Impartial Jury ; that the privilege of hsbeasoorpu
shall uot tie denied In time of peace, and that no bill
of attainder shall be passed evu against a single iu -dividual.
let tuo system of measures established by
these acts ol Congress does totally subvert aud destroy
the rorm as well as the substauce of cepuhlican
govoriimeut. Iu the ten States to which they apply
It b uds them baud and foot iu absolute slavery. ud
suuiects them to a strange and hostile power mora
mi limited and more likely to be aliu.ui Uiau say
other uow known aiuoiiK civilized men. "
It trainiilu down uli those rltrliu iu which the es
sence of liberty consists, and which a free goveruuient
Is always most careiul to protect. It denies the
habeas coruus uud uial h lurv. Personal freedom,.
property andjife, if assaulted hy the passion, th pre
judice, or the rapacity oi the ruler, have no security
""aiccr. ii Das me enect oi a uiu i tinur, n
bill of pains and penalties, not upou a few Individuals, :
but upon whole masses, Including the millions who
Inhabit the subject Slates, and eveu their unborn
children. These w rones being expressly forbiddu,
cannot be contumi0i,'ttUy lullioted Umiu any portion
of our people, uo mutter bow luev "y bav iu
within our iini,li,.n,,,. ,,n muLtur wiioiUtr Ui
live lu Slates, 'l'ci riioi i., or Disti lot. . . .
1 Iihvh ii. i fr., tin! nrouer ana JUit
, consequence of their ureal crime, thus who ug iged
.IU rebellion atralunt the jfoverumeutj but a a uioUa of
PHuluhnient, Lli. measures uudir cousiderauou ar.
the most unreasonable tln.t coilld h invented. Man
fit UuM ptppi o perfectly liwtWiiti ittWlvli