2
THE DAILY EVE1S ING TELEGRAPH PHILADELPHIA, TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 19, 1867.
SPIItlT OF THE PMESS.
Iditorial oronoirs or thi UADnra jourhals
pro ccb&btt rones oomptlkd itbbt
DAT FOB THI 1VBSI59 TaLMBAPH.
HaJofOeneral SlckW".
From the N. Y. Tribune
The President has issued an order mustering
General Sickles out of the service. We hare
teen expecting this for sometime, although we
Loped that His Excellency would refrain from
an aot of vfnclfotlveness towards a gallant sol
dier. General Siokles retires to the grade of a
colonel, to be ordered, perhaps, to proceed to
YValrusBia, and report to General Rousseau,
Trho was promoted by Johnson as a partisan
of his policy, and confirmed by the Senate not
withstanding. There are one or two points
about the career of General Sickles which
make this peculiarly vindictive. When seces
sion was threatened in the House, Sickles,
then a Democratic member from New York,
made a speech as patriotic as that which gave
Johnson his fame. When the Sumter guns
were fired he was among the first Democrats
to volunteer, and he raised the first brigade
that entered the service. lie served through
the war, loBing his leg at Gettysburg, and
gaining a military distinction which no other
military officer from civil life has surpassed.
When reconstruction became necessary,
General Siukles was continued in his com
mand. He possessed the confidence of the
l'resident in a large degree. Of all the recon
struction commanders, he was the one in whom
the President most confided. As the policy of
Mr. Johnson developed its antagonism to the
country, General Sickles used his best efforts
to warn him of the danger of his course, of its
injustice to the freedmen and the loyalists of
the South, of the impossibility of restoring the
Union upon any basis but that of liberty,
mercy, and justice. When the Reconstruction
act was passed, no commander was more
earnest to execute the will of the people. His
administration of the Carolinas exhibited a
broad, generous, intrepid statesmanship. Jus
tice was done to all. The freedmen were pro
tected. The Rebels were not oppressed. We
remember how he made the Rebels respect the
flag, and how swiftly he put his sword through
the laws which sought to restore the lash for
the negro. When famine threatened the
people, the foresight of Siukles prevented its
coming. But he ceased to please Mr. Johnson.
He could not carry out the infamous policy
Which the President sought to impose on the
country, and, in defiance of the wishes of Con
gress, he was removed. That removal is now
followed by his degradation from tho rank of
a major-general.
The people will insist that Congress shall
grant some compensation. It is dreadful to
Bee one after another of our champions stricken
down for devotion to us, while men like Rous
seau are promoted. Terry is banished from
Richmond, Sheridan is whirled out to Kansas,
Sickles is reduced to his colonelcy. We pre
sume Howard will follow. The President
seems resolved to punish every man within
his reaoh who dares to oppose his policy. At
the same time he succeeds in coaxing Congress
to confirm his favorites. This must end; and
Congress should, if possible, make an exam
ple of the case of Siokles. No officer has
sacrificed more to the cause of liberty and jus
tice, and our representatives should find a way
of rewarding him.
Gen ral Grant for President.
From IheN. Y. 7Ymr.
We have received a great many communi
cations touching General Grant's political
jpoaiiitui, ttuu uigiu uis iiuuiiuatiuu ivi tuo
Presidency. We see no good to be accom
plished by publishing them. General Grant's
nomination cannot be effected by newspaper
pressure, nor by political or party appeals of
any kind nor ought it, if it could. Elabo
rate arguments to prove him a radioal, and
equally elaborate arguments to prove him a
conservative, will do him no good, and we
trust they will do him no harm. If he is
nominated at all, it will not be beocuse he is
specially acceptable to any party, nor to serve
the purposes of any action. It will be be
cause the people feel that he is needed to
Serve the country. It will be because there is
a great work to be done, and because he is
recognised as preeminently ihe man to do it.
What the country needs now more than
anything else is pacyication. We need peace
not only in form, but in fact, peace that shall
Involve harmony of sentiment, unity of pur
pose and of feeling among the people of the
sections lately at war. Without such a peaoe
as this, nothing else that we may think we
have secured will be worth a straw. We may
force negro suffrage upon the South, and main
tain it by the bayonet; but until it is there by
Some dillerent tenure than that, it will be a
curse instead of a blessing to all concerned,
and especially to the -negroes themselves.
