THE DAILY EVEKIIfG TELEGRAFII PHILADELriHA, MONDAY, NOVEMBER 11, 1867.
SPIRIT OF THE PRESS.
EDitoriai ororcoirs or thi Li&nma jovra.m
vroR cnrmuirr topics compiled ivbky
Pay vox m xTKNina tkuobath.
Kr. Cfeai. tn4 Ills Plana and Praipscts
for th. Pr.ddtn.jr
IVow Vm if. T. Herald.
As the shocking disaster of the first Bull
Han fell upon the loyal States, so hare the
astounding results of the New York eleotion
fallen upon the radical Chase faction. Mr.
Chase himself, alarmed at this fearful catas
trophe, has with the clearing away of the
Smoke from the battle-field deemed it expe
dient to come at. once to this city for the par
pose of considering the extent of the damages
he has suffered and the ways and means of re
pairing them. He has been here for several
days in active consultation with his ralical
friends, and we think the opinion may be
afely ventured that,so far from giving way in
favor of General Grant, Mr. Chase is resolved
henceforth to use all the organized forces and
resources at his command to rale oat Grant,
find to secure for himself the nomination of the
Republican National Convention.
To this end he hat his hundreds of national
banks and other financial agencies to back
him, in addition to that numerous faotion of
fanatics whose ultimatum, sink or swim, is
Universal negro suffrage. lie has, too, a pow
erful body of retainers in both Houses of Con
gress, who will be very apt to shape the legis
lative measures of the coming session in
accordance with his wishes. We may thus
expeot, among other things in the interest of
Mr. Chase, that Southern reconstruction under
the existing laws will be so aotively pushed
forward that all the ten outside Rebel States
Will be reorganised and restored as negro radi
cal States some, if not all, in season for the
Republican Convention, bat all in time to give
their eleotoral votes to Mr. Chase.
gainst these formidable appliances of the
Republican party machinery, the friends of
General Grant have nothing but his popularity
to depend upon. His popularity is great; it
covers all the land; but unless his zealous
friends oan bring this power to bear upon the
Republican Convention, it will avail them
nothing; for we have no doubt that General
Grant is so well satisfied with his position as
General-in-Chief of the armies of the United
States, that he will not oonsent to any Presi
dential nomination bat that of the regular
Republican Convention, and will refuse to run
against Mr. Chase if thus regularly nominated.
The political friends of General Grant, then,
being a sort of unorganized militia, have no
Other course left them but a vigorous agitation
of his olaime and popularity, in publio meet
ings all over the country, such as have already
been commenced in Pennsylvania, with every
indication of oomplete success in au out-aud-out
Grant delegation to the Republican Con
vention from that State.
As the contest now stands, however,, within
the Republican lines, Mr. Chase has the odds
heavily on his side for the manipulation of the
Convention. Assuming that, after all, he will
Seoare it, and be nominated with some such
man as Fenton, Morgan, Stanton, or Geary for
Vice-President, and that General Grant will
decline to run in opposition to this ticket.
What will be the course of the opposition
elements T They have only to nominate Gene
ral Sherman, or some such popular conserva
tive Union soldier, in order to sweep the whole
North, from the Atlantic to the Paciflo, except
ing Massachusetts and Vermont, and, per
haps, Kansas, and thus carry through a
mighty political revolution in 1868 from the
Jiopetul reaction or lbb-7.
This visit of Mr. Chase to New York means
business. He made a desperate but hopeless
fight against Abraham Lincoln for the Repub
lican Convention of 18b'4; it is not to be sup
posed that he will give up the prize of his am
bition or slacken his efforts to gain it with the
machinery which he has secured to work up
the Convention of 1808. When a man gets
the little buzzing bee of the Presidency in his
ear, he can dance to no other musio.till the in
sect is extracted. The two houses of the For
tieth Congress meet again on the 21st instant,
and then we guess not many days will pass
before we shall see that the radicals contem
plate no retreat from negro suffrage and South
ern negro Bupremaoy. At all events, if the
friends of General Grant would make a deci
sive impression upon Congress or 'upon the
National Republican Convention in favor of
their champion again Chase, now is the time
for action.
Bark and Bite.
From th N. T. Tribune.
