una (M u nMMMi
THE DAILY EVENING TELEGRAPH PHILADELPHIA. SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 23, 1867.
SPIRIT OF THE PIIE&S.
SDItobiax oranoRS of run lkadino jocrsali"
VTOll CTRRBJTT TOPICS COMPILED BVBBT
DAT YOB TBI KTKHIRO TBLKGBAPH.
Tht Immediate Dntla of Cougrii.
From the N. Y. Nation.
Congress assembles this weok under clroum
. Stances far different from any which either this
or the preceding Congress ever had to meet.
Sustained by the conscioasness of popular
favor, and fearing only to seem too slow for
the popular will, the majority in the last two
Sessions were careless upon some points which
careful thinkers knew were of vast importance
to the country, and which, as the last few
months have proved, were of no small im
portance to the party. For though it is singu
larly diffioult to interest the American people
in the philosophy of finance, and hard to make
them appreciate any abstract propositions on
the subject, they are quick enough to appreci
ate results, and perfeotly ready to visit all
their politioal managers with wrath if the
course of publio affairs is injurious to business.
It is well known that the past year has been
a very unsatisfactory one to the commercial
And manufacturing classes in every respect,
And that the farmers have felt their taxes,
direct and Indirect, to be a load dispropor
tioned to their income. The dissatisfaction
thus excited, as every intelligent politician
knows, hSs had a very large share in bring
ing about the reverses of this fall. Many of
those Republicans who have deserted their
party on account of the untoward results of
its financial policy, have been eager advocates
of the very worst features of that policy, and
have not now the least idea of the points iu
which it is really at fault. All this is not to
be wondered at, nor will it be of any use to
demonstrate to the grumblers that they could
have done no better. Men who take the posi
tion of leaders in publio affairs are bound to
know how to succeed, and cannot excuse their
Incompetency by proving, the equal in
competency of their censors. The Army of
the Potomao was long cursed with oommand
ers who abounded in excuses, when the best
excuse they could have given was to resign
positions for which they were totally unfitted
by nature. The Republican party cannot
afford to run the same career, for in politics
Chanoellorsville and Cold Harbor are rarely
Succeeded by Five Forks and Appomattox.
Congress asembles under the influence of a
strongly adverse publio sentiment, in appear
ance at least. The splendid majority of
450,000 which sustained it twelve months ago
has dwindled to almost nothing. What can
le done to meet the wishes of the people, to
restore public confidence in the party which
CongreBS leads, and to give to the country that
Stability which parties are worse than useless
if they do not subserve ?
The answer can be given wisely only by
first ascertaining what are the grounds of
popular discontent, and in what degree Con
gress is censurable for their existence. These
grounds may, to the best of our comprehen
sion of them, be briefly described as the
negro question, taxation, currency, corrup
tion. Local issues we omit, although im
portant, because not within the province of
.Congress.
1. The negro question has had a more wide
spread influence than any other, although we
do not think it has had so much effect iu mo3t
of the States as other motives to disoontent.
We. propose to deal fairly with this difficulty
of politics, and to acknowledge frankly the
extent to which it has interfered with party
success, and also our own share of responsi
bility in the matter. It would be vain to deny
that the fidelity of the Republican party to the
. cause of equal rights, in its application to the
negro, has been one of the chief causes of its
heavy losses in Ohio, California, New Jersey,
and Maryland. The superior strength of the
Sentiment of vengeance in the popular mind
over that of simple justice is strikingly illus
trated by the result in Kansas, where the
people have refused to enfranchise the negro,
by over 8000 majority, and at the same time
have disfranchised deserters and disloyal
men, by over 1000 majority. It is still twioe
as popular to hang your enemies as to help
your friends.
Negro suffrage at the North, moreover, is
evidently intolerable to many who are willing
to force it upon the South. Such has always
been our own impression of the public mind.
It is not a very generous or very creditable
state of feeling; but it exists, nevertheless,
and must be taken into account In studying
political foroes. Nor is it prudent, or even
just, to denounce with bitterness those who
participate in the sentiment. Some good and
- kind-hearted men, who oppose negro suffrage
at the North because it would increase the
corruptible elements of the Republican party
already too numerous favor it at the South
because they see no other way to secure equal
civil rights or the permanence of the Union.