When negro suffrage can be established in the
South with the assent of the Southern people
an assent based on the conviction that it is in
, tended for the common good, and is not simply
another form of hostile force, it will consolidate
' Southern political society, and contribute
largely to the good of the whole country, bat
this state of things cannot be reached until
peace the spirit of peace, as well as its form
is restored to the section lately at war. And
the same thing is true of all the changes and
reforms which should follow in the South as
the results of the war. We may force thetn
upon the Southern States as upon a conquered
Section. We may maintain them there by
military power. Hut so long a3 this is the
only hold they have upon the Southern people,
they will only breed strife and contention not
contribute to the peace and Strength of the
common country. The South will regard
them ae simply force in another form.
. peai mibtake in what has been done
Since the war waa cio,M, is that it has been
done in the spirit aud temper of conquerors
dealing with a cohered people-. After a war
between xnaeuendeut nations peace comes only
through a treaty a compact to which both are
equal parties; it is not imposed by the victor
Without the consent ol th vanquished and
" maintained by a constant display of armed
' power. Such a cWe of war would not be
peace. It would have nothing of the spirit of
, peace. It would heal none of the woands
soothe none of tho asperities, allay none of the
' hatreds which the war had caused; and this is
far more true of the peace that should follow
, a war lttween contending sections ol th same
country. . The tonus i)f peace in such a case,
...... i i.i. r
II 1118 10 Drillg Willi u wo Jiuui vi jirnoH,
.,.,, on1, ii (I,.. 1 ii.lcriripnt of hiith
parties can approve and such as both
can aouept without a sense of humiliation,
'i'he President's policy had this foature to
recommend it at all events. Whether right
rwroitfriu ita (Utails, it made the South an
atsKt-itiug and a willing, parly to the peace
' whkih it sought to bring about. And the
dtf&ct W e r;ll; at Coi.6rd baa lc ja,
that it springs from a different temper and
breathes a different spirit. Whether right or
wrong in its details, it is imposed upon the
Booth by force. It goes out under threats
backed up by military power, and enforced as
an act and badge of subjugation rather than
offered as a basis of peace which both parties
can accept with honor, and as conducive to
their common interests. Differences of detail
would have been very easily adjusted, if the
subject had been thus approached in the spirit
of a real and substantial peace.
But this has not been done. We are as far
from real peace to-day as we were when the
war was closed. Indeed, the feeling that now
prevails between the two sections is less peace
ful, more bitter and more hostile, than it was
when Lee surrendered to Grant. The people
feel this to be the fact, and they deplore it as
calculated to plunge the country deeper and
deeper into trouble and oonfusion. We are
not coining out of the war with either credit
to ourselves or profit to the country. We are
simply prolonging its enmities and widening
the breach which the cessation of armed strife
ought to have closed. Nor does the progress
of reconstruction, under the law of Congress,
promise speedy relief. That is regarded as a
hostile act by the people of the Southern
States as intended to overturn and humiliate
them, and as calculated to disorganize thuir
society and destroy their prosperity.
The coming Presidential election will bring
this matter to an issue. If the Democratic
party should elect a President representing
the principles and policy to which they have
adhered throughout the war, we should have
the whole contest to be fought over again, in
the political arena, if not in the field of arm.
If the Republicans, on the other hand, should
elect one of their "representative men" a
politician who has achieved distinotiou by
waging a war of sentiments aud ideas against
the South, he would carry the bitterness thus
engendered into his administration of public
allairs, and would renew the asperities of a
contest which had been finally and victoriously
closed. In either case pacification would not
be secured. That can be brought about on'y
by an administration which shall inherit none
of the hatreds and heats of former contests,
and which can act with no other trammels than
such as a supreme regard for the honor of
the country, and the permanent welfare its
free institutions may impose.
We believe the people of the whole country
recognize the necessity of such an administra
tion, and recognize General Grant as its
proper head. No section, no class, and no
party distrusts his patriotism, his practical
wisdom, or his magnanimity. We believe the
Springfield Republican is quite right in saying
that very many members of the Republican
party have looked to him, from the very close
of the war, as more likely than any other
man in the nation to reconcile both sections
to each other and to such a policy of adminis
tration as the good of the nation might require.