A few years ago M. Da Chailla treated this
torpid, blasS nineteenth century society of
curs to a new sensation. He discovered the
gorilla. This beast, as he described it, was
one of the moat dreadful monsters ever let
loose upon a miserable world. The old horned
devil of oar grandfathers, that now happily, or
unhappily, as the reader may think best, is
decided to be an extinot creature, was a mere
tame, purring pussy-cat compared with this
inhabitant of the Afrioan jangle. The new
comer, if we were to believe M. Da Chailla,
had all the- deformities and hideous traits of
our old friend Satan, with enough additional
Ingenious ugly features, both of mind and
person, to set up fifty new tract societies, each
with a peculiar style of fiend warranted to
have no resemblance to the fiend of any other
establishment. We were about to attempt a
Blight description of the animal, as set forth
in the animated pages of M. Du Chailla. Rut
we remember that among our subscribers are
soft hearted, timorous women, beardless boys,
and callow infants, and we dread the result
upon such a mass of sensibility of exhibiting
the plain, unvarnkhed tail of the gorilla
Without warning.
It was neither to be wished nor expected
that anybody would be mad enough to attempt
to catch a gorilla alive, much less to bring
him, when caught, into the very midst of a
populous city, liven Da Chailla, we believe,
never attempted to do anything more than
bring home a piece of the skin of one of them
Who had died of starvation after having killd
and eaten every living thing men; women,
and children included in a district several
thousand square miles in extent; and if Buuha
hero as -he could only accomplish this, how
could any one hope to do more 1 However,
man is a creature born to trouble other people
as the spark to fly upwards, and it surprised
no one to hear that a gorilla hai been caught,
bought Ly Mr.JJarnnm, aud, after a world of
difficulties, deposited in his Museum, where
he was to le Been with the 1C0.0OO other curi
osities, and the moral plays, for twenty-five
cents. We .were told a dorun stories of the
strength and aialtgnant temper of this in
domiui.ie baat on his way to the Museum.
tVad Kra tha UJat out of tha BulP
" ' banced a hole in her bottom
' of his detestable foot, got up
Iccta of tha cap U!n4 mat, fcal
crew. Whose flesh he had devoured for break
fast, picked his teeth with a marlingspike,
and waded ashore on an uninhabited island,
in the'mldst of a fury of a hurricane, and had
i- i. - ..n.hi kr thrt whole population
turning out and surrounding him with lassoes
and guns.
We ball benevea, ana sen um f"'""i
with twenty-five cents for a ticket, and ten
cents for omnibus fare, to get a look at the
devouring monster, and tell us the truth
about him. He did . bo, and we blush for the
result. After making his way, with fear and
trembling, but with loyal determination,
through the crowd that blocked up the side
walk, the step, the capacious hall, and the
three first lloors of the stately edifice, a crowd
that every five minutes, hearing the cry,
"lie's loose 1 beware 1" fell into uncontrolla
ble panic, and swayad to and fro in wild be
wilderment anl fainting, voiceless horror, he
made his way directly to the front of the cage
that held the Awful Despot of the Tropios, aud.
mustering all his courage, gave one bold and
manly look at the thing. To his great aston
ishment, and equally great re ief, he saw no
corilla at all, but a plain black monkey,
whom, if he Was not greatly mistaken, he had
often fed with apple-cores and pennies after
the creature had gone through his vari
ous uncouth mops and mowes to
the music of his master's hand-organ,
lie even thought the ceature himself
looked up with a faint smile of recognition in
his laded peanut eyes, as he saw before him
the one being who, in a cold and heartless
world, had taken pity oh him and ministered
to his few and simple wants. There he sat, a
melancholy picture care-worn, flea-bitten,
imncrrv nnw nlavinff abstractedly with hia
useless tail, now looking with a blase, discon-
his whitewashed cage, now scratching himself
as if he had been buuck witn an mea, men
nitrirn t im m.,1 wnlliinir hnuk and forth, with
a maudlin air, and finally crouching down in
one eorner witn an expreaHiuu 01 pujr auu uuu-
w ho wasted their time and money for the sake
nf coaintr ft emrillft nnl wurA rnalv in faint, nt
the imaginary threats aud ferocity of a plain
organ-grinder's monkey.
For some days past for some months, in-
4 . - J 1 1 . t i' .
ueeu uw newspapers juave ueeu iuu 01 ter
rible rumors of the awful things that Mr.
