THE DAILY 1GVEISING TEliI Q UA ril Fllll iADELFIIIA, MONDAY, OCTOBER 28, 1807.
srwiT of tub niEss.
EDITORIAL 0PIH1058 OF TUB LBAHINO JOURHAX8
VTOV CCBBBHT TOPICS COMPILKD KTKKT
DAT FOB TH8 JSVKNINO TBLKQBAPB.
Hall t Vlrglulaf
From the N. Y. Tribune.
Th MotLer of -State records her verdict la
favor of loval reconstruction on tue uasis itb
Bcribed by Congress ! The struggle has b -en
arduous, end the result doubtful ; for the
wealth ami social row"" State were
nearly all Against us. The press was against
U8 bitterly, furiously, veuoniously. liven
theliiihmond Whit, which would be Repub
lican if it durst, was coerced into supporting
the "conservative" ticket at last. TrobaMy
not six journals in all, and they mainly new
Olio?, Btood unflinchingly by the Republican
colors, while "sixty or eighty were doing their
utmost to defeat a Convention and to elect
"conservatives" thereto. The leading orgin
of the reaction called lustily on those whites
tho employed blacks to discharge every one
who fhould vote the radical ticket; yet ninety
nine in every hundred colored voters would
vote no other, and nineteen of every twenty
would not be deterred from voting. Ami thus
every district which had a majority of colored
voters on its registry, with several others, has
thofiiii radicals to the Convention, giving us
a clear majority of at least twenty delegates,
and carrying the Convention by over ten
thousand perhaps by twenty thousand Re
publican majority. The white preponderance
over the blacks in tue mate exceeuo vnouy
thousand men, of whom not more tliau six
thousand are disfranchised for conspicuous
treason by the Reconstruction acts, and these,
we trust, will, upon giving evidence of pre
sent loyalty, soon be restored to all the rights
of freemen.
It is instructive to note that the most radi
cal counties and districts are those which, in
the times now happily past, were the strong
holds of slave-driving Democracy. Halifax,
Urunswick, Mecklenburg, Louisa, Caroline,
etc. etc., were Democratic Gibraltars, when
none but slaveholders and their white satel
lites were voters; but now that the laboring
class also vote, they are citadels of radicalism.
Rockingham, Shenandoah, 1'age, Warren, etc.,
which were Democratic without being prepon
derantly slaveholding, constitute the only
notable exceptions to the general rule. We
may joyfully expect to see the d striata hereto
fore represented in Congress by Meade, Goode,
Dromgoole, and other vehemently pro-slavery
fanatics, henceforth honoring and blessing the
republio by sending to her councils apostles of
liberty and equal rights for all.
And it will be found that the Convention
Just elected is not only radical, but, in the
truest sense, conservative also. We did hope
to see Governor Pierpont's name head the Re
publican ticket in Richmond, for we believe it
would have insured the choice of that ticket
by a large majority, and would have been a
pledge to the people generally that liberty for
all would be asserted and secured without
giving just cause of alarm to any. Mr. Ilun
nicutt has probably said some of the harsh
things about Rebels that are attributed to lain;
but we are confident that, should he seek to
inaugurate a policy of coufiscation, or any
thing like it, he would find himseu in a very
. Kin all miuoritv.
The Convention will strongly assert the
eanal rights of men; but it will be moderate
and cautious in so using the triumph of
genuine democracy as not to endanger its
perpetuity. Reconstructed Virginia takes her
place among Republican btates, and there sue
will remain, tier aristocracy, buiuuiswh u
exaggerated reports of the recent achieve
ments of its confederates in California, Ohio,
and Pennsylvania, did its very utmost to re
tain its ancient power and prestige, but,
happily, in vain. Henceforth, Virginia, which
embosoms the ashes of so many gallant sons
of the Republio, consecrates herself to the
maintenance of that Liberty and Union which
they laid down their lives to maintain. Lonj
live the regenerated Old Dominion I
Vhc Rfgnmptlou of Specie Payment!
Secretary McCulloch' Policy.
from the N. Y. Times.
Secretary McCulloch makes it no secret that
he will assume the same ground regarding the
resumption of specie payments in his forth
coming Treasury report that he has main
tained for the last two years, and which he
first get forth in his celebrated Fort Wayne
speech, and reiterated at length in his Boston
letter. That is to say, he will favor the re
sumption of a specie basis just as soon as the
state of the national finances makes it practi
cable. He has avowedly and consistently
pursued this end under all circumstances
during his administration; and he has re
peatedly expressed his opinion of its rapid
approach at times when things looked inli
nitely less hopeful for it than they do now.