But negro suff rage is none too popular, whe
ther existing North or South. It is not to be
denied that the complete supremacy of the
negro in some of the Southern States is ex
tremely repulsive to many Republicans, and
is deprecated by many more. We have on
previous occasions expressed the opinion that
the negro is not to be blamed for the course
'. which he has taken ; but for all that a wiser
course was possible, especially in Virginia ;
and 'the Republican party may have to pay
dearly for the want of more prudent manage
ment at the South.' The consolidation of the
negro vote was a desirable and indispensable
means of reconstruction ; but the co-operation
of white men, even if a little tardy, should
have been cheerfully aooepted, and they should
have been allowed a weight in the party pro
portioned to the numbers of their race, and
. not merely to their own number.
The practical question now, however, is
whether Congress shall recede from the ground
, " has taken. We say emphatically, No 1 Con
gress, in bo far as it embodies the ideas of free
dom awl nationality, has never had any option
IZrtXr .T?1? tU Path whloh " took last
ff. nln. We do not mean that
litl.1 1 ? n V" Rctruotion acts were
.ssentia ; but their main ideas, other than the
disfranchising clauses, were of vital import
ance. We certainly do not advise the desar
tion of a-wise and necessary path merely
i ecaude it proves to be a liUle more diitWlt
, than was expected. This is an issue of life and
d- ath, and Congress would commit suicide if
U should draw back from the work of South-i-.u
reconstruction. On this issue the leaders
i iust fight to the last, waitiug for the people
i.i draw np to their support, and confident of
i aal victory, no matter how long delayed.
But the people will not long hesitate upon
this question if the politioal action of the
colored raoe at the South is guided by wise
counsels. The zeal of the negro has been
sufficiently Toused. He has shown that he
' knows his friends at the North. He must now
be so guided as to demonstrate also his pru
dence, forbearance, and deference to superior
''wisdom. He must show Lis. fitness to share
in the government of the whole country, as
; Weli r.8 iiU ftMlitj to protect himself by means
of his vote. And this can be brought about,
we verily believe, by a judiolous example at
Washington, and a little wholesome advice
fr m the leading members of Congress.
2. Taxation in all its departments is a sub
j ct which Congress ought to deal with on far
different principles from those which have
l.itherto guided its action if, indeed, it can
1 e said to have had any principles on the sub
jict. It is well known that the intolerable
pressure of taxation has had much to do with
tbe untoward political results of the year.
Many branches of business, once active and
1 rofltable, have been taxed into stagnation,
and some have been actually taxed out of ex
istence. Commissioner Wells, in his able re
port of last year, founded upon careful Btudy
of his subject, both theoretically and practi
cally, pointed out in the clearest manner both
the disease and the remedy. His labors were
treated with contempt, and rewarded by a
mean plot to abolish his office, one of the
most useful and usefully filled of any in
the United States. The plot failed, happily
for the country; but his advice was disoarded
in favor of the crude notions of men who knew
nothing whatever of the science which lies at
the foundation of a sound fiscal system, and
who cared for nothing except to push their
own private schemes. We hope for a some
what wiser course of aotiou now. Political
success, it is plain, cannot be had without a
reform in the mode of raising revenue. And
if the majority of Congress are not yet satisfied
that it is their best policy to follow the advice
of the few men who, like Mr. Wells, under
stand the subject, instead of exercising their
own intuitive genius at the expense of the
country, they have not as much sense as we
give them credit for.
3. The currency will probably be the first
subject with which Congress will occupy itself;
and we must frankly say that we expect no
good from its action. The West is eager for
"money;" and the lower House will undoubt
edly do its best to reopen the currency mill
which Mr. McCulloch keeps closed so firmly.
