THE DAILY EVEMNG TELEGRAPH rillLADEU'Hl A. : UJliDA V, NOVEMBER 9, 18G7.
novrnpr, and hoped not expectol, bul oulj
iioped it would not burst.
Tni EXPLOSION.
In 18fl tbe-cxploion came. Tli lrrehtiil
BntuROnlsm of tho two Ideas could no longer ba
confined within civil limit. It broke out Into
bullote, cannon, and voet armies. Then bprau
a different course ot American statesmanship:
then was shown that (iod's laws never Inter
Xnlttcd their penalties; that you cannot trans-
fress without blinding the moral sentiments
hen when the two classes of men looked at the.
problem, one said we have learned, seventy
years' experience is quite enough. We have de
cided that these two elements cannot abide sidu
by side peaceably. The other alri, No, we havo
learned no such thlnir. The old elomeut which,
at one end of the line, was limited by Buchanan,
and which, at the other end of the line,
touched the centre of the Rcpnblieuu party, fell
withering.
SUMTER AND SLAVERY.
Wo stand to-day only the (frandcbilJren ot
1801, when the old Federal element was pre
served In the boBom ot the Whin party; for the
Genesis of ideas is as necessary for our best
interest and progress as any other. Hamilton,
who distrusted the masses on that side, and
Jefferson, who believed in nothing:, fought to
rule the nation; then tills dastara party thru
stole the glorious name of Democrat, and be
lieved neither In (Jod nor man, clutched the
hearts of the poople. The lees of that incredu
lous spirit was still apparent in 18G1. The con
servative element of the Republican party could
not and did not believe that the moral sense of
the nation wi burled. Yet, in the words of our
martyr President, it was the duty of statesman
ship to save slavery and the nation at the
dame time. The duty of the magistrate of
this land was to save the nation without
touching slavery. Thus was lilted the ex
ception into the rule. Riving to slavery
not recognition but guarantee. Thin wai put
aside the habeas corpus, the right or personal
liberty, the marriage institution, and normal
elements of Saxon civilization. Any statesman
ehlp would have said no matter how dark the
cloud, the Rebellion will cease. Never uilud
how much protection to slavery, I mean to save
mis ataie without destroying the marriage lnv.v
tutiou; I mean to save civil freedom without de
stroylng the elements that gave it birth. But
the error of that statesmanship was that it
libellod the truth and put fetters on loyalty. It
ttisunderstood the revolution; it slandered 1776
and 1789 by permitting It to go forth that the
constitutional toleration of slavery was a guar
antee. On the contrary, the other divergent
channel of American thought said this -.Ninety.
hundredths of American constitutional civil life
Is liberty. Ninety-nine hundredths out of every
one-hundredth in the blood of each true
YaBkec is equality: and one-hundredth cxce
tion is slavery. Therefore, when the State is in
danger, when the Republic shrieks out, I have
six weapons with which to assail It. By the
Army, the Navy, or the wealth. I have the
blood, I have the price, I have all sorts of rule,
and there lies for slavery a thunderbolt stamped
by God at the moment constitutional toleration
h needed. It is not only mv richt. it is mvdntv
as a magistrate to seize it as to endorse it before
I spend a dollar or shed a drop of blood. The
policy of Washington was, we must bury a half
muuon 01 men; we must empty the vaults ot
every DaiiK; we must creak, the source of
every man's Industry; and then, at last, in my
feat grasp, 1 may take slavery. As a magistrate
have no rlht to see the moral diilereuce
between slavery and freedom. Bat slavery
was not in the Constitution; what we call its
premlseswere but a tilm, amere film; the screen
which 1789 put between the monster and the
magistrate of the republic, and said you 'must
not look through that screen. Hidden behind
that u a sin and a fault: but with your raasis
Irate'a eyes you cannot see it. The language of
all our Presidents, from Washington down to
Polk and Pierce, was, they had no right to look
throutrh that screen. But when the tlrst guu
was fired at Sumter it shrivelled up. The real
?ower of tho people rolled it up like a scroll iu
he flame; and for the first time in the history of
the nation the eyes ot the Chief Magistrate hud
the right to see slavery and the sin which it in
flicted. He has the constl uitumal right, as a
ruler and a magistrate, with his right hand on
the Constitution.
TUB CORNER STONE OF rRACE.
For the first time In the hiftory of the coun
try the Constitution remanded its magistrate
back to nature; and let hlin see as a President
all he could see us a man. hn it gave hitu
that right, economy and patriotism aud duty to
the State, all the blood ot our soldier heroes to
insure perpetuity and promptness of results,
dictated that the first thunder-bolt which he
hurled at the Rebellion should be that which
would be sure to kill it, and guarantee peace tbe
moment it was killed. Now, my friends, as I
said, there is no use in going back to the past
except for the light that flashes on the present.