As the President thoroughly indorses the views
of the Secretary on this point, the subject will
presently be brought before the country in
the Annual Message in such a way as to com
mand universal attention.
He will certainly, on this occasion, be able
to make out a case vastly better than any it
has ever before been in his power to present
to .the country. Though he is not likely to
put forth views quite as sanguine as are enter
tained by those who think resumption may be
effected by the time the Seven-thirty bonds
are all funded that is, iu six or eight months
from now yet there is no cauger of his over
looking the importance of that time and cir
cumstance; for then our financial condition
will reach a point of compactness and order
beyond anything in the past, and which may
well form a new starting point for the goal
which the nation must reach before its alUirs
can be placed ou a basis of enduring pros
perity. The Secretary will be able to show an
amount of funding iu short time bonds, and
an amount of ooutraotloa in greenback cur
rency, which will fuml h the most solid argu
ments lit favor of U,s po icy, and which will
appeal to the common o( th(J t0llnt
with a force which cannot be n,Biu..l. iv0m
his monthly (statement.-., extliu over tl
last and present years, it amit-ar i V
ary, lH6o there were ViO YuuZlsven
thirty bonds outstanding, while on the 1st nf
the current month there were but 3i;5 millions
luus snowing mm iuj million have b.n
juuueu iniu rii (ri irni. b um iwilrt running
twenty years, iiy August next the entire
txxty of fceven-t!jirtit-s yet remaining will
have been liansluraied in iu the r ive-twenties.
and the iinuieiiute responsibilities of the
GovtiDUieiit, in the bhape of : priuni
pal, win have alu.ot entirely pi.-sjd
away, utm oi the great hariiura to resump
tion will thereby be removal, a regard to
greenback cu U eucy, the Titnury stateioi utfl
show that in January of lan year mil
lions "were afloat. While at the bHinniiiuflr of
ttcati Iters flrsre iul 2'il aiUicii, thw-.
Idk a reduction of 65 millions to which extent I
the Secretary nas comruiu um uo iw
which empowers him to withdraw 4 millions
a month. This process of contraction is still
going on, and the Seoretary lias It in ma power,
before August next, to withdraw another 40
millions, which will redvioe the entire green
back currency to 320 millions of dollars.
Xnow there are sanguine men who bold
that, as soon as things are in this Bhape, it
will be possible for the Secretary, with one
hundred millions of gold in his hand (which
he now holds and will then hold), to announce
the immediate resumption ol specie payments.
Secretary McCulloch, however, is a very con
servative financier, and it may be taken ai as
sured that he will do nothing rash!
lliere are some business people, and not a
few speculators, who are alarmed at the pros
pect of the resumption of specio payments.
They argne that it will unsettle values, busi
ness and industry, that it will come hard on
the debtor class, and damage the chance of
making money by the use and fall in coll.
1'roin the way these people speak, it would
eeem that it will be forever dangerous to re
sume, and that we must either nlwavs keep
up the present state of things, or, at most,
let there be a change of one or two points a
year, until, towards the close of the century,
we are able cautiously to bring matters
out right. We hold that these fears are
chimerical, and that, instead of pro
ducing any serious unsettling of money
matters, the return to specie payments will
give freedom, force and assurance to the en
terprise of the country, and will be followed
by an era of solid prosperity, which will
speedily extend its beneficent influence to all
classes of the people. When, in the period
of a few months, gold fell from 2sri to 125, the
business of the country was not shaken nor
its interests damaged. When it goes down 40
points nioie, and the national currency is ex
changeable for it, dollar with dollar, there will
be no more commotion, unless it be that of
universal exhilaration.
And if it be in Secretary McCulloch's power
to adopt such a policy as bids fair to bring this
about in a reasonable time, we promise him
an amount of popularity fit to satisfy any
human ambition.
The Democratic Party and the Senate.
lYom the iV. Y, Times.
The Senate is just now a formidable obstacle
in the path of the Democratic party. Flushed
with greatly exaggerated success, they have
begun to count the months which must elapse
before they return to power. They calculate
confidently on the possession of the next Pre
sident and the House of Representatives in the
next Congress. And they talk patronizingly
of their authority over the reconstruction
question, and propose . compromises of which
they ana tne bouthern Kebels, with President
Johnson to aid them, shall dictate the terms.
One dilliculty alone seems to trouble them.
The House they hope to manage, but the
Senate is beyond their reach. Do what they
may, win what they may, for years to cosne
the senate will be controlled by a Republican
majority. The fact is awkward and cannot be
explained away. Braggadocio and buncombe
are unavailing against it. It is there lixed,
immovable.