Thus far he has done nothing to forfeit that
opinion. His hold upon the country has
grown stronger with every day's experience of
his temper, his opinions, and his character.
The South would accept from his hands, and
under his administration, measures which,
from one more identified with the strife of
parties, they would reject and resent as in
sulting to their pride and hostile to their inte
rests. He would have their confidence instead
of exciting their distrust. And he would thus
be able, far beyond any other man, to restore
peace to the country, put an end to sectional
strife, and enable us to legislate for the com
mon good of the common country.
The Commerce of South America Our
Steamship Wind.
From the JV. Y. Herald.
While the commercial world is looking west
ward for its greatest development, the fact that
an immense and valuable section of the globe
lies to the south of us appears to be almost
entirely ignored, at least neglected by our men
of enterprise and by our Governmeut. In the
meantime the other nations are seizing with
the greatest avidity all those splendid oppor.
tunities which exist in the South American
countries to build up a vast foreign commerce.
There is scarcely a month that passes in which
we fail to chronicle the establishing of some
new steamship route on the part of France or
England. The enormous advantages reaped
can alone be computed by taking into cen
sideration the e fleet of steam eominunication
between two countries. A thousand new en
terprises spring into active existence as soon
as a new line is established. A quiofc ana cer
tain passage to a foreign port induces the busi
ness men of the country to send out agents to
report upon opportunities for profitable Invest
ment of capital. The wants of a foreign people
become known before it is too late to supply
them, as in case of the knowledge gained
through sailing ships. The steamers, more
over, offer a medium for a more rapid turning
of capital, and consequently its freer invest
ment, buch. facilities create new demands,
and new demands draw upou the energies of a
people in the form of increased supply. This
is eminently proven by the lines which have
been established. The commerce of England
and France with different countries has, thus
far, increased in an arithmetical ratio with the
steamship facilities which they have forced
into existence and fostered under all ciroum-
btances. Upon the west coast of South
America the English have absorbed nearly the
entire steam trallio, and consequently made it
an especial avenue for the promotion of
English enterprise, as opposed to the com
mercial development of any other people.
The advantages aocruing to them are best
shown by the fact that the English control the
greater part of. the trade of Chili, Bolivia,
IVru, and New Granada. So profitable has
this steamship policy shown itself in indirect
ienetit3, ns well as direct, that a new line is
now started from Valparaiso to England yia
the btraits of Magellan aud Kio Janeiro.
The east coast of South America presents a
scarcely different pioture from the west coast,
so far as American steamships are concerned.
We have there, as elsewhere, let the vast and
growing trade pour its wealth into European
coffers, ccarcely attempting to divert it into its
more natural channel, the United Mates. We
liuve quietly looked cn and seen the first
English steamship line tap tie Brazilian trade,
and struggle upwards by national aid until
Euglish commerce with Brazil grew in a few
years to a gigantio figure. Then came an Eng
lish line from Rio Janeiro to La Plata, aud the
vast and most fertile valley of South America
looked towards England for its supplies and its
principal trade, while all over its territory
rapid communication with the mother country
enubled English capital to grasp the magnlli-et-ut
opportunities to develop the countries
interna, ly and turn their resultant advantages
towards England.
The French, with' eyes wide Open to the
great trnth demonstrated by England, that
Uaaui lilies are absolute necessities to cotn
luer.ial graUiess,. have made wonderful
stride in the past Un years. Their lines tap
(south America along the . east coast and up
the 1 late river to Jiuerjos Ayres
The epWdid country of IMivla-the Alto
Peru out of which the' Spaniard re?' such
3 larva. 01 wealth-Is R0W skia to de
velop her commerce in a new direction. Here
tofore, almost her entire exports and imports
have, on the backs of men and mules, in a six
hundred mile journey, crossed the Andes to
the Pacific; and from the miserable ports of
Pern and Bolivia, bordering the Atacama
desert, the trade has made the Cape Horn
transit to and from the commeroial marts of
the world.
The f fl'orts which have heretofore been made
to pivo all this commerce an eastern aud natu
ral flow have proved unavailing, beoause the
policy of Brazil has closed the Amazon river
to foreign trade. The late decree, however, of
the Brazilian Government opening the Amazon
to commerce gives Jtolma new lite and hope.