TriliruAn ia rrninrr tn An nmna tiniA nr nt.hpr t
How he is going to act as if he were Cromwell,
Julius Cfesar, and the two Napoleons the
f rpat nnd tli little rolled into one ! How he
is going to disperse Congress, and, backed by
Swann's militia, to say nothing of Swann
Vimoalf nnf 1rwn 11i North, nnt nn t.h
""""-( i 1 x- -r
South, and ride to glory over the prostrate
bodies of the majority of his countrymen.
How he is as mad as he can be; how, to use
tne children's pnrase, ne is --noppiug maa,
and means to ehow us that he is not to be
trilled with. How we are to have a iirst-class
"conn dVtat." whatever that may be. and
how, in a few weeks, A. Johnson the First
(and we may add, of our own knowledge,
"the last") is to wade to his throne in blood,
arA ait. arta riutirmt. nvur A onnnnorprl ?mit.i-
nent. In short, the very air is black with
horrible imaginings ana aireiui tnreais.
Where wo live,
'l lio rlihnnRvn firA hlnwn dnwn: And. AS the? RAV.
Laniunl nn a heard 1' ihtj air: atraiih'u acreunia of
di eth;
Anil rroplieeylng with accent tnrrlble,
'f li.re commivion, aud contused events,
New hatched from this wolul 'coop.' "
All this la verv distressins: but we beer our
readers to take heart of crace, Threatened
Dr riiTOmintr'a Millnnniiirn.will no doubt Dl'OVa
a prophecy that can be pushed ahead and ahead
as oiten a3 imminent is iouna 10 oe inconveni
ent Tim llwvlv lmnnimt Via nrnmisM Vallan.
digham and Seymour, Weed and the rest of
hia lirarua ia nn rlnnht a tmrivaYAa fn.t.. 11 an?
. ill i . c ' l r i .1 r t .,...! 1 .
wm ne iounu a very least oi vub xaiuiBciuBs.
The . President is running about the White
ITnnsa trrnnn.la with ft torrihlft Tnininkin huail.
lighted by a very cheap tallow candle, and we
misdoubt the American people are not to be
axiirai l.ir anv Bii.ih childish nonsnnSft. Lot 11 a
only look boldly at the bugaboo, and we shall
X n ...... ll i .
Una our great gonna is auer au noming out
a Imrmlaaa onA fnftiiaVi TnAnVflT. with nn tfllant.
but to make himself a laughing stock to an
idle woria.
General Grant's Opinions.
From the N. T. Herald.
Outraged at the unpatriotio, partisan, fanati
cal course of the Republican party and its
efforts to prevent the restoration of national
harmony, the people have uttered their indig
nation in substantial majorities against that
organization wherever its principles came
before them ; but they have not yet entirely
cast that party aside. It is evident, however,
that it now only staifds on sufferance. It can
count upon no favor except as it may deserve
it from its future course ; while if it persists
in the attempt to force its exploded system of
reconstruction its nigger and corruption
policy it will by such a course make the
revolution complete and sweeping ; it will
compel the people to take from it the
last vestige ot power, mere are some
indications that events must go to that
result. Distinguished radical men and
journals declare that the nigger shall still not
be given up. The city organ of the radi
cals says that the nigger reconstruction
laws now in operation are of a class with the
laws of the Modes and Persians not to be
changed; a Western organ says that the radi
cals must 'Tortity where they are," and Beu
Wade says that he for one will not retire an
inch. All this is likely enough to be only the
blather and bravado of noisy fellows whistling
to keep their courage up; but if it shall prove
to rje a party policy, it is clear mat the warn
ing is not vet sullicient.
In view of this position, it now becomes
necessary that the people should know the
opinions ot any man likely to become a candi
date for the Presidency, in order to know that
he is positively with them against the ex
tremists they repudiate. It is especially
necessary that we should know the opinions
of General Grant more clearly than we do.
He is now the most prominent oandidate
before the nation for the highest office in it.
His patriotism and honest purposes are well
known; his judgment and ability in oertaiu
affairs are unquestioned, and he has shown a
disposition to national economy of the hap
piest promise; yet it would be well if we had
lrom himself positive, affirmative knowledge
of his views on the political condition of the
oountry. In the absence of such knowledge
of the opinions of the General, Lieutenant
general Sherman stands forward as the most
uiHtinguibhed soldier whoae eentimeuts are
known, and knowa to be in harmony with the
prebent ideas of the people. It is time, there-'
fore, that (ieneTal Grant should come out.