The Democratic game, therefore, now is to
break down the Senate. The World, in a re
cent paragraph on Mexican all'airs, pronounced
against a second Uh amber in republican gov
eminent. Its remark that "the tyrannical
powers exercised by a Republican Senate in
the United States have served to warn intelli
gent men, even in Mexico, of the probable re
Knits of rei'stablishiinr In that countrv
this branch of the National Congress" admits
of no other construction. It is. an affirmation
of Bentham's doctrine in favor of a single
legislative body. Governor Seymour, in his
address to the Albany Convention, did not ex
plicitly announce his adhesion to the same
view, but his attack upon the organio nature
of the United States Senate, and his denuncia
tion of the principle of representation by
States instead of numbers, pointed unmistaka
bly to war upon the conservative branch of the
Rational Government.
1b his Brooklyn speech on Thursday even
ing, Governor Seymour returned to the sub
ject with a warmth that showed how fully he
realizes the difficulty which the Senate inter
poses to the accomplishment of Democratic
purpoFes. Hia argument professedly rests
upon the influence, which the blacks will ex
ercise under the Reconstruction acts in South
ern politics. He points the moral of his tale
by dwelling upon white disfranchisement and
negro supremacy, mil the principle He thus
propounds is not affected by considerations of
color. His objection is, that the ten Southern
States will send twenty Senators to Washing
ton, while nine Northern States, containing
half the population of the country, send only
eighteen. Whether the Southern voters be
white or biacK, iteoei or radical, manes no
difference in the argument. It is a condemna
tion of the fundamental Federal principle by
which the States, as States, are secured an
equality of Senatorial representation; and the
object ol uovernor oeymour is to revolutionize
the Constitution of the Government in this
respect. His appeal has this significance, or it
is altogether meaningless.
There is nothing in the policy ot tne ultra
radicals which aims more directly at the in
dividual authority of the States than this
newly-invented cry of States-right Democrats.
J5y assailing the organization ot tne benate,
and denouncing as a grievance the principle
it incorporates into the Government, Governor
Seymour strikes at the root of all security for
the South or for minorities anywhere. With
out avowing himself a disciple of the World's
version of Benthamism, he does all he can to
promote it. For there will be no advantage
in the possession of a second Chamber, if its
organization in regard Jo representation be
identical with that of the'other House. Bent-
ham's theory of republican troveruuient was
equivalent to a centralized Democracy, with
no respect for the rights ot minorities and no
provision for the rights of States. Jefferson is
to be discarded, then, from the new gospel of
our New lork Democrats.
The allegations of the World touching "the
tyrannical powers exercised" by the present
Senate are as much at vnnance wun taci as
Governor Seymour's arguments are with old
fashioned American principle. Whatever
conservatism remains in the Government ope
rates in and through the Senate, which has
been the only real bulwark against the appli
cation of harsher measures to the South. For
"the tyrannical powers" of which the latter
complains it is more indebted to the Demo
cratic members of the House than to a Repub
Huau Senate, whose majority have steadily
striven to moderate the legislation of , the
bv !i ' to nut'Bite tho conditions imposed
7 u' construction measures. ,1
It is proper at this critical perioa of ' our A
tiona existence that Tery Lu who has the
good of the country at hearthQUId ak tf-'
elf what are the comfng election decide?
Iq analyzing the situation he must cut loose
entirely from .all the narrow and sectio-w l
ideas which have so much influence when no
great question is before the people. He must
weigh the matter in its widest sense, an 1
North, South, ISast, and West seek for the
general welfare. The salleut question which,
above all others, forces lttelf into notice is that
of civilization versus barbarism. It is the
question which we have leen lighting to-decide.
In 3 801 we found half of our territori il
extension and one-third of our white vonul i-
tion wt-dded to a Femi-civilized element, wliicii.
wherever its touch was felt, left its inherent
ctp se.
'1 he black contnet forei d us into a four yea: V
exhaustive war, tilled the land with civil
hatreds, heaped a debt upon us that inakns us
st;i'':er, and unsettled the whole uatiou.il rin
glets. No sooner have wo shaken off the one
ciiim' of four millions of slaves than this
sMne black tli-iiu-jit ppiings into a new n.i l
evt-n more threatening attitude thaA ever it
before possessed. This time it takes heal aud
froi.t as a compact and unrelenting nilinar
power, ignorant, ami consequently lacking in
judgment, and swayed entirely by pissions
which are sttned to ac'.iou by the most un
principled of the demagogues who make our
system of government a mockery. Here tlii.1
element stands to-day, demanding tho same
rights, the same power, the same considera
tion ns any equal number of the population of
the United States, no matter how many centu
ries of toil they have had to reach their pre
sent standard of civilization.