We see now that Colonel Quiutin Quevedo,
late Envoy Extraordinary from Bolivia to
Mexico, is on his way to Rio Janeiro to con
clude a full commercial treaty with Brazil,
looking to the openinz of the splendid navi
gable aftluents of the Amazon aud La Plata
uvers in Bolivia. It is fortunate that lion via
has selected so energetio and able an agent to
close such a treaty at once. Brazil can but
derive immense advantages from it. Our men
of enterprise cannot be too active in endeavor
ing to grasp this Bolivian and South Ameri
can trade. Could they look into English,
Spanish, and French coffers, and see the im
mense returns which have aoorued from the
quiet prosecution of South American com
merce, they would open their eyes to the fact
that there is an East Indian empire to the
south of us which only requires the magic
touch of our energies to turn its wonderful
riches into American channels.
Thus far we have one steamship line to Rio
Janeiro, which has been forced into existence
entiiely by private energy. Another local line
is struggling into notice on the Plata and Bra
zilian coast. Both of these steamship compa
nies promise immense advantages to our trade
in that direction. But these are not enough.
We must have a complete steamship system
tapping the trade of the whole of South
America. It must equal, if not exceed, in
facilities the English and French lines. To
do this the United States must give its un
qualified aid not only aid by appropriations,
but also look to the interior of the countries
which we propose to open. Send men of brains
to represent our national interests there and
watch the political developments which are so
largely influenced by France aud England. We
must have men who can compete with the
representatives of other countries in South
America. .Let Congress shape us, then, a
broad commercial policy, and assist in giving
us a thorough system of steam lines which
shall turn the commerce of the world to our
t-horea.
The Constitution Expounder.
Fom the N. Y. Tribune.
Binckley must hide his diminished head;
for a greater than Binckley is here t The
publio has not yet forgotten the luminous aud
voluminous opinions last summer of our dis
tinguished President's distinguished Attorney
General, Mr. Stanbery, in reference to the Mili
tary Reconstruction laws of March 2 and March
24, 1867. In the very teeth of these laws he
decided officially that, throughout the South,
every Rebel was to be his own registrar, and
that our army there, arid the Military Com
manders of these Southern Departments, were
but a posse comitatus to carry out the will of
Rebel lioveruors and Mayors. lie then rested
from his labors, and since that time the bril
liant Binckley has illuminated the world with
opinions and decisio is in his stead.
But the Attorney-General, evidently envious
of his Assistant's fame, has just appeared in
print, over his own initials, in the National
Jntelligencer, to prove that the first session of
the Fortieth Congress, commencing by a law of
the last Congress on March 4, lsu7, and not
yet concluded, is, notwithstanding A. J.'s sis
natures to its bills and the vetoes with which
he has honored it, an unconstitutional assem
blage. In this remarkable newspaper opi
nion, he quotes the Constitution correctly as
toilows:
"The Congress shall assemble at least once
in every year, and such meeting shall be on
me nrst Monday of Uecember, unless they
fauaa ny law appoint a mtierent day."
That quotation upsets all his argument, for,
l. It shows that Congress must meet "at
hast once in every year," plainly declaring
mat it mau meet oitener.
2. Such meetings must be on a certain day,
"unlets they shall by law appoint a different
dav."
3. The law of January 22, 1867, which he
quotes, enacts that, in addition to the Decem
ber meeting, there shall be in the first year of
each congressional term an additional meet
ing, commencing on the 4th of March.
Thus the law has carried out the Constitu
tional provision "that Congress shall assemble
at cu.sf once in every year," and has also "by
taw" provided mat there snail be two sessions
in the first year, one commencing in March
and the other in December, the days being
specifically "appointed" in the 'law."
And yet Mr. Stanbery, after making these
quotations, gravely declares that "it (the Con
etitut'on) does not authorize Congress to pro
vide lor an additional meeting," etc. We can
scarcelv wonder that this argument is made a
newspaper article instead of an officially pub
lished opinion.
Attorn y-Ctueral Stanbery on the
Meeting of Congreaf.
From the JV. Y. World.
That most clear-headed and sensible of
writers, Dr. Paley, in the preliminary chapter
of his "Evidences," makes this statement:
' "But the Rhort cont-ldevatlon which, lnde
nendentlv of every other, convinces mo that
there in no solid foundation la Mr. Hume's
conclusion, is tho following: When a Uieuroiu
Is proposed to a mathematician, the 11 rut thiog
liediK-H with It is to try It upou a simple o ise,
and Hit produce a false result, lie Is sure that
mere must ne some mimase la iuu ucmuu
sinufc-n."