Let hiia develop his linos, that people may
know here he is.
The Programme or Revolution.
FYoitheA'. Y. 'Jrtbuue.
When a President was last to be chosen, the
people were exhorted to vote the Democratio
ticket, in order to end the war. "There will
Fever bo ra U Uncola ba revlsct!," ti
Beymour & Co.; "but debt will be piled on
debt, tax on tax, until every man's farm or
honse will be mortgaged for more than it is
worth, while consorlption after conscription
will exhaust the life-blood of the country; and
the end will be disunion, national bankruptcy,
and repudiation. To escape these, you must
vote for McClellan."
A very large minority of the people credited
these assertions, and voted accordingly; but
the majority did not, and reflected Lincoln.
And scarcely had the latter been relngurated
when the whole fabrio of Rebellion tumbled
into hopeless ruin, and the land was at peaoe.
The work of reconsi motion, whioh followed
next in order, has been nearly completed. It
was delayed a full year by the mistake of
ofreung to the bouth a programme which
would have allowed the late Rebels to resume
the undisputed control of their several State
and trample the loyal blacks under their ftiet.
This was happily rejected by the Rebels; but
the consequent delay is not fairly chargeable
to the radicals. Ihe tratn that there was no
true, Just, or safe reconstruction whioh did
not put the voluntary Unionists ot the bouth
at least on a par with the involuntary being
now made plain, Congress tried again; anl
now the process or reconstruction is peace
fully and vigorously come torwara. uerore
Congress can take its next summer vacatiou,
every State will have its own Government,
will be represented In both Homes, anl be
ready to vote for President next iNovember.
What does conservatism propose te do
- . . .
about it r
The World answers this question as fol
lows:
"I'.y the recent elections, tho poopl have de
ckled that they h not Want neio sulTraKe, and
do waqi rpHtoratlon; nave decided that nero
sulTiate ia ton greut a price to nay even for Im
mediate riK torn lion. They will be incensed If,
nfler this deciHtou, the Republicans continue to
iumsi on a wnolly impracticable scheme.
"The lact that negro Ooverntnents are lu pro
cess of organization, and that Congress may
mini it their representatives, does not vary Uie
case, except to render a degrading farce more
contemptible. Certain It ii that the Houtheru
people will never recognize these bastard Gov
i i n nu nts as fanvlne tho Bliehtest validity.
Within four months after the Presidential olec-
tion a heavy battering ram will tumble them
into snii)eie.ss ruouiiEtti. rue isoutueru people
will immediately reoreanijo. hold new elec
tions. oust the negroes, send their own reore-
xeutatives to Washington, and the House will
ni once Biimn inem. rue souuioin ."Senators,
plus the conservative Senators from the Worth.
will form a majority of that body, or inize as
such, and neither the House nor the President
will recognize any other Senate. T.Us courae is
entirely jeasioie, will be perfectly constitu
tional, and beyond all question adopted, if the
radicals are insane or wayward euough to
recognize the negro Governments niter this
ureut rebuke. Tho onlv thinr Hint poul l nra.
vent it would ho acquiescence by tbo Houtheru
whites Id the radical scheme. Whoever expects
Hint. Is better entitled tu a straight hicket tli.in
a refutation."
The people will see that this is a nro-
gramme of undisguised revolution a new
phase of the old Rebellion. The World does
not say that its party will repudiate the autho
rity of the present House of Representatives to
count the votes for President and declare the
reEuit, and that it will refuse to recognize any
President chosen by the radicailv-refion-
structed States; but any one can see that what
it docs assert logically involves these. In
other words: sham Democracy contemplatos a
ueeu uaueuion wnereDy to recover what it
lost by its last unlucky experiment with fire
arms, n was thus that St. Domingo was
whelmed in bloody ashes. Emancioation was
peacefully effected; but the attempt to reiiu-
biave me uiacKs resulted in unspeakable hor
rors. Ihia people, forewarned, will shun tha
abyss of anarchy and murder to which the
H orld would hurry us. They will elect a Re
publican President and Congress by the vote
of both North and South, and thus preclude the
execution of the sanguinary programme of
rt hellion.