It will do its utmost for inflation; and infla
tion, no matter in what degree, means bank
ruptcy and disgrace. As the New York Times
lately said, no issue of $2,500,000,000 in cur
rency is needed to decide our fate.
d 100,000,000 will do it just as effectually; in
deed, $100,000,000 would pretty nearly settle
the question. If the country once revives, in
time of peace, the practice of debasing the cur;
rency by the issue of new legal-tenders, it
can never stop short of total repudiation. Our
reliance is placed upon the sound sense and
integrity of the Senate, and that failing, we
shall look hopefully, for the first time, for a
veto from the President. It is his last chanoe
for vindicating his reputation, and for making
the veto honorable; and we sinoerely pray
that he may not let it slip if the occasion
comes. But we also trust that the Senate will
not let him have the occasion. The Itouse,
we fear, is past praying for.
4. The corruption which deeply affects both
the political parties of the country is naturally
and properly avenged by the people mainly
upon the party in power. It would be idle to
ask our publio men to do anything against
this monstrous evil directly. They are all
cowards in its presence. But many of them
are really desirous to put an end to or limit it,
if they can do so without attacking it direotly
in the persons of its representatives. Even
some men who have grown fat upon publio
plunder are heartily willing that all future rob
bery should be prevented; and some of them
will render material aid in preventing others
from profiting by their example. The most
effective way in which Congress can do any
thing for this purpose, so desirable for the in
terests of the publio and of the dominant
party, is by simplifying the business of the
revenue department and the machinery of
public "business in general. Every new tax is
the parent of new frauds. Every superfluous
official is an ally of corruption. He generally
maintains his position by corrupting others,
and his family by corrupting himself.
With local issues Congress has nothing to
do. It ha3 an abundance of work before it in
the fields of which we have spoken, and others
which fall within its province. All considera
tions of publio good, and, as a means to that,
of party success, appeal to its courage, its
moderation, its prudence, its integrity, for the
full performance of its duty at this time. The
maintenance of the Union, though probable, is
not infallibly assured without guarantees for
the maintenance of liberty and national good
faith. To perfect these guarantees, to clear
away the financial difficulties of the country,
to purify the administration of publio busi
ness these are the duties of the present Con
gress. It will have the prayers of all good
men for its success, and the blessings of all if
it succeeds.
, The Speech of tbe Emperor,
From the JV. Y. Tribune.
The sword of Damocles, always suspended
over the peace of Europe by a single hair,
trembled as if it would fall whem the Emperor
Napoleon, in violation of his treaties, Bent the
French troops to Rome. No bolder step has
been taken by France than this. It was a
position from which it was impossible to re
cede, and if diplomacy failed to maintain it,
France must have accepted war. ' The move
ment excited the jealousy of Prussia, and was
openly meant to prevent the unity of Italy;
throughout the whole of Europe it was un
popular in the extreme, and nowhere less
popular than in France itself. It seemed as if
Louis Napoleon had risked the peace of Europe
merely to postpone the inevitable downfall of
the Papal rule, and his interference was almost
universally thought to be another blunder,
like the Mexican invasion. But it was not a
blunder; it was a policy. The Emperor uuder
Btood the situation, and his boldness has been
rewarded with success.
.The speech of Napoleon before the Senate
and Corps Legislatif explains everything. It
explains why tbe Italian Uovernmcnt not only
allowed him to defeat ' Italian unity, but
actually, aided his armies. It explains why
Prussia, knowing France to be her great rival
aud natural enemy, again permitted Napoleon
to make himself the arbiter of Western
Europe, aud adhered to a perfectly neutral
policy. That explanation is the fear of repub
licanism. Garibaldi, when he advanced upon
Rome, claiming it as the citadel of Italy, re
presented the people and the rights of the
nation, and as their representative he was
crushed. The armed intervention of France,
the neutrality of Prussia, the arrest Of Gari
baldi by order of Victor Emanuel, consti
tuted a combination of monarchs against a
republican movement. All the royalty of
Europe was frightened and incensed that a
poor farmer of Caprera should appeal to pea
sants and shepherds, and attempt to settle,
with a few thousands of red-shirted voluuteers,
a question that couoerned cabinets and thrones,
it waM not in the EOvnr nf ll.a Ituli
IU!" alI'VM. t0.c,h the Garibaldian move-
and France carried out, in behalf of all of Eu
rope, the principle thatuo change of bounda
li&d the full ftvmnntltv a( ihu
nwa,Ua J,H01'le- TUe ltfcreme of Other
rowei s was Bevesaarr to p t th l(J
from deniandiutr Home of'vu.. vX.L
ries, no acquisition of territory, should be
effected except through the ruling Govern
ments. Had Garibaldi captured Rome, and
had the Romnns declared their territory a pari
of the Kingdom of Italy, a terrible precedent
would have been established. It would never
have been forgotten that the people had
asserted a right to act without consultation
with their rulers, and the republican idea
would have been established in absolute de
fiance and contempt of monarchy.