It is not always, nor perhaps often, that a
piece of political or legal reasoning oan be sub
mitted to a like simple and decisive test. One
of the few such instances is furnished by the
SBtnte argument of Mr. Stanbery iu the
JXatioiiul JittelUteitccr against the COUStltu
tional validity of the several sessions of the
Fortieth Conpress prior to the first Monday In
December. The oonsequeuces which would
follow, instead of prejudicing us against Mr
citauberv's reasoning, would rather prepossess
us in its favor. If the meetings he impugos
were without any constitutional authority, aud
had no right to be held, all tho acts passed at
them would be null quite irrespective of the
authoritv of a Concreps constitutionally assem
bled to pass them. We wish this oonolusiou
stood on solid crounda, but we must not per
mit our wishes to tamper with our sense of
logical cogency. The Attorney-oenerai, ue
Miita his imrenious loasouinir. is clearly wrong
aud we think it onr duty to save those with
whom we associate from Indorsing an uuteu
able position. We expeot to make his error
so apparent as to foreclose any further discus
sion of the subject. We are happily uuder no
necespjty of following the steps of hia technical
ami iawyerlika reasoning; but to make our
argument ' intelligible, we must exhibit his
positions; which can be most aasilv and f!r1
done by quotations:
"It Is true the term for whioh momH.-.
elected, whether Benntorn or Keprenentatl vos
commences and In dated from t he ih of Maroti-
I ... I . 1 . ( (4.UU B. . 4. . .... . . .
vT-n uuv mirct i ii time ii leu lor ine
regular annual seHHinna to commence. Anew
ConarrRM cannot meet under the conaUtatlnnal
fiiovixjou, ueiore men mi Monday in Pecember
unions convened In the Interim hv th Pro.i.
ilent. Hence, unleNH ConuresN, 'hy law, appoint
a different day' for such regular an mul
slonH, there can be nooonatliullorial meeilnuof
li eCorcrtss t rior to the flral, Mondiiv in ln.
cembt-r; any meeting of the Congress In the In-
lerveiung period would ne an ext ra neHHloii, and
ran only be railed by the l'reKKH-nt, on an ex
traordinary occasion demanding it, el which he
Is In Judge.
"The CoiiRttlutlon does not anvwhpr. In anv
other way. provide for any other than a regular
m scion oi vne inngreHK. Jl il en not authorize
I'ouMCfcs to provide for rui 'additional meet
ing,' bin simply gives them power to omtnge
the day for auch regular meeting from tho tlmi
Monday In December by appointing, a different
Ony.
i nere is a nrai ami seoond sesalon or each
Con "lew : and n rueetinu of a imw Cong-remi
eommerciiig before the time thus fixed by the
l onMiiuuon ior u to nstemuip iu regular legis
lative peeslon cannot hn legalized by calling It
'an additional session,1 or an 'additional meet-
1, paf
"Hence there 1 no room for any 'additional
FPhslon ol tho same Congrosa.otherwlNn than In
eztia aeeslon; and an extra acuHion can bo called
only by ihe President; otherwUe the Congress ex
ercises the power not only to convene au extra
Rpfslon, but also to creitte an extraordinary
orceniion ior it, and to convene It on sucn ex
liaordluary occasion, in contravention of the
powers of the President."
There ia obviously no soundness in this doo-
trine unless it applies to every Congress alike
to the First' as well as the Fortieth. Every
Congress in the whole serhja possesses pre
cisely the same powers, all being derived from
the same common origin, ihe constitution.
ihe powers conceded to any must be con
ceded to all; the powers denied to any one
must be denied to every one, from the begin
ning downwards. Now, the provision fixing
the first Monday in December for the beginning
of the annual session, unless Congress itself
should otherwise determine, was iu the Consti
tution before Congress assembled for the first
time, on the 4th of March, 178'J. If Mr. Stan
bery is correct, that session was unconstitu
tional and all its acts void. It was
not A meeting on the first Monday
in December, as the Constitution pro
vides. It was not a meeting in pur
suance of a law of Congress fixing a differ
ent day, for Congress had never before met,
and could have passed no such law. It was
not an extra session called by the President, the
electoral votes not having been counted, nor
the President sworn in. There was a necessity
for Congress meeting before there could be a
President. If the members had been of Mr.