FaitUs la the Future The Democratio
Programme
Prom the N. Y. Timet.
The more candid of the Democrats temper
their exultation with a frank acknowledgment
of the assistance derived from "citizens who
have not for the last few years acted with the
Democratio party." It is admitted, too, that
this assistance, which has been made available
by the errors and follies of the Republican
organization, can be counted upon only so long
as the Democratio party occupies middle
ground. A return to Copperheadism, it is
confessed, would drive off the voters whose
help has seenred victory, and force them again
into the Republican ranks. How far thsia nro.
fessions are genuine, and to what extent they
me auarea oy me active workers or the party,
we need not particularly inquire. There might
be some difficulty in reconcilinir them with the
fact that in Ohio and Minnesota the Democratio
Candida' es for the highest positions of the
tioket were, during the war. pronounced ene
mies of the Union; or with the farther faot
that the gains realized in Pennsylvania and
throughout the West are mainly attributable
to the efforts of politicians of whom Mr. Pen
dleton is the most favorable type. Cat these
debatable points we are not, just now, required
to touch. It is enough that the success of the
party in this Saate is attributed by those who
have achieved it to cooperation, whioh nothing
dui gooa judgment and unceasing care can
retain ior iuture service.
Py what process, however, mav these pro
fessions be reconciled with the nraotioa which
is foreshadowed on the reconstruction ques
tion ? The course was comparatively clear
bo long as the hopelesnness of resistance to
the law on the part of the South was conoeded
by that section of the Democracy to whose
recent declarations we refer. There was un
doubted strength in tactios which, while re
cognizing the power of Lonjrress to enforce
its will, aimed at future contests for the modi
fication or its action. The prudence which
dictated this view of the question lm been
discarded sinoe the victories were obtained.
Instead of aocepting the obvious facts of
the case, and reserving effort for the period
when statesmanship may deal confidently
with a reunited country, a revolutionary
policy is laid down ior the guidance of the
Democratio party. The refusal of the South
ern whites to submit to the opeation of
tne jaw is assumed and justiued; And on
the additional supposition that' the next
Congressional elections will give to the De
mocrats the command of the House, a plan ia
sketched substantially identical with the
wild notions which have sometimes been im
puted to Mr. JohnBon respecting "the Rump
Congress." Hem it is, in few words: With
a Demooratio House, and a PreBident in alli
ance with the same party, the Southern whites
are to upset the State organizations formed
under the Reconstruction acts, aud are to
form others in accordance with their own
meas, -i'i""ung altogether necro suffrase.
elected, and the latter are to be forthwith ad-
.u i - ..v . u i i rniiin Ml i viu ti i ...
' , u J lU0o democratic majority. Then
the southern benators. rlna tha
Senators from the North, will form a majority
of that body, organize as iuoh, and neither the
House nor the President will reoo
plter Ptaa.U. Are we wrong la donating
this programme revolutionary f Do we ex
aggerate wnen we represent it as the beginning
of a new and bitter struggle, or as proof that
Democratio successes point to tumult and
disaster rather than to the paoiQoatlon whioh
vdb country impatiently awaits f
we consider it certain, then, that the "citi
r.ens who have not for the last few veara aoted
with the Democratio party," aud to whom that
party is indebted for the advantages acquired
this fall, will not prolong the connection.
The succor they have rendered, directly bv
their votes, or indirectly by abstaining from
voting, cannot ne continued to a party which,
uses its triumph as an assurance that Rebel
will remain in control of the Southern States.
The conservative classes at theNorth, who, on
tne world's own showing, hold the balance of
political power, have not acted with the purpose
of restoring the Democracy to the control of
the Government. Their course was rendered
possible by the comparative moderation of the
Democratio platform, but in the great majority
of instances they have not dreamed of affiiliatlng
formally with that organization. Their chief
purpose has been to rebuke the intolerance
and extravagance ot the managers of the Re
publican party, under a conviction that the
lespon mav result in the setting asidu of ita
extreme and arrogant leaders. With Coppor
headism as the alternative, this had not been
possible. And we may rest assured that as
between the objectionable features of radi
calism and the programme of violence and
Rebel victory, which the principal organ of the
lemocracy proclaims, there will be a
moment's hesitation.