So Italy submitted to French interference ;
so Prussia yielded the supremacy to France ;
so Garibaldi was defeated, and the Pope pro
tected, solely that the growth of democracy in
Europe might be checked. It is not that any
power, with the exception of Catholic Spain, is
profoundly interested in the temporal rule of
the Pope, but that all powers are conoerned in
the subjugation of the people. The question
may be decided in favor of Italian uulty by
the General Congress which Louis Napoleon
has proposed, but the right of the people to
determine it will not be conceded.
But every effort to repress republicanism
only adds to its strength and enthusiasm.
Garibaldi, arrested in Italy, reappears in
France. Even in Paris, nnder the bayonets of
the. Empire, the people make no secret of
their indignation. At the cemetery of Mont
martre, the people of Paris disturbed the
silence of the tombs with shouts of "Long
live Garibaldi I" aud "Down with the inter
vention I" The troops are distributed through
out the city; there are midnight inspections.
Paris is garrisoned in every quarter. It is
plain that the dynasty of Napoleou does not
o?sess that undivided love of the people of
which the Emperor boasts in his address.
That boast is followed by a confession that
"the public mind i3 exposed to excitement
and dangerous impulses, aud that to render
these powerless he depends upon their sup
pression when required, and upon the energy
aud authority of the ruling powers." The
Empire has lost far more than it has gained
iu the five years past. Mexico dealt ono blow,
Russia another, and it is not surprising to
find Louis Napoleon declaring that "it is neces
sary to accept fraukly the changes that have
taken place on the other side of the Rhine."
But it is equally necessary for him to perfect
his military organization, and to prepare for
an inevitable war, which is simply a question
of postponement.
In all that the Emperor has said In favor of
peace, we recognize little but the fear of war,
and an uneasy consciousness of the dangers
upon which his throne is built. But his dread
of the people is their encouragement and op
portunity. Men like Garibaldi never fail.
Prisons cannot confine their influence, aud
even the grave cannot entomb their spirit.
They are victorious even in defeat, and out of
this ruined invasion of Rome is already born
an unrest and a purpose which will work mira
cles in Europe. Democracy was never stronger
than it is now, and if we need a proof of its
strength, it is found in the accomplishment of
German -unity. It was not Bismark that
accomplished that; he appealed to the German
people, and when they answered him, Austria
was forced to be silent, and France mutely
beheld the arbitration of Europe passing out
of her hands forever.
The Royal Speeches.
From the N. Y. Herald.
The English Parliament and the French
Legislature have .both been formally opened
with speeches from the throne. The Emperor
appeared and delivered his speech iu person.
The Queen's speech was read by a royal com
mission. There i3 some food for thought in
this difference. The Emperor of France re
tains his popularity and his power by doing
his own work. The Queen I0308 her popu
larity and her power by leaving her work to
be done by others. Many things might be
said on this subject, if we felt disposed to go
into particulars. This much, at least, it is
safe to say, that if a little less of Napoleouism
would be a blessing to France, a little more of
Napoleonisni would be a blessing to England.