The light thrown on the present moment from
thejpaat suggests this: We stand at the sane
point of divergence to-day; and it is our privi
lege and right to bring back the South as she
stands to-day, to the great results achieved for
freedom, no matter what are the essentials. The
divergent line is a thought which says to the
nation in the laws ot God, whet her you like it
or not, in the essence or things, whether you see
it or not, there is but one permanent corner
stone for the peace of this poople; and lhat is by
the present lecognition of the glorious results of
the war. It is the fact that the negro has on
this American contineut every right which a
white man has. (Cheer?.)
THE "HArPY " NEOBO.
Do not think the negro stands here to an
nounce that principle or reject it in be'ialr ot
the race you represent; not in the least. Tbe
man who has here such aright to-day; the man
who has the most right to fold his arms and
wait the future with the least anxiety; the man
who is under the least cloud, Is the negro. He
is the only man, his Is the only race, that, no
mutter what happens, no matter what clouds
and thunderbolts break over us, can see no
change that will not be for the better.
I am not Just now signing to the white
race of this continent on the ground of duty;
there is a better argument than that a selfish
one. It is no sort of consequence what your
prejudices are; it is no sort of consequeuce how
bound you are to a certain policy. This la an
evident thing that God has not put it within
the bounds ot possibility that in this feneration
this Union Bbould be harmoniously recon
structed with a leaving out of the negro. It
cannot be done.
THE INCDBU8 OF SLAVERY.
You may try it but it, cauuot be done. Instead
of holding these black men aloof, and keeping
the negro at arm's leugth, every sensible inaa,
with tho light of history streaming over hiu
pathway, knows that the white race should be
m'- Tnack God, there are four millions
V l, ?en ?ou'ttof Mawuand Dixon's line
wh, I say Wfht1 f he ballot ! Tile re0fl
that everv man u7 1 mere common "ense
would use U for n,iUed lo have thftt V who
entruste'd 'wit tf'TU e' no oroM
am 1 am not duzslod bAhnerf ffipwy aid
furbibh ot what la calUd mutt... Vr1' rJ T1.U
all humbug. A man seat..,i in T ... '." ls
I L 1
on green velvet with ceil,d roof over hi, he id
chops log lo and calls it policy, which has iol
begun to advance to the first requisite of" "1!
necessary. It is a rule quite general. n t, , .
trary. that every conviction in history ou meet
ouiriuu oi mo iniYc uu niu'.i'sinHuiiKe Intel
lect of the age. Some men. If thev w.t.
Europe to look for statesmanship, would ga to
the Cabinet of tbe Tuileries for Napoleon, to
London fcr Disraeli; but in an hundred yearn.
vhen man huuts up the statesmanship of the
nineteenth century, he will go dovvn to the
r,iffcv found of the Italian coast, where one
mini . who ktew what his nation needed and
knpw how to achieve it. freed aud reunited bis
rnimirv. Thoiicrh. after the name of GaribuUi
should you not bo ashamed that your hearts
should co with him to the hills ol Rome and not
ho t fln,r shocked to the heRit with the utter
hiicpm of Mouth ('urollnt aud New Orleans
HiMti-jiniiuifihin fo dliiuilv ti know what your land
nerds and to devise the means for obtaining it. I
think the liuie will come when perhaps ainonors
the foremost men of our epoch, meu will find
tu whoiu they know ou the gibbet of Harper's
Firr? fur that niHti knew how to make the con
sciences of millions airako Into life, and to make
them Helmut at the awful horrors of slavery.
There in a true statesmanship; bat. as I said.
look it this sutijof-t. Only think: ot tho pulpits
of commas and of literature wherein no one
was taught these lensonsl It was slavery that
stood in the pulpit; it was slavery that
distributed tho sacramental emblems; it
was slavery that edited tho JVorfl American
hevitte; it was slavery that presided over
Harvard College: it wai slavery that
poisoned Chennut street. Oat of the pit you dug
up the North. The conscience and the blood of
the nation came np for that in torrents and
defiled; and it is a wonder that it did notcomo
out unpolsoucd at the last.
Here we Htand to day, and the miracle U we
were so ready in that call for tho rlfrht and tho
true. Doubtless every man ls bound to rejolc
and thank God to-nlsbt when bo thinks that if
ten years ago I, or any one, had sto'id on a
plntlorm like this, and told you, men of Phila
delphia yon shall live In ten years to sen nogroes
dictate the law lu Richmond and seated in the
Cnpitol of Alabama to form a Constitution for
the Stale, jou would have hissed me from the
hall and sent mo to a lunatic asylum. But to
day we live here to confess that we heartily
recognize the permanent stride the nation has
made: but there is a limit to it, as when you
coine to the lllusttation you must acknowledge.
IS THE SOUTH. CONQUf RED?
We have got two elcmeuts at tho South, black
and white. In what mould of mind are they ?