In a strict party sense, this prospect is emi
nently satisfactory. The more extreme the
ends of Democracy the more easy the defeat
of its nominees. With pro-Rebel affinities,
disguised under a pretence of Union Eentiment
on one hand, and radical reconstruction, with
all its harshness, on the other, we have no fear
of the preference that will be evinced by any
Northern constituency. What occurred when
the Democratic party was a rank Copperhead
organization will occur again now that it avows
its purpose to destroy the Senate by fraud,
sustained by force, and to bring back the
leaders of the Rebellion to place and power.
The party will be trampled down as ruthlessly
as would be its promised revolution, ihe
Republican party will once more sweep every
thing before it. Moderate Republicans will
overcome their indiUerenoe and disgu3t, and
will rally around their party standard, even
though it be upheld by radical hands. The
war Democrats, on seeing the feast to which
they have been invited by the party for the
time victorious in this State, will resume their
places in the Union ranks, and will vote as
steadily as during the Rebellion against a
policy which aims at combination with
Southern malcontents to secure possession of
the Federal Government. We shall again
have plain, straightforward sailing. .There
will be no tacking or trimming, no bolting or
staying away from the polls, in the presence
of an organization conducted in the interest of
the enemy.
But other than party considerations are in
volved in the issues which will hereafter
divide the Democrats and Republicans. The
bane of the latter has beeu their excess of
strength. Presuming upon the Congressional
weakness of their adversaries, they have been
reckless in the policy adopted towards the
South, and indifferent to subjects immediately
affecting the material concerns of the country.
Measures have been pushed through on the
hypothesis that a certain amount of moderate
support might be dispensed with, without
injury to the party. Radicalism has insisted
on having its own way, regardless of conse
quences. The same may be said of the party
action in local matters. The extremists have
wielded authority with a defiant air. Mode
rate men have been denied admittance to con
ventions and participation in the working of
the organization. Corrupt candidate, have been
foisted upon the party, despite of protest and
warning.
Now, all this could scarcely have happened
had the party in opposition borne a less ob
jectionable record than that of the Democracy.
A compact, high-principled opposition is one
of the essentials of successful parliamentary
government, and its absence from Congress
has been a prime cause of the errors that have
been committed, as well in regard to recon
struction as in reference to finance and taxa
tion. Of late the Democrats in the Uoase
have been a faction, fighting now with one
wing of the Republicans, now with another,
and finally throwing their little weight into
the scale of ultraism. Under an expectation
that faction might be superseded by a respon
sible opposition, we have not shared the alarm
which has been excited in some quarters by
the results of the elections. Confident that
the Union sentiment of the country is strong
enough to keep the Government out of Demo
cratio hands, we have hoped that the presence
of a respectable minority would exercise a
wholesome inflaenoe over the conduct of busi
ness, the tone of debate, and the character of
legislation. Such an influence cannot be looked
for if the suggestions of the World indicate
the objects of the party with whioh it acts. If
it intwnd to conform to the reputation it earned
during the war, to resist reconstruction at
every stage, and to give ad and comfort te the
Southerners who reject the scheme embodied
in the law, it will le powerless except for evil.
As a qualifying, correcting agency it will be
impotent. And the objects for which it con
tends will at once stimulate and excuse the
extreme measures of the radicals.
Unless the Republican management be given
over to men to whom experience teaches no
lesson, we may trust to the efficacy of the
warning administered by the elections. What
ever the Demoorats plot or threaten, the party
now dominant in Congress owe to their sup
porters and the coantry greater moderation
and energy than have yet been shown in the
work of reconstruction. Energy and judg
ment in hastening its consummation are above
all tldngs necessary, that the great stumbling
block to national unity and peace may be for
ever removed. But moderation is needed all
the time to restrain extremists, and to prepare
the way for that policy of forbearance and
generosity which should distinguish the final
stage of the reconstruction business. Only
some gross and cruel blunder can furnish the
Democrats the opportunity on which they cal
culate. A Word to publlci.
From the JV. Y. World.
If we can convince fair-minded Republicans
that negro suffrage is not needed to proteot
the black race in the South against oppres
!., ,hll thereby remove their remaining
DlVUf W v r
doubts of the Bafety of giving up the recon-
etruction scheme. . Their unassisted reuecuons
might bring them to the conclusion more
greedily than arguments from a Democratio,
and, as they may think, interested, stand
point We will change the standpoint, and
arcue from Republican premises.