Where monarchy exists, its success depends on
the avoidance of two opposite extremes. Too
much projected, monarchy is liable to beooine
a bore; too little projected, it is liable to be
come a nuisance. We have the two extremes
exemplified in France and England. Napo
leon is too much of a despot; Victoria is too
much of an automaton. It is no longer to be
denied that if the French people had occasion
to complain that the Government is too much
in the hands of one man, the English people
are of opinion that a little more of Napoleon-
ism is the thing which, of all others, they most
need, llie fashionable world of London, in
cluding, of course, the WeBt End shopkeepers,
are heartily sick of the Queen's retirement.
This feeling has been very much aggravated
by the protracted illness of the Priuoess of
Wales. Even the English people will get
tired oi monarcny u it cannot or will not keep
up the excitement of a court.
The Queen's speech does not appear to have
naa any special excellence. We do not forget,
of course, that the speech wa3 comoosed bv
Lord Derby and his henohraan Disraeli. It
seems to have been guarded and cautious in
the extreme. It it erred at all, it erred by
defect. The Emperor's speech, on the other
hand, was full and exhaustive. It is his own
speech an expression of the thoughts of his
own active and observant mind and no one
can read it without feeling that it is worthy of
the ruler of a great country. Wre are not
imna aamirers or the Jsniperor Napoleon. We
think he has made during his reign some great
and serious mistakes. But perfection is not to
be looked for in mere mortality, even if that
mortality should be found to live in the persons
of imperial philosophers. History will con
demn him for the part he has played in the
September Convention business; but history
will justify the conclusion he has arrived at
in regard to the consolidation -of Germany.
We are not satisfied that the Emperor i3 quite
pleased to have on his northern border so
powerful a neighbor as Prussia has become;
but he has shown his wisdom by yielding
gracefully and in time to that which he can
uot resifct. We cannot say that Napoleon has
never attempted the impossible, but we can
fay that he has never stupidly persisted in
the attempt. In this Roman difficulty Napo
leon has a heavy task on hand; but we are
not without reasons for believing that, if life
is Fpared him, he will bring it to a satisfac
tory issue. The September Convention un
questionably rendered his interference neces
sary; but though originally, in our opinion, a
grand mistake, the September Convention may
prove the means of finally and satisfactorily
settling the Roman question. No' one is now
more fully convinced than Napoleon hlm?elf
that the Pope, to remain a great spiritual
ruler, mu3t cease to be a temporal priuoe. It
will be seen, from the Emperor's re
ma. ka, that the efficiency of the army
is the object of his constant solici
tude. It is equally manifest from the
t nor of his speech that a European war Is no
lunger to be decided. To be ready for any
euiergeuoy ia wise policy; but his desire to
maintain the el!iuiouy of the army does not
imply that the Emperor wishes war. It
is gratifying to loara that the Western
Powers are as one as to the polloy to be pur
sued in the East. If the doctors do not tender
too much advice the "Sick Man" may yet be
come convalescent. The Kowau question Is
mu uui uiuiuijiij imjiDinuu ii n on uis nanus.
He has, he tells us, called to his aid the dif
ferent European powers; but it remains to be
seen whether they will respond to his call.
Napoleon ought not to wait for their advice.
He is strong enough to complete the work
whioh he has begun in Italy. The real
crowning of the edifice would be the dissolu
tion of the temporal power of the Papacy. It
was a French Emperor who laid the founda
tion of that power. It is fitting, now that its
work is done, that a l'rencu Emperor should
bring it to naught. The work of the seoond
Charlemagne might thus be greater than that
of the uist.
. Concrete and tbe Prophet.
From the N. Y. Time.
The" fact that Congress met and adjourned
until Monday is a suggestive commentary on
the sayings of certain prophets who foretold
haste and vengeance. According to these pre
dictions, not an hour was to be lost after the
expiration of the prescribed interval. We were
assured that the members impatiently awaited
the chance of showing what they could do, an 1
that within three days of their reassembling
they would be in the midst of work. Why else
were they averse to waiting until the day ap
pointed for the regular session f Why, if not
on the supposition that the business before
them was too urgent to be deferred f
Only the reputation of the prophets suffers
from tbe non-fulfilment of their prophecies;
Congress does not. Their loss is its gain. It
has shown discretion, which is more glorious
than a ferocious spirit. It has evinced a dis
position to wait; and waiting implies coolness,
reflection, judgment, and sense qualities
which are more noticeable because differing
from the passions imputed to it by the
prophets.