Well, some men imagine after Antietam, aud
Gettysburg, and Atlanta, aud the surrender of
Richmond, and Lec goiug back to be President
of a college, that every Southerner is ripe for
Union. Xhey think that a little smoke and
half-a-huudied cannon on the soil of Virginia
have made the South cower. My friends, if five
years will turn the principles of young aud fer
vent men to the matured conviction of men of
middle lite, he is not worth the turning. The
mistakes of a generation are in that way; his
tory does not show it to be thus. God never
calls for the arena of new ideas by this method.
God removes great miftakfs by His messenger,
Death; and when a man's brain is too cold for a
new idea, his heart too stiff and tight-bound to
come up to any further progress, he gently hides
them from the world, and gives room for the
new idea to take its place.
Do you think that if Bull Bun had been tho
last battle of the Rebellion that it would have
lorccd Philadelphia Into the belief that slavery
was right ? jo you think that if you were to
have Bull Runs from the 22i of July, 18G1, down
to tbe trump ol doom, that it would have ruined
the Declaration of Independence? I will tell
you, No. That when Gabriel's trump sounded
you would find Massachusetts crying out, in
jipite of all, that man was created equal.
(Cheers.) And so the same principle exists in
the South. Come with me to Georgia, an 1 I
will Bliow you a woman whose delicate bauds
had never clone a bit of work until after she was
forty years old. She had counted her revenuo
in her past lile at from eighty to neirly one
hundred thousand dollars yearly; she gave her
husband and two sons to the Confederate army,
and they lie under the sod of the Rebellion; now
she works from early dawn in caring for her
boarders that she may thus earn the bread for
her children. Do you think such men aud
women are ashamed of their convictions? Do
you think they will likely part with them? We
have abolished slavery; we can do it. We can
not abolish the master. If you attempt to re
strict him, it will take at least from twenty to
twenty-five years to elapse.
You are building on a quicksand. You have
pot to curb them with iron; you have got to
curb them down with granite to make them sate
to build upon. I appeal to philosophy; I appeal
to common sense. I have no prejudice against
ueu. juavif, iseauregara, ana vvaae uaniptou. I
respect them in a certain sense as decided men.
Now I know these men as exactly as I know ray
own impulses. I know that if you had whipped
New England back to Plymouth Hock, you could
not ever wipe out of her people the principles
that her forefathers brought there. That is no
compliment to New England; it is jast as true
of the South. You can never build safely ou
Beauregard and Hampton and others of that
element. I tell you. as a student of history and
as a business man, if the .south was one homo
geneous white race, this Union could not be
restored for twenty yars; the very circumstance
that must be accepted by us is, that there are at
the South four millions of a race that can be
greatly instrumental in restoring the Union.
A COLOR-BLIND PRESIDENT WANTED.
Now then, from that I arrive at my idea of
restoration. It is not whether 1 like negro suf
frage or not; it Is not whether it may have been
the best thing or not. We don't make Govern
ments of the best things. I know that negro
suffrage would lead to the prompt, reasonable,
and quick restoration of the Union. There is no
path to it except by negro suffrage; no other
men talk in a very specious way of negro
equality in South Carolina; and then weak Re
publicans shrink back and say, I am not in favor
of negroizing South Carolina. My dear friends,
the question is not what you will do or will not
do: the attempt to save it by anything else ls
like tee attempt ot istii ana iwi to save the
Union without touching slavery. Men thought
they could do it: that it was their duty to do it:
and they tried to do it, burying in the swaaips
of the Chickahominy the best blood of the na
tion, and expending 'three thousand millions of
liars, iiut t'od took them by the band, lea
them up to the path lu which He was willing for
them to walk.
In 1SC3 statesmanship bowed his head, bat
common sense abolished slavery. In the signs
of trouble men are apt to nay, Don't you see the
poou snip oi me repuoiic to De too heavily
loaded, and that jeu cannot swim unles3 you
throw over the cargo ot principles? I say It
makes no matter what becomes of the hull when
the canro is trone: the nnlv thlno- lwl'nrn ng a tn
get the idea into the White House which makes
the safety of the republic. I know the idea
which Is finally to guide this nation siifplv. and
the only idea that can do it, is for us to finish
the work dod has given this nation to do. It
cannot be done until a mazistrate sits in the
White House who is color-blind: tin hi a AAA Twit
know the colored man from tho white man.
THE TRUE RECONSTRUCTION.
Let me eav to you ono thine winrii T thiL
is true, and that is all that we eainnd. if t n.
South comes back into Comrresi all that we
gained as ihe fruits of the war we lose if she
comes back not in the hands of the negroes we
turn backward in eur progress. Don't think me
a fanatic and I ajn only giving what Sheridan
said when in Boston: "Gentlemen, I have met
no loyalist in the South that did not have a blank
skin." (applauee.) When I sav anv recon
struction that doas not bring those whose votes
are loyalty and, in truth, loyalty is but a syuo
uym for black I do not mean a few sprinkled
haudsfull ot white men exceptional to others of
the race may be allowed to come in I mean the
State must be based on loya!ty--the point which
me nation touches when they come back is the
advance point. It will never go beyond it.