Stanbery's opinion, they would, after an in
formal consultation, have forborne to organize,
postponed their meeting to the December fol
lowing, and dispersed to their homes. If they
had been of Mr. Stanbery' s opinion, they must
have felt that all the great acts they passed at
that session, acts for creating the departments
and organizing the Government, acts on which
all it3 operations have depended from that day
to this, would be acts of usurped authority
and constitutionally void.
Mr. Stanbery's fundamental error, consists
in the assumption that the powers of Con
gress respecting its meetings and adjourn
ments are derived from the Constitution; an
error exploded by Jefferson in an ably reasoned
Cabinet opinion prepared in 1700. Jefferson's
reasoning has too much detail to be given.
The positions it supports are thus stated by
himself:
"Each House of Congress possesses this natu
ral rig lit ol governing lisell, aud, consequently,
ol flung IU own times and placesof meeting,
ho far as it has not beeu abridged by the law of
those who employ them; that is to say, by ine
Couhlitution. This act (i. c, the Coiimluiilou)
munlleMly considers them ns possessing this
right of course, and t. ereforo has nowhere
given it to them, lu tlm several passages where
It touches this right, it treats it as au existing
thing, not as one culled into existence by them.
Totvluce this, every passage of the Constitu
tion shall be quoted where the right of ad
journment is touched; and It will be seen that
uooneof them pretends to give that right; that,
ou the contrary, every one Is evidently intro
duced either to enlarge the right wnere it
would be too narrow; to restrain it where, in its
uatun.l and full exercise, it might he too large,
and lead lo iuconveuienoe; to defend It from
the letiUKle of its own phrases, where these
were not meant to comprehend it; or to pro
tide for its exercise by others, when they can
not exercise It themselves."
Such was Jefferson's position; the reasoning
by which he sustained it may be seen by con
sulting his official papers. The right of ad
journment is correlative to that of meeting;
every adjournment which is not sine die having
reference to some future time of meeting.
Both are expressly included by Jefferson, in
the paragraph we have quoted and through
out his argument. In the preceding para
graph he says; "When a certain desuription
of men are to transact together a particular
business, the times and plaoes of their meet
ing and separation depend on their own will;
they make a part of the natural right of self
government." It was in the exercise of this
right that the first Congress assembled on the
4th of March; this is our inference, not Jef
ferson's; he had no occasion to allude to that
"point. It is true that the day was appointed
by the Congress of the Confederation; but sup
posing mr. tianberys doctrine true, what
light had that body to presoribe a violation of
the Constitution f The Constitution gave it
no right to prescribe anything at all on any
subject whatever. This method of bringing
the first Congress together was adopted for
convenience; the authority to assemble de
pended on the consent of the Congress itself.
Every provision of the Constitution should
be interpreted with reference to its objeot. The
object of that which Mr. Stanbery makes the
corner-stone of his reasoning is obviously to
secure meetings of Congress as often at least
as once a year. Fixing the first Monday in
December in case Congress itself does not
adopt a different day, is merely subservient to
that object. It provides against a default of
at least one meeting a year by the negligence
of Congress to fix a day. That it was so un
derstood by the early Congresses is perfectly
evident by the date of their meetings. The
first meeting of the first Congress was on the
fourth of March. The next, instead of being
on the first Monday in December, was on the
fourth of January following. Having held
one session the preceding year, Con
gress had complied with' the Constitution,
and was under no obligation to begin a new
session in December. The third session
opened on the regular day. The first session
of the Second Congress oommenced-on the 2-1 th
of October; its second on the 5th of Novem
ber. As the design of the Constitution in fix
ing a day was merely to make sure of a meet
ing at least once a year in case Congress ne
glected to provide for one, so the design of
authorizing the President to call extra ses
sions was merely to provide for contingencies
which Congress could not foresee, and
remedy the uncertainty of spontaneous meet
ings on extraordinary . occasions. The object
of these provisions was, not to restrain redun
dance, but to supply possible neglect; not to
prevent Congress from sitting as often and as
ioug as It pleased, but to compel Congress p
sit when it might not incline to assemble of its
own will.