The Judiciary Committee's report on im
peachment is promised for Monday, aud we
trust there will be no further delay in its pre
sentation. The sooner that subject is disposed
of the better. It has been used as a bugbear
quite long enough. Now give us the whole
benefit of the investigation. Tell ns what the
Committee have discovered, and what they
think of their discoveries. Bring the matter
to an issue, and end it one way or another. If
a tragedy is in rehearsal, preparations should
be made for its solemnities; if a force, get it
over, and clear the stage for weightier per
formances. For in the coming session Congress must
think of more than its own pleasure. It is
charged with more than the good name of its
members. The credit and future of the party
it represents is in its keeping. Its aotion will
confer renewed success on the Republican
party, or ntail upon it disaster. The states
manship of the party is on its trial, and by
the work of next sesssion will it be judged.
If the House will remember its responsibilities
in this respect, we shall not hear much after
next week of impeachment, or of the other
extreme measures of which the prophets have
positively spoken. They will be set aside
summarily, to make loom for more creditable
projects.
Liberality and wisdom in the final adjust
ment of the reconstruction question fairness
and sagacity in the disposal of currency diffi
culties vigor, impartiality, and good faith in
curtailing the expenditures of Government
boldness, thoroughness, and promptitude in
the reduction of burdens, and the equitable
apportionment of taxes that are to be levied
these are the more obvious of the many prac
tical questions with which the fortunes of the
Republican party are identified. Congress
cannot evade them if it would, and its treat
ment of them will determine its own fate.
Works, not faith, will achieve its salvation.
The Currency Question.
From the N. Y. Timet.
A hard fight is impending between the sup
porters of Mr. McCulloch's policy of contrac
tion and the Western champions of expansion.
Both sides are already busy in Washington,
and we anticipate a series of demonstrations on
the subiect whenever Congress begins its work.
The currency is evidently to be one of the big
tnings oi tne session, and unless moderation
and good sense assert their supremacy at the
outset, the mere agitation of the question will
be injurious.
The business of the country suffers now
more seriously from doubt and uncertainty
than from any other cause. There is no actual
despondency no general apprehensien of pro
longed disaster; but there is a wide-spread
want of confidence as a result of the absence
of all fixedness in the purposes and policy of
the Government. This evil will be aggravated
from the moment Congress becomes the battle
ground of the conflicting interests which rely
on legislation for relief. On the main issue
the opposing parties are respectively strong
enough to command attention.
Mr. McCulloch's .plan is in the main sus
tained by the Senate, while in the House its
opponents preponderate. No immediate danger
of rash legislation therefore exists rinoe now,
as in the last session, the Senate may be relied
upon to arrest any measure promoting infla
tion. But by raising the question in an ugly
form, and keeping it constantly prominent,
the inflationists of the House may effect as,
much mischief, temporarily, as though they
were actually in the ascendant. If suffered to
go on unchecked, they may unsettle every
thing, and by disturbing the publio faith in
values, may stimulate speculation. No busi
ness man will know what to buy or how to
sell so long as there is a possibility of infla
tion. And the positiveness with which that
measure will be urged by the Western Repre
sentatives will excite misgivings which the
known conservatism of the Senate will but
partially mitigate.
The inability of either House to do more
han frustrate the action of the other will
deepen the interest which attaches to the con
test, and add force to its disturbing influences.
No confidence can be felt in the future of a
question which may at any time be revolu
tionized by th change of half-a-dozen votes.
The House cannot hope to carry the expan
sion theory into practice, or even to reverse
unqualifiedly the Treasury prooess of contrac
tion. Nor can the Senate feel assured of its
ability to supplement rejection of inflation
with the maintenance undisturbed of the
Treasury measures. In such circumstances,
a deadlock is always imminent, and while
that exists, or is feared, there can be no in
centive to enterprise, and certainly no safety
for trade.. Only speculators can then hope to
thrive.