Let us suppose, for a moment, that four
millions of negroes from Africa could be
lauded tii ma sue upon the shores of the North
ern States, with brains undeveloped, steeped
in a barbarism that a forty centuries' contact
with the earliest civilization of the world never
could penetrate, who is there among us tint
would engraft such an element upon our politi
cal fortunes and stake the future of the coun
try upon the result f And yet this is the very
thing that the crazy politicians are attempting.
The power which the concentrated energies of
the nation gave them in the war they would
preserve by raising into existence a worse
political curse than slavery.
Did we raise the sword to cut loose from the
barbaiic element only to bind it the tighter to
the throat of the nation by after legislation t
Strange result, indeed, of all our efforts.
Surely our legislators cannot understand the
will of the people, much less their good, when
they undertake in a worse form to fasten upon
them this negro question. Our politicians are
organizing here a magnificent edition of St.
Domingo, Soudan, and Central Africa. Hero
we were laboring to establish all that was
lofty in civilization. We were making brain
power the standard of the man; we were dri
ving on our car of progress at a pace that
threatened to leave Furope far in the rear. Iu
the midst of all this we stoop to Africa, and
voluntarily force into existence a barbaric
power worse than' any that ever Hooded Eu
rope. Kurope had an invasion of fresh and
vigoious brains from the north; ours is of
brains cooked to a crisp under more than forty
centuries of African sunshine. No folly iu the
whole progress of ;ivilization equals this oue.
Not iu the range of all history cau be found an
instance where a nation voluntarily receded
in civilization. Nor can we believe that our
people, by endorsing the action of the radicals,
are abont to retrace their steps and lap3e into
barbarism.
The situation as it now presents itself has
nothing to do with the Rebellion. If the negro
curinii ua wbilo a slave he doubl y ourBos as
now; and in the mad idea that everything in
the shape of a man should count one, we have
forced him into a political power where not he
nor we can profit by it. Frightened at the
signs of the coming reaction, the demagogues,
wnose existence aepenas now upon tne amount
of ignorance they can bring to their support,
spring to the forum and make desperate efforts
to prop up their falling fortunes. Colfax,
Speaker of the House of Representatives, is
among them. His late speech, like the rest,
must depend upon ignorance to appreciate it.
It disgusts intelligence. Nor 13 the radical
opposition speech of Seymour any better.
beymour neither appreciates the situation nor
is able to analyze it. ine most puerile nnan
cial ideas are the whole burden of his brain,
It is in the power of the people to launch again
our Btranded wreck. . The coming elections of
this state will snow now they appreciate the
condition of the country. It will show, too, if
they are willing to shake hands with the great
West, and, in common with the conservative
element from Ohio to Kansas, dictate the law
so that our rulers cannot fail to understand it,
In dictating that law let the people remember
that they are called upon to decide if the
country shall commence a retrograde move
ment, and that the great issue of the hour is
a- i . T i -i i :
to cnoose ociweeu civilization anu uaruanaiu,
Trial of Jeflereou Davie A Humbug
i Crutch u Vpou Cant.
fVowi the A'. Y. World.
In the decay of religious faith among the
Romans, it was deemed a wonder that the
aueurs, while practising their solemn foole
ries, could look each other in the face withou
laughing. It should be deemed equally won'
derful now that those reverend ministers of
the law, Chief Justice Chase and Judge Un
derwood, can maintain the expected gravity of
face in the judicial farce they are preparing to
enact. It is at last decided that JeUerson
Davis shall be tried; and the Chief Justice has
written a letter to the District Judge notifying
him that he will preside if the prisoner and
his counsel will consent to appear on the 13th
of November iustead of the 27th; the latter
being the day on which Davis gave bail to he
present. On the farcical character of this pro
posed arrangement we forbear to remark until
we have first exposed the main humbug; the
pu ffer of the Chief Justice belonging to the
mere drapery, or rather the frippery, of the
intended trial.
The trial of Mr. Davis for treason cau have
but two legitimate objects to hang the priso
ner and to settle the law. If there is no de
sign to do the oue. and no deubt which atrial
c-,n remove resneefne the other, the proposed
trial will be as hollow and theatrical a piece of
judicial foolery as was ever enacted
'Wlih nil th tupplisl) gravity of snow
Which cunuliig magistrates on crowds best'jw.