LEGISLATIVE VA0AB1ES.
Uentlcnien, look at the history ot legislation:
suppose two-thirds of Massachusetts should put
a Lrohitiuory law on tne siaiuie dook; wnai is
the history of 1t next year? that large minority
.... r 1 . 1 . 1 . . I .
conies up lLlOJtne Legislature, anu mey uiu
down, and trim down, and pare away, and
undermine, and pick to pieces, and muddle, and
checkmate the whole of the past legislation.
The consequence is that for ten years after thit
statute gets on its feet its object ls almost null.
Take the tariff. The merchants put tariff on
the btatute book by a large uiaority and they
think the work is done. They are mistaken.
or iu the next Congress the miuority devoto
lu,(!nJH"'l!p to tiling away, conf'uslug, muddling,
Putting the Judiciary at the law, construing tho
th., .of. u,e "'atu'e, misstating, and finally
obiert fV11: ' al",0Bt foi' In attaining the
U-gUdal on croaUoa' That ls the history of
t'ONOBKH8IONAL BAINTS.
dJi a srare'?t.?t Boutu-ih.
history of Ut-UiatloTw V, unon
the statute books of the count" .
years It is contused and undent 0,1 know
this. It will be a niobt .uoX Z111"!
think, if, for instance, tha Houtu has giVeu un
every hope of ieUleviug their debt. Why, when.
flic rows of the lute election In Pennsylvan'n
reached Georgia tn official or unofficial testi
mony, what did the slaveholders do? The laic
slaveowners made lists of their emancipated
slaves, put upon them the prices of 1860: got all
their document ready; for what? Simply to hie
them in Congress home day and that near, thev
tblnk aud claim compcui atlon loi them. The
moment New England sent it returns, an I
Pennsylvania appeared abovo grouud wiih lt
action, their expectations arose, and they nwaii
an opportunity to get into Congref. But you
g'iy, "Don't fear, they will never do it." Consi
der a moment. Suppose that South Carolina
hhould send back a dclogute to Congress, what
would be 11s flist eflort lis first practical effort?
There would be a bill brought on the national
debt a financial measure suggested to thi?
Secretary of the Treasury or a bill callimr
upon the country to pay tbe Federal deb'. The
fcouth would pay, ''tfentlemcn, acknowledge
ours and we will guarantee yours." But so ne
of jou cay, Congress would never allow that
is members would not permit that. Friend,
CongrchS is not made up exclusively of salntH.
(Applause.) Now and then soino black aheep
tome wavering, easily won men, by some myste
rious accident, truly unaccountable, wriggle
into Congress. If we could have tho StoveDses,
the Shermans, the Sumners. and the Fe aendcus.
men who have been giving bonds lor the love
tbey felt for their children, aud will leave
honored names for their heirs to bear, wo
should have no such fear. But men wriglo up,
nobody knows how, and can be easily led,
having no decisiveness of character. Such were
the men. when iu 1846 Texas stood at the door.
and its scrip holder said, "Here is a million of
dollars worth of Texas bonds, you may have
them for five dollais a hundred to-day.
You can easily pass measures to havo them
mature and make great profits." This was
something. Some of tho member-i say, "Ah,
here is a business transaction; now we will vote
to let Texas in: those bonds will mature, and
we will make riches." Suppose South Carolina or
Georgia should produce a million dollars worth
of paper stuff, and ak simply twenty-five cents
currency or five dollars in gold they would
vote right off to have the paper mature, and the
million of dollars bought for live dollars a nice
financial scheme, in which lots ot money would
be made, and the greatness or the Houtu vindi
cated. Tbey speak to these wriggling parties In
Congress, aud tell them of the scheme. They
say in reference to the introduction of a bill for
paying the Confederate debt, Its flavor ls bad
it savors too much of the South; but the South
ern men say, "Well, suppose you compensate us
for our slaves set free; give us something let
us trade let us trade 1"
WE ARB A GREAT PEOPLE.
Let South Carolina be compensated for her
slaves tbe national credit would be depre
ciatcd. the bonds would sink, and a voice would
come up from the sea-board, from hundreds of
thousands of families, saying, grnut anything,
but only 6ave tbe credit. And when the great
emergency would seem so near, the people
would say, giant anything; and the object of the
Southein people would be accomplished. But
there never was such a people as ours. They
are as true to-day as iu 18U2: aid the warriors of
this nation have made up their lunula that this
procu is tne epocn or justice, ana wttn their
trusted lenders they are determined to show it
to the world. (Aoplause.i
The intellect of this great, nation ls like the
intellect ot ltitii, the molten lava wnien cries
out, "Stamp me with any name, but let it be
the name of liberty." They waut the world to
know that they as a people will maice this na
tion a juf-t nation for all time; and they will do
it. This is tne condition ot the nation. From
the action of the Democratic party, the response
from Ohio, the Seymours, Penatetous, v allun
diifhams, Woode, and others, the natiou has
learned a lesson. What gave us the defeat in
Ohio. Connecticut, and the other States? what
did this b it the action of the Republican p.trty
itficlt. which tore, up the programme into Irag.