Mr. Stanbery holds the extraordinary doc
trine that Congress cuiuot, even by au act of
OLD R YE WE I S K I E S,
THE LARGEST AND BEST STOCK OF
Find OLD RYE W H I O l( I E 5
In tho Land is now Possossod by
HENRY S. HANNIS & CO.,
Nos. 218 and 220 Seuth FBOTJT Street,
wno orrm thk same 10 tub ikade, in lots, on vr.nv idvantaueoci
TKBMS. ,
Their Stock of Bye Whiskies, in Bond, comprises all the favorite brands extant, and runs
through the various months of 1805, 'GG, and of this year, up to present date.
Liberal contracts made for lots to arrive at Pennsylvania Railroad Depot, Eriosson Lin
Wharf, or at Bonded Warehouse, as parties may elect.
ENGLISH OABPETIKGS.
NKW GOODS Or OUt OWN IJIPOBTATION JIIIT ARBITED,
ALSO. A CHOICE SELECTION OP
AMERICAN CARPCTIN CS, OIL. CLOTHS, ETC.
KBftllth Druggstlngi, from half yard to four yards wlrlei Mattings,
Hags, Mats
Our entire stock, including new" goods daily opening, will be offered at LOW
TRICES FOR CASH, prior to Removal, in January next, to New Store, now
building, No. 1222 Chetnut street.
HKEVE L.
11 14 tbstuzm
legislation, provide for more than one session
a year. If there be more than one, it must
be an extra session called by the President.
If the phrase "at least once" can be fairly cou
Stiued to mean "only once," his opinion may
be tenable; but not otherwise. In point of
fact, Congress did provide for meeting in
January, 1790, and met also also in December
of the same year. If it be said that the act
was passed by the same Congress the time of
whose meeting it designated, the remark is
true but not pertinent. As Mr. Webster said,
with the masculine clearness in which he so
much excelled, "Every one at all accustomed
to the consideration of such subjects knows
that every Congress can bind its successors to
the same extent that it can bind itself." But
why should we stand bayoneting the legs of a
theory after the breath is out of its body f
LOOKING- GLAGSEG
OF THB
BEST FRENCII PLATE,
In Every Stylo of Frames,
ON HAND OR MADE TO ORDER.
NEW ART GALLERY,
F. BOLAND a CO.,
11 1 2m2p No. 014 JVI1CH Street.
GROCERIES, ETC.
T R E S H FRUITS, 1867.
PEA CUES), PEARS, PINEAPPLES,
PLUMS, APRICOTS, CHERRIES.
BLAC KBERBIHS, QUINCES, ETC
PRESERVED AWI) FBESIT, IN CANS AND
JLAfcS JARS,
Fat op for onr particular trade, and for sale by the
dozen, or la smaller quantities, by
MITCHELL & FLETCHER,
10 3m NO. 1SQ4 CHESNUT STREET.
JAMES R. WEBB,
TEA DEALER AND GROCER,
S. E. COR. EI6DTII AND WALNUT ST.
Extra Floe Boucbong. or English Breakfast Teas,
Kuperlur Cbulan Teat, very cheap.
OoloDg Teas of every grade.
Young Bison Teas ol finest qualities.
All fresh Imported. S14
RATIONAL UNION
GROCERY AND PROVISION COMPANY.
Groctilti and Provisions at Cost,
OPFICE : No. 235 South THIRD Street.
STORE: Ho. 08 ARCH Street.
Csh Capital SIMM tMt !
IIHident-W1I1LL. D. H4LFMAMN. 1116 1m
SJEW BUCKWHEAT FLOUR,
WHITE CLOVER HONEY,
riBhT OF THE SEASON.
ALLEBT C. ROBERTS,
Dealer lo Flue Groceries,
11 7rp Corner FLTCVENTH and VINE Bla. i
REMOVAL.
JlUJlltVA li.-R KHOYAL.
C. W. A. TRUMPLER
HAS REKCVED HIS MUSIC 8TC3E
FROM SEVENTH AND CIIESNUT STS.
t . to;
Ko. 920 CUES VT STREET, , j
Slitfrp : ' PHIT.ApKr.PnIA.
.firC-! 3 ,T7r.rf'lfF.(mTSTJ
n t I .v "
S 1 MAHl'IAUTIilt Of
STRAPS HA'l CASKS. POCKLf ASOO&Q, ti.fl,3H
...a .r,lliiur OovUiIonutaUf .