Some early arrangement therefore appears
desirable, as well to utilize tire time of Con
gress as to preserve the country from need
less embarrassment. If the inflationists are
not strong enough to attain their object, and
i( tie advocates of contraction are too weak to
retain all the ground they now occupy, what
would seem to be the rational course f Will
it be better to keep the question open, with
all its chances and annoyauces, or to olose it
s peedily, though at the cost of cherished pre
ferences f . " . ", ,. - . ... .
OLD RYE
THE LARGEST
FINE OLD
In tho Land
HENRY S.
Nos. 218 and 220 Eeuth FEOIiT Street,
WHOOriEB THE BANK IO THE IBiDE, IN LOTH, ON YERY AV ATAUFOIT
TERMS.
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Wharf, or at Bonded Warehouse, as parties may elect.
ENGLISH CAB PE TINGS.
NEW coon OF out OWN importation just arrived.
ALSO. A CIIOICE 8KLECTION OF
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TRICES FOR t'ASII, prior to Removal, in January next, to New Store, now
building, No. Chesnut street.
REEVE L.
Ill U tbatuSm
Our own convictions have been in favor of
contraction, and we suggest a modification of
the law under which it has been carried ou
simply as a matter of expediency. We believe
that a compromise might be effected now with
no further surrender of principle than is im
plied in the stoppage of contraction. If there
be a desire to contend for words, let it be said
that contraction is for a season suspended.
Let what has been done remain undisturbed.
And on the hypothesis that more greenbacks
cannot be called in without damage to mercan
tile interests, and that the discretionary power
vested in the Secretary is a menace from
which these interests should be freed, let it be
declared that reliance will hereafter be placed
upon the growing wants of the country to
absorb any existing surplus in the volume
of currency. By assuming this ground
avowedly as a compromise, the inflationists
may be deprived of the only auxiliaries that
can render them formidable, the opposition to
the Treasury will be reduced to one of degree,
and not of principle, and the country will re
joice in a settlement which, while apparently
postponing specie payments, will remove
the uncertainty which, for some time past,
has paralyzed all departments of business.
The opportunity is one which Mr. McCulloch
shonld-not neglect. By a graceful surrender
of points which he can scarcely hope to retain,
he may conciliate a moderate and powerful
interest which the experience of the last year
has alienated from him, and may counteract
the efforts in which the advocates of intHtion
are engaged. The attainment of these ends is
surely worth a trial.
Civil nights for tha Kefrrosa.
Frcm the iv". Y. World.
According to the best judgment that can at
present be formed, the Demooratio party, in
order to carry the Presidential election, must
gain enough additional States to overbalance
the eleotoral votes of the eleven which were
members of the Southern Confederacy. Con
sidering the large majority by which Brown
low was reelected, the Republioan3 may count
on Tennessee; and they expect to control the
other ten by the votes of the negroes in the
reconstructed governments. If no electoral
votes were to be counted exceDt from the
States which participated in the election of
ISU4, the Uemoorats have already gained
enough to elect a President. If the South
were relieved of military coeroion, we should
earry the eleotion by a most overwhelming
majority. But we must not overlook the facts
of the situation because they are disagreeable.
It is the present radical Congress that will
have the counting of the votes; and we should
pay that reckless body a compliment it does
i ot deserve if we supposed any scruples would
stand in the way of their buocobs. ,
It seems pretty well settled, therefore, that
the Democratic party must not only forego any
expectation of assistance from the South, but
must make additional gains in the North to
cancel the votes of the eleven States excluded
in 1BG4. The labor which yet remains is to
proselytize more citizens who have aoted with
the Republican party. If we fail by the lack
of a single electoral vote, It will be as bad for
the country as if we should get no eleotoral
votes at all. Nor must we build anything
upon the hope that the Republicans will
split and run two candidates. We should ac
complish less in that case than against the Re
publican party united. One of its segments
would be a half-way house to detain voters.
.The election would go into the House, where
the radical candidate would be elected even
if he had not a tenth of the electoral votes.