iiieiitH. iuutead of keeping it whole. When, iu
18U7, It was declared by Congress lu the Consti
tutional Amendment that the necessity of the
hour demanded negro suffrage as a national
measure, it was sent out as policy which the
natiou in its hour of peril demanded enunci
ated by the Republican party as a method to
save the integrity and honor of the nation
And it' now this great measure is to be stricken
away in an hour by meu coming Irom the South,
feeling themselves endorsed in their rebellious
policy and will delay its workings 1 say that
we are in the trough of the sea, instead of riding
on its waves. And until we set fortli by a
grand declaration that the measures which
the nation adopted in its direst hours shall be
upheld, the bonds of this nation made to sns
tain the country and to aid in vindicating its
honor and power are in constant peril.
WHITE OR BLACK PUPILS?
I have had a conversation with a fit represen
tative of a portion of tho Southern people: a
man with whom 1 spent a day, born lu North
Carolina, a Presbyterian clergyman, and a pro
lessor in a college in a boutnern State, a proles
sor ol moral philosophy, and a man who was
forced into the late Rebellion because every
body went into it. survived ana went back to
his professorship when the war ceased. -Having
finished the classes in the day time, he went out
and taught the negroes in the night time. No
sooner aid his white students hear of this than
they said to him: "Professor, if you teach
negroes in the evening you can't teach us In the
day time. Choose I" lie replied: "I do choose
the negroes in the evening!'' (Applause.) And
in speakivg ot tne repudiation ot ttie uoutnern
debt ne saia "iou maao us repudiate me aeoi,
we submitted. You have put it upon record,
we have done it, too ! but if ever we get inside
of the walls of Congress, and don't pay every
dollar of that debt, or exhaust all our efforts in
trying to pay it, wc are the veriest scoundrels
God ever created." If this Is the purpose of a
Presbyterian clergyman, .professor of moral
philosophy, a retired scholar, what do you
expec t and think of the thousands of people
who live in that section of country and the
Democratic wire-pullers in that vicinity?
OUR DEBT A MORAL ELEMENT.
And what effect will all this have ou the
finances of the country? Don't thluk I make
too much ot finance; don't think I dwell too
much upon it; don't say I make too much of the
debt. Debt is simply a word of dollars and cents
In Krancn. Debt is only a ouestion of coin and
paper In England. But debt in America is a
moral element. What makes tho diilereuce be
tween the American mechanic and laborer and
the Dutch, French, and llaliaur Tuts is 11
When Saturday night comes to that American
Uhnrer. he has a 'dollar left after buvlng all
necessary for the subsistence of his family this
to have for Christmas, which, when it comes,
will find bim better off, with something to buy a
book, paper, go to a lecture, or in seiiding bis
son to eulu an education at some acanomy,
This is the great method in which Americans
live, every sucteediug generation, constantly
utennini? hiohpr.
With the German peasant It is a recurring
wish that to-morrow mav be as good as was
yetiterday. A Yankee never made that prayer
It is with him a prayer that to-morrow may be
belter than to-day or yesterday; aud with me
surplus dollar the father came to be educated
and uplifted a stage higher than his ancestors.
But this dobt lies like poison. American civi.i
xatlon and progress, would lo God that It could
be paid up quickly, would to God that it could
a ill, nut hi inir thrust back bv terrible revul
sions in the market, because that will cause it
to be ab a Heavy voko passeu arouna tuo necu
of the American laoorer wnerever tne nag noma,
Kou aud I know in that next move of 18U8,
when the American peoplo are to choose a new
inspiration for the next four years are to
launch we should never do an act to rstard
the progress of the duty which shall be imposed
upon w. You caunot wreck the ship, thank
God 1 Nothing can defeat the great American
people. Based on a rock the blood ot our
lathers cemented standing fair on the true
principles ot right, the gbrious khlp shull iloat
out the storm.
THE WORLD WON'T "DRIFT" ALONG.