As a first step we ask Republicans to carry
their thought back for a single year and
make a reeurvey of the position of the party
in the .elections, of lStio'. What was the
1 wafer unlral luflrage. upoq tha cproes.
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The platform was the pending Constitutional
amendment; its leading feature a change
in the basis of representation, giving to
each State members in proportion to its
voters, and not, as at present, to its in
habitants. It proposed to leave the regu
lation of the suffrage to the discretion of
the States, allowing them to admit or ex
clude the negroes at their pleasure. Now,
if the elective franchise is indispensable
for their protection, the Republican party
proposed last year to surrender them to
oppression. The party is wrong now or it
was dereliot then. It is more natural to
suppose its present fears chimerical than
that Republicans were last year accomplices
of cruelty.
Men's views change amid the passions of
political life, but the facts of nature do not
thereby lose their stability. Human nature
in the South was the eame last year as this,
and the means of judging it equally trust
worthy. If the policy then proposed would
have been safe (and the Republicans must
have thought it safe), the present scheme rests
on no necessity and has no valid defense. If
an accountant adds up a column of figures and
finds the amount, the same process will give
the eame result unless some disturbance
clouds Lis faculties. The passions generated
by the quarrel with President Johnson have
disturbed the perceptions of many Republi
cans, and the heat of opposition gives to
chimeras a semblance of reality. If they be
come as cool as when the Constitutioual
Amendment was proposed, they will see as
little necessity as then for forcing negro suf
frage. Let us go back still another step, from the
Thirty-ninth Congress to the Thirty-eighth.
We find another Republican estimate of the
necessities of the situation. The war had
not ended, but the Emancipation Proclamation
was nearly two years old at the point of
time to which we direct attention. The obli
gation to protect the negroe3 was as great as it
could ever become. It was in the summer of
1864 that the Republican Congress, expecting
an early termination of the war, passed, by
large majorities in both Houses, a Reconstruc
tion act prescribing the conditions of readuais
sion. President Lincoln defeated it by a
pocket veto, thinking it too rigid, so that it
never became a law; but it is none the less
valuable as evidence of the views of the party
at that time. The hill contained not a word
about negro sufl'rage, although manifesting
the liveliest solicitude for the 1'reedaieu. The
only condition it imposed on the States in
reference to the negroes was the insertion in
their constitutions or a provision declaring
that "involuntary servitude is forever pro
hibited, and the freedom of all persons is
guaranteed in said State." The bill did not
propose to trust the protection of their free
dom solely to the States; it provided for a
release from compulsory servitude by habeas
corpus, and imposed a fine of not less than
$1600 and from five to twenty years' impri
sonment for reducing any person to slavery.
In view of that bill every hone3t Republican
must admit one of these two conclusions
either that Congress did not think the suffrage
necessary, or that it did not think it had any
authority to require it as a condition of re
storation. If there was no necessity of pre
scribing it then there can be none now, if it is
authority that was wanting, the Thirty
ninth Congress had just as little as the Thirty
eighth. We have preferred to rest the case in the
aotion of Congress rather than the opinions of
individuals, as more fully expressing the col
ective sense and average judgment of the
arty. Some eminent Republicans did not
1 esitate to say that the action, of Congress
i verstepped the limits of any real necessity.
President Lincoln, who refused to sign the
rst Reconstruction bill, will not be accused of
eartless disregard of the welfare of the negro,
verybody knows that he did not require
egro suffrage as a condition of restoration.
He strenuously favored the prompt admis
sion of Louisiana and Arkansas, while the war
was yet raging, with constitutions whioh ex
cluded all negroes from the suffrage. We
suppose Mr. Reecher will be as little accused
of Indifference to the welfare of the freedmen as
Mr. Lincoln. Nobody can have forgotten that
this gentleman was opposed to excluding the
States even as a means of compelling them to
adopt the milder constitutional amendment.
But we lay no stress on the views of particu
lar men. What we wiah to emphasize is, that
the Republican party last year, and the Re
publican party in 18G4, undertook to prescribe
the conditions of restoration, and that it
neither saw the necessity, nor claimed the
power, of conferring the suffrage upon the
Southern negroes.