If, by nominating General Grant, or any other
blinding device, the Republican can prevent
our gaining Htates enough in the West to
balance the reconstructed negroes, we shall
be no better off, for any practical purpose,
than we were in 1MJ4, although we are already
certain of a majority of the electoral votes
given in that election.
It will be seen from this exhibit that Demo
crats who have such an overweening sense of
the party strength as to think there is no fur
ther netd of proselytizing Repoblioans, are
uuwit-e counsellors. If we cannot make out a
(anefltUd to satisfy candid Republicans, we
tdiall run a vigorous and splendid raoe, but
fail to win the prize. The essential require
ment is to gain States enough to balance the
Southern rotten boroughs. The crisis is too
important for us to act oa mistaken calcula
tions. If Ve expect to succeed, we must not
be pulled up by our late resplendent successes,
but proceed upon such plain princ iples of jus
tice aud conciliation as will strengthen our
hold upon publio coi.fi lence -and extend our
victories.
We need to present a just and reasonable
platform on the negro question; one which
will not repel moderate Republicans and on
which the Demooratio party can be thoroughly
united. The negro question is the knot of
the difficulty, and we cannot ignore it, There
are some points on which there is the most
entire and decided unanimity among Demo
crats, and on which the fixedness of their
views is no hindrauoe to success. We be
lieve, for example, all as one man, that the
control of the suffrage belongs to the States,
and can never be given to the Federal Govern
ment without a gross violation or an amend
ment of the Constitution. Our strenuous
.WHISKIES.
AND BEST STOCK OF
RYE 17 H I G II IE 3
is now Possessed by
IIANNIS' & CO..
&ITIGIIT & SON,
NO. SOT 'UENNOT STREET.
conviction on this head should not prejudice
our cause with honest Republicans, for Re
publican legislatures .have this very year
acted on the right in the Northern States,
and even Congress dares not deny it in rela
tion to the South except by subterfuges which
are easily exploded. But if we can get this
right fully acknowledged, we shall gain all
that is most essential. When the subjeot
sinks from a national to a State question, it
will no longer be a dangerous element of
discord.
Another point on which all Democrats are
agreed is the unfitness of the Southern negroes,
just let loose from brutalizing servitude, to
make a wise use of the elective franchise. If
the privilege should be conferred upon them '
by the unextorted consent of the States, we
should regret and deprecate, but could not
constitutionally resist it. But the subjeot is
presented in a different aspeot when the rights
of the States and the fitness of things are to
be violated by the same stroke; when the
national Government, instead of keeping quiet
in a business that does 'not concern it, inter
meddles to accomplish a mlsohievous object.
There are many Democrats who would not
withhold their approval of a' qualified negro
suffrage, suoh as has long been established in
New York; but there is no Democrat who,
either as a citizen of a State or of the Union,
would consent to take any step to promote
universal negro suffrage.
On these two points the Domocratio party
is unanimous; but if the first were conoeded,
Democrats would attach comparatively little
importance to "the second, believing that the
subject can be safely left to the authority of
the State, and that the people of one State
are not called upon to intermeddle with the
suffrage in another. But there are many Re
publicans, not averse In other respeots to
act with ns, who require to be convinced
of the safety of leaving this question to the
decision of the Southern States. The consti
tutional argument, though conclusive, does
not impress them so long as their sense of .
justice is not satisfied. They desire some
stable assurance that the negroes will be pro
tected in their rights, and so long as negro
suffrage seems to them the only secure bar
rier against oppression, they will refuse to aot
with the Democratic party. Now policy, as
well as justice, requires us to concede, with
every token of sinoerity, the fullest enjoyment
of all civil rights to the negroes-. The right to
buy and sell, to learn and practise every art
and trade, to hold real estate, to sue and give
testimony in all the courts, to suffer no other
or greater punishments than are inflicted on
white citizens for the same offenses, are rights
which the whole Demooratio party must admit
to belong to the negroes; not grudgingly, but
from a free and spontaneous sense- of justioe.
The suffrage is demanded for them on the pre
tense that is necessary for the proteotion of
th eir civil rights. We must rebut this pre
tencs by showing that their civil riehts are
perfectly secure without the elective franchise. I
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