Rome content themselves In saving, "Well.
it will all be over lu twenty years; we will drift
klomr all rurht." No: God don't rule the world
by drifts. Galveston never drifted to Phlladel
i.l, In- TV vim never ririfttil into 1'eilllsvl Vftllia
Galveston, tuny bo lilted iuto rhlUuelphia;
Texas mnv b moulded info Massachusetts; but
it will be by the earnest work of thP nmn n.f
know and feci what they want by giving inoir
assistance to get HI Races do not move nor
drift: you sluggards will be lifted by em..n
men eomewhere. These men in the South will
not drift, but tbey may bo elevated. Let the
worm icei by our action In lsiis. Let us nut a
rleht Idea Into the Presidential chair, such an
ida as your Thad. Stevens reproents. (Ap
plsuite.) I don't say the man, I d n't care auy-
thing for man, nut 1 use tho name of Stevens a
a counter for tbe idea that he represents; il wc
put such an idea in the chair, we will gain
ecveut.y-flve per cent, of what the war has
earned. Put MeClellan. and vou will earn two
and a half per cent. Grant, and you will rocetve
forty per cent, I don't cire for the names
merely. 1 use them as symbols of the Ideas tbey
represent all 1 want u to get what the bl od
has earned.
A VOICE FROM THE CniCKArtOMlNT.
When I saw those boy? k out of Boston tho
young men from colleges and schools, the Ims
banis from their wives, bou from their parents,
it was a sad day; but sadder fctill when tbey
come home with weaker ranks and banners in
rays, when I saw standing about me those who
sat at home und did not record one word or act
word spoken or deed of actiou to guaiantoe
the terms earned by their soldiers' blood. Ire-
member the disastrous, bloody defeat at Ball
Blufl when the Germans of tho lftth Regiment
lost all their officers, an I the magistracy of
Massachusetts sent down men there. A petition
was gent back by tho soldiers, saying: Tell
them we are here for an idea, and ask that yiu
should put at our head a man that has au idea
for which we would be witling to die. aui,
now, that same petition which these Germans
sent up to the Governor of Massachusetts the
men that sleep iu the swamps of the Chicka
hominy cry out to you to put into the White
House a man lor whose policy mey wouiu oe
willing to die.
GRATITUDE TO GRANT.
And now, fellow-oltlzens, whom doea the voice
of the nation designate as the mau who is to
succeed to that position? (A voice, "Grant!")
Yes. Ulysses S. Grant, the great General. Let
me eay that no man more readily accords him
his great munary lame mun 1 uo. i'lacc 11 you
will anions tbe weiuugtons. iMapoiuons. and
Ctesnrs of history. Lie down at his feet, aud
thank him that by the cannon and the edge ot
the sword he saved the republic. When he
said to the nation, "I will light it out on this
line, if it lasts forever," he meant it. Is It
necessary that we should ask of such a man,
wno never quits ine line ne nas once aaopici,
tir, on whnt ao you intend to carry tno na
tion?'' He is not a man whom you can brin?
down by a side pressure aud mould him. He is
granite. He is vim. It was because he was
eranitc and vim that he carried us salely through
Virginia.
IS nr3 RECORD BOLD?
But before you sanction for office such tiu one
of iron will, be sure you have the right under
standing. But never say and it is a theory
upon which men have their beliefs Grant's
power is his reticence What is it r Jtiithe
symbol of aristocracy. But these men sit down
at the feet of a man and accept him as a leader,
because ne aoes not ten tnem wnere he stands
Is this Democracy or Republicanism is that
genuine party interests? What did Calhoun
say? "In this country nothing can be kept
eecret; nothing that could be kept secret is
worth keeping fcecret," lor me genius or our in
stitutions is publicity and giving it forth to the
world. Tne American people noasts now tnat
its leader does not condescend to tell them what
he thinks. There are two reasons why a man
does not talk. One is that he has got nothing
to say; tiiat is not good to make a President of.
Another is that be does not tell what he thinks;
that ls not good timber to make a President of.
Every one demands that bis candidate for
office shall declare himself and the principles
he maintains. Grant has not made this record
equivocal. General Grant is the only great
man ot the day everyone ot wuose auiiiuea
have been fully endorsed through his recti-
cence, as they say. W hat is or who is the man
not one of whose actions has ever been kuowu
to speak? We know where Stevens, Sumner,
lilair, and those meu stand, xhey nave declare. 1
themselves. We waut such, men whose re
cords aie bold as the Declaration of Indepen
dence and clear as the North Star. Let him bo
a Democrat, a Confederate, a Conservative, a
disloyalist in the guise of a Domocrar he
speaks, his very actious speak, and we know
where to find him. Has Grant yet, by word or
deed, spoken of where he btands, on what side,
or for whom ?
WHAT WE WANT IN A C 1NDIDATK.
I am perfectly well iuformed what It Is that is
going to rule this continent character. Plodges
do not amount to lhat; caucuses are unworthy
the record;' platform are only convenient for
certain occasions. What wo want must be men
of character, men of hraius; because in the long
run brains always rule. The divine right of
brains, right workings, and a warm heart mutt
rule; aud it Is such meu, with such brains, and
such hearts, who should be our leaders. It
should be men carved out of the character of
brains and character of heart, and in this emer
gency, when this nation now looks forward to
lbtib mat great characteristic win prevail in
selecting the man a symbol ot a great idea to
nil tne presidential cnair. 11 we uaa uowu
this in 18U4, when we sent back a rugged eranlte
man home, and went down into the bloody soil
of Tennessee and took up a drunkard, we would
not now have Had a national disgrace, we
want a man whose bias and learning and un
conscious gravitation is towards that indispen
sable radicalism that I have tried to describe,
WHY WAS NOT GRAI-T AT NEW ORLEANS ?