WW
KNIGHT & SON,
NO. SOT IIIEKNUT STREET.
WATCrtES, JEWELRY, ETC.
AMERICAN WATCHES,
W. W. CA.8SIDY. No. 12 South SECOND Streot,
Philadelphia, Bs attention to his varied and exten
sive mock ol HOLD BLLVi.lt VVA.lCU.Ei AND
blLVlK WAKK
i'uftlonjers mav be amared that none out the best
article, at reanonable prices, will beRold at hi store.
A One usaoriment of FLatkD-WAUEj constantly on
hand.
Watch en and Jewelry carefully repaired. All ordars
by mall promptly attended to. 11 16 stuihj
LEWIS LADOMUS & CO.,
DIAMOND DEALERS AND JEWELLERS,
No. SOS CHE8NUT BTUKKT,
Wonld Invite the attention of purchasers to their
large stock of
UENTS AND LADIES WATCHES,
Jnst received, ef tbe finest European makers.
Independent quarter, econd, ana selt-wlndlng, la
cold ua cllver cusfs.
AIno, AMitlllUAN WATCDTES of all sizes.
Inamowd feui, Piub, Studn, Kings, etc ""
Coral, Malachite, liaruet, and Etruscan Snts, In
grat variety. ft IMP
bOLIU SILVERWARE of all kinds, Including
large assortnieut suitable lor Bridal Freflenls.;
C. RUSSELL & CO.,
Mo. 2J NORTH S1ITH STREET,
OFFER ONE OF THE LA R CI EST STOCHS
, or
. FINE FRENCH CLOCKS,
OF 1 HEIR OWN IMPORTATION, IN TUB
CITY. 8 26,
AMERICAN WATCHES,
j..,ffiThe best 'h world, sold at Factory Prices,
C. A A. PEQUICNOT,
MANUFACTURERS OF WATCH CASES,
No. 13 South SIXTH Street.
g 8 Manufactory, AO. 22. & FIFTH Street.
gTERLING SILVERWARE MANUFACTORY
NO. 411 LOCUST STREET,
GEO I t Gr 13 S II All P,
t'atentee of the Ball and Cube patterns, manufactures
every description of floe STERLING SILVER
WARE, and cOers for sale, wholesale and retail, a
choice assortment of rich and beautiful goods of new
styles at low prices. 9 2S 8m
J. M. BHAR1. A. ROBERTS.
WINDOW BLINDS AND SHADES
831. CHARLES ' L IXALE, 831,
(Laiefcaleenian and Super! itendenl for B. J. Williams)
NO. 881 ARCH S1REET,!
MANUfACTCBKB 0
VFNETIAN BLINDS AND WINDOW SHADES.
Largest and finest MStrtnienl In the city at the
LOWEST PRICES, r.28 2msp
PFHOLSTERINO IN ALL ITS BRANCHKH.
3a J. WILLIAMS & SONS,
NO, 16 NORTH SIXTH STREET, ,
NANUIACTURER3 OF
VENETIAN JJLINDh
AND
WINDOW SHADES;
Largest and finest assortment In the city at the
LOWEST PRICES.
Repairing promptly attended to.
STORE t-JHADgS made and lettered. 9 2g2m8p
FIRE AND BURGLAR PKOOFSAFE3
C. L. PvlAISER.
IIAHU7ACTCTBKB OW
FIRE AND OUUfilAB-rBOOf
8AFKS,
LOCHSfillTII, ltKI.lrHAN4.IKR, AND
JIKAUU IN mJllll HARDWARE,
I6i NO. AH A BACK STREET.
A LARGE ASSORTMENT OP FIRS
and Pnru'lRr-rroof KA FKS ou band, with Inside
iHiori, Dwelling-house ftttfeB, free from dnntpuwta.
rrU'eSlUW, i,UANSKIIFWKIIKH,
AS Mo. faj VI NK wueat
TITLES?, WEAVER & CO.,
MANUFACTURERS OF
MAIS ILL A AND TARRED CORDAGE, CORDS,
TWINES, ETC. , . . :
No, J3 North WATER ttireet, and i
. ,. No. li North DELAWARK Avenue,
riUCADKLriilA. ' "
-n- ii i-. , l, MlOllitLWSAVIS.
jmw tn. ' 1X141