The point we make is, that a danger which
was not then perceived can have no real exist
ence. It is a figment of fancy generated by
party heat. It has no more correspondence to
anything in nature than tho swiftly changing
perceptions of old "Polonius," in the play of
Hamlet. He Bald:
Ham Do you iee yonder cloud that's almost
'"iJoii'-alST'Ind 'M. like a camel,
Vnm! Methlnks it is like a weasel.
Iol It la hacked like a weasel.
Horn. Or, like a whale?
Pol. Very like a whale.
Chief Justice Chan and the National
Hanks.
Pi-om the Sandusky (Ohio) Register.
We frequently hear it said that Chief Jus
tice Chae is "identified with the national
banks, and therefore," etc. etc Judge Chase
is "identified" with the national banking sys
tem to this extent and no farther, thatlie
founded the system in 18o3, and as Secretary
of the Treasury controlled its operations, under
the laws of Congress, daring the first three
years of its existence With the close of J udge
Chare's term as Secretary, his official relations
with the natioual banks ended; and other than
ollioial relations with them he has never had.
Do the people understand what reasons led
Judge Chase, when acting as financial head of
the nation, to devise, and put in operation,
the present national banking system Those
who do tot know that kia vUvu w IL
sicies.
of a financial necessity which was imperative,
a national need which was appalling, aHd that
the result of his action was Immediate and
timely relief to our bankrupt treasury, and
through that to our unpaid armies lu the Hold
those who do not know these facts have
overlooked one of the leading features of our
recent struggle.
When Judge Chase first urged upon Con
gress the passage of the National Banking aot
he found lew to second his efforts, but, pressed
by a great responsibility, and exercising a
statesmanlike forecast for which history at
least will give him due credit, he labored on
until he converted a majority of Congress to
his views, and the national banking system
was inaugurated. livery other means for
raising the needed funds to carry on the war
having failed, the then Secretary had promised
Congress that if they would adopt this mea
sure he would be responsible that money was
forthcoming. The result more than justified
his confident predictions. Three hundred mil
lions of bank capital was poured into the
empty treasury at a most critical period of tha
war; the comparatively irresponsible banking
institutions and the unsecured currency of the
States were together swept out of existence; a
uniform and perfectly secured currency was
given to the country, and more than a thou
sand efficient and responsible agencies were
established in all parts of the land, whioh
aided very materially in the negotiation ani
absorption of future Government loans. The
finances of the nation were changed from chaos
into order; from weakness into strength; from
insecurity into soundness and safety. Such
were the immediate fruits of Judge Chase's
"identification with the national banks."
It ia not expected that patriotic service to
the country, performed in connection with its
financial interests, however distinguished may
be the ability shown, however disinterested
the spirit manifested, and however beneficial
the results, will beget a great degree of enthu
siasm towards the person rendering that ser
vice; but it certainly is not too much to expect
of the American people that they will at least
refrain from misrepresenting a publio servant
to whose profound statesmanship and faithful
devotion they are indebted more than they
know for the success of their efforts in sup
pressing rebellion.
Nothing could exceed in injustice, . in
gratitude, unreasonableness, and untruthful
ness the charge, so persistently made, that
Judge Chase was actuated partly by personal
motives in originating aud organizing the
noble system of finance which has proved, and
is proving, Buch a blessing to the nation. The
suggestion that the late secretary of the
ireasurym devising ma great financial re
form, Bought to put himself into such rela
tion with the combined capital of the country
as that he might profit by it politically in tha
present or the future, has not even the merit
of plausibility, for statesmen (and dema
gogues, even), whose leading aim is to secure
preferment and promotion through the good
will of the people, would not for the world
even seem to identify themselves with capital
as distinguished from the other interests of
the country. The tendency is always strongly
in the opposite direction, often even hurt
fully so.
Aside from this (which of itself ought to ba
conclusive) is the fact that the very nature of
the national bank organization is such that it
is Biroply impossible to use it as a political
engine in the service of anybody and this ia
one of the chief excellences of the system.
There are probably not half a dozen banks in
the country which have not both Demoorats
and Republicans among its officers, directors,
or stockholders; and if any attempt were made
to use the banks in the interest of any man or
party, the bank men of the opposite party
would be prompt to discover, expose, and
thwart the undertaking. And this feature, of
the national system is cot only approved by
Judge Chase, but is the direct result of his
foresight and design.
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