Take Grant. The President sent him to make
a tour through the South, and telegrams flashed
back and forth from Washington to' New Orleans
of a great riot; that New Orleans was tbe scene
of slaughter 01 patriots, black though they were.
I will not-impute a dishonorable act to Grant, or
hia motives in not going to New Orleans during
that riot and puttinfr it down, but he ought to
have been at the front. He should have been
there to vindicate protection to loyalty wherever
it existed. Grant's duty was to prove the au
thority of the Government, and to make the
streets of Galveston aud New Orleuns a safe as
these. During the great riot the scules huug
even in the balance. Johnou, with the power
of President, in one, aud Sheridan, with the
lpyal heart in the other, and they hung even.
Nobody could comprehend why tho Lieuteu-ant-General
was not in New Orleans, aud putting
his weight into that scale with Sheridan, tio
should never have done as McClellaa, go ou
board of a steamboat at a safe distance, a dozen
miles from the battle. He should have gone
Into New Orleans, and eaid to the President,
"Interfere with me, if you dare (applause); I
am military commander of the United States,
entrusted and commissioned to make loyalty
rule." Had ho, announced that purpose, aud
gone to New Orleans, Johnson's scale would
have kicked the beam. Instead of that ho weut
to Chicago went ou a pic-uic. Thiuk of Wel
lington sitting in London aud told of a rebellion
in Dublin, do you think the "Irou Duke" would
have gone to shoot deer? We see men in our
natioual Congress who have stood for long year
before the people, having taken a firm, decided
stand in tbe affairs ot tho natiou and a voice to
speak. If we had known more of the man who
now occupies the office of Chief Executive, aud
had the admonition contained in the few words
spoken by Henry Wilson iu a speech delivered
lu bis own native town iu 1805 "mat he knew
that Johnson was a traitor" the nation would
not have been now 111 such a perilous position.
I was out West and .made my protest against
Ulysses S. Grant, aud the Republicans said one
thing and then another. They placed their backs
against the wall and said, "We must follow him,
because il we don't the DiMiioeraU will." (Ap
plause.) If we do not give it to him, be will
join the enemy." I don't thluk there is au in
tiniteblmal houia;oputhto possibility that lu any
possible manner Grant could listen for one
moment to a Democratic nomination without
quitting the Uepubblicans forever. (Appluuso.)
IMPEACHMENT MEANS RECONSTRUCTION.
Now, my friends, you say, "What ls the Use
of talking? It cauuot be averted." I don't
know that; many a stranger thing hashappeued
Uittutuat Graut, ehvuKl b Preoidcut. lutUo
10
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CARPETING,
OIL CLOTHS A.r DltUOG 14 TH.
REEVE L.
12 Ibslu'Jui
next twcntv-lour months nobody knows what Is
possible. Throttle that Rebel In the White
House. Who knows what effoct that would
have upon Graut's nomination? Men seam to
forget impeachment (applause) does not mean
merely sretting rid of Andrew Johnson, lm
peaebmcut is not a barren branch throwing
Johnson into the canal. Oh, no? it means a!
preat deal more than that. Impeachment '
means reconstruction.
Four years aso I said In Boston that if a hun
dred Yankees, energetic men that build rail
roads to the Pacific, the men that dot contiuentg
yvith cities, tbe men that send fleet to the
Indies, the men that begin with nothing and
die owniDg a country; Yankee babies who, six
months old, look over the sides of their cradles
and plan out a pattern that set of meu it a
hundred such could have been trusted with tho
settlement of this question, and trusted with
all the powers of the Government, they would
have finished it in a year at one-third the price
that the nation did it, and give us back the
Slates in 1863, and like a watchmaker selling a
watch, guaranteed them to ran tor a year (ap
plause), and I bolleve it. I have no doubt of it.
A STATESMAN AND A FOOL.
I have a friend in Boston who had a ship
reDairlntr at Norfolk. When they tired that
Sumter gun, he heard of It. A merchant, acting
on business Drinclnles the lareeBt result in the
shortest time, at the cheapest cost what did
he do? TeleeraDhed down to Norfolk, "Bring
mv shin north of Mason and Dixon's line
whether she is finished or not, no matter what
condition she is in so as she will float; brinsr
her into a lrce State." me captain am it, an
he saved bib boat. The Secretary of the Navy
heard that (run. fitting in Washington sur
rounded with red tape, files of documents
(statesmanship) from tne top of his head to the
eDd of his beard, never did anything, and the
Bebels took Norfolk and J3.000.U00 worth ot
munitions of war. I cull that merchant
statesman, and I call that Secretary a fool.
(Applause and laugbter.)
"Sow, then, I say if these one hundred men
had been trusted with the question, tbey would
have settled it on business principles. They
would have gone down to South Carolina. They
would have said: "There are 390,000 whlto
men; there aie 380,000 black meu. They are
inevitably loyal. Tbey can't h9lp it. They
could not help it if they wanted to. And these
are Rebels, and they could not help if they
wanted to. And they would have said: 'Give
the ballot to these men, give land to these men,
and make a South Carolina.'" Shut those men
out until God pardoin them and the future
can cultivate them. They would have given us
the State.
WILL THE NEGRO FIGHT AND WORK?
Instead of that, statesmanship (!) puts ou its
spactacles, looked down South, ana said: "I
wonder it the negro will fight 1" (Laughter.)
They sent over to France. They searchod the
lecords. They got the opinion of the German
metaphysicians and the ethnologists of Cali
fornia, aud the wise men of Oxford, and the
practical men of Algiers, and they made a book.
It was full of figures and facts, and finally they
concluded they might risk it, thatj perhaps, the
negro would fight. So, iu tbe summer of 186:),
with great trembling, and believing that be was
not responsible for it, and turning bis eyes away
from the danger, the President said to Massa
chusetts "You risk it," and she sent down two
regiments, and it was found that, like any
animal that bad a home, a child, and a wife,
he would fight just as well a9 anybody else.
They said "1 wonder it he would work." Then
they went to eet tbe opinions of college profes
sois, aud they concluded that possibly he would
work.
Now, a common-sense man would have said,
"Will a slave fight as well as anyb3dyelse?
Will a slave work ? No, If bo has got any sense
and can think." But will the negro fight ? Yes.
Will a neprowork? Of course, whenever he
gets paid. That would be an inevitable motive
to work. (Applause.) Common sense would
have said settle the matter at once. 80 would
the buslnesn men who went down there. We
dismissed all these things. We put a President
there who pardons those men aud gives them
buck their estates, and the railroads, aud several
millions In rolling stock. Ho gave up all that
had been confiscated, and there It stand. Ke
nt! lion knows it. Disloyalty treads upon it. He
has a treasure (or It, while the negro begs for
an acorn, lor a foot of ground to stand on, begs
rtteldom to allow him to buy a farm.
IMPEACH THE PRESIDENT IN SEVEN DATS.
What does impeachment mean? It means, that
when you bave regarded it, that tho President
was a traitor in 1865, aud that every one of his
acts was traitoious, that Congress recalls the
pardons aDd resumes the l:i.-h. It means that
having convicted Johnson of an Intentional pur
rose to resist Congress and deride the course of
the nation, every one of his acts since the fall
of 't5 ls veld, and disloyalty trembles in the
courts, and the property ot the men iu Virginia
and South Carolina is the property ot the
nation, and loyal men are to take it and divide
it. That is what impeachment means. It does
not mean a mere measurable punishment of the
traitor. It means Betting right Itbe actions of
the mun in the White House, and tearing out
disloyalty, tho reverse of the two years. I
would impeuch the President in seven days. I
would derpatch him in seven more, and the
next day have Congress pass a law lhat his par
dons were void, und that the land south of
Mason and Dlxou'8 line belonged to the nation.
But you would say "That is a very radical
measure." Yes, it is. Tbe loud is full of widows
and orphans. Kvery hearthstone has aa empty
chair. Out of every table you have taken a
Iruit. WDObuuu pay you that great debt? If
you naa ruiueu as 1 nave for five or six hours
with a half Idiot ou the opposite side of you, a
nprejeutative of Andersouville if you had
lived under the same roof, as I bave for six
weeks, with an only and loved boy brought
home lrom Libby prl.son, a body without a soul.
It took eighteen months to restore that intellect
which God had given him, and all a mother's
fond devotion to bring back her child, would
you think any measure was hard enough to
teach one section ot a land that never again, by
any human possibility, bhould oue root of bucu
bitterness be left, or one chance that auy din
all'eetion or auy didoyalty should make these
cradle tight over again the battle that we Lays
ouve gained,
v
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OlFIC'E OF Till SrPERINTKKDKN'TOF MOTIVB
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"y"E II A YE FOR SALE
FIRST MORTGAGE BONDS
OF THE
Central Faciflc Railroad Company,
AT (95) NINETY-FIVE,
And Accrued InUreit In Currency.
These Bonds are payable by law, principal and Inta.
rest, In gold. Into test payable lat or January and 1st
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We will take Governments in exohange, allowing
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We recommend them to Investors aa a first-class
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D13 HAVEN & BRO
Banker and Dealers In Clvirmi
11 S lru NO. 40 NOIITH TI T
QEORCC PLOWMAN,
OARPENTEltAND I1CIL.DKH
To IV o. la- IOCir. Htroot,
vriii
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IU PHILADELPHIA