There is not a man of decent intelligence,
whether he be lawyer or layman, who believes
that Mr. Davis' life is to end by the hau is of a
public executioner. lie is to be tried, then, for
tome other purpose than to visit upon him the
penalties ot treason. i
The onlv other rational obiect of a trial is
to settle Jho law; that is, to determine whether
the light of secession formerly claimed by the
South, but now abandoned, was valid. Could
any proceeding be more supremely farcical
than to fubinU to the judgment of a court, at
this late day, the question whether the Gov
eruiiient was riglit or wrong hi a war waged
for four years, during which it called two mil
lions of men into the fluid f Why should the
Uovemuient L'nuuuonsiy ft(1nit Uj, t)13 lg
matter Of doubt, and act aa if the rightfulness
of the wr-wire still 80. open to dispute that
the Question sua needs to he decided by some
higher authority thau has yet pronounced upon.
it f SnppoRo the court solemnly ' der ides "that
the war was riabt; what pertinent praotiol
consequencn follows f Why, that the Gov
ernment mm inflict a penalty on the indivi
dual on trial which it neither wishes nor intends
to inflict.
But suppose the Court affirms the right of
secession; what follows then? Why, that we
wnged against the South an unjustifiable war;
aud hat tlio t ceding States ought to herein
stated in the independence thny rightfully
assumed. It is indescribably preposterous to
hold a tiial, at this late day, to determine
whether any such doctrine is to be admitted.
The trial of Mr. Davis can settle nothing
which is not already settled on immovable
Inundations. It ill neither make any differ
ence in his personal fate, nor in the future
action of the Government respecting the rela
tions of the States to the Federal authority.
It w ill there lore be a mocking humbug dressed
up in the tclemn robes of juntice.
But conceding, for argument, that the right
fulness of the war is an open or a doubtful
tiKStion, and that the trial of Mr. Davis will
determine it, it is proper to inquire whether
the settlement hangs on the charge of tho
udge or on the verdict of the lury. If on
the latter, a verdict of acquittal will upset tho
whole theory of the war, and all the questions
which the war is supposed to have decided
are liable to be ripped open by the caprice or
the sectional prejudices of a bouthern jury.
But if the settlement depends ou the expected
charge of Chief Justice Chase, everybody
knows as well beforehand, as anybody cau after
the charge id delivered, what its substance will
be. Having been a consenting member of the
Government which waged the war against
secession, he can decide but one way. B-dng
a Republican candidate for President, he will
not blast his prospects by espousing defunct
secession. If, therefore, the object of trying
Mr. Davis is to find out whether Chief Justice
Chase thinks a State can legally exempt its
citizens from the penalties of treason, nothing
could be more idly superfluous.
It is oi no practical importance to decide the
question whether a State may shield its citi
zens from the penalties of trea:son against the
United states, 'in respect to Mr. Davis bim-
self it is confessedly of no practical conse
quence, since there is no intention to hang
him. It signifies equally little in respect to
cases that may arise in future rebellions. The
utter futility of any judicial decision on a
question bo purely theoretical, will be appa
rent as soon as we consider the provisions or
the Constitution in respect to criminal trials.
They must in all cases be before a jury of the
State in which the crime has been committed.
But if the crime has been commanded by the
Government of that State, a majority of its
people are accomplices; the State Govern
ment being merely the organ through which
the majority of the people execute their will.
In such a State, the majority of every jury
will consist of accomplices of the person on
trial, and any one juryman of the whole
twelve can prevent a conviction. The theo
retical question whether the State can right
fully protect its citizens from the penalties of
treason is thereiore trivial, it a btate con
sisted merely of its officers, the question
might be of some importance; but inasmuch
as a fctate consists oi us people, it is idle
to inquire whether they can absolve them
selves from the penalties of treason, when
conviction is possible only by the unanimous
verdict of twelve Jurymen drawn from among
them.
The charge of Chief Justice Chase, if he de
livers one, will decide nothing respecting
future punishments for treason; nor would
an adjudication by the Supreme Court decide
anything. Kvery future trial will be before
a separate jury, and whether the prisoner is
punished will depend upon the consent of the
whole twelve and not upon the charge of the
presiding judge. The question of State pro
tection cannot arise oxcept in cases where a
majority of the citizens from whom the jury
men are drawn were accomplices in the alleged
crime; and let the judge in each trial charge
as he will, it is still for each juryman to form
his own judgment, and any one of the twelve
can save the prisoner.
Chief Justice Chase of course knows per
fectly well that the proposed trial of Jefferson
Davis is a solemn humbug. He has fought
shy of it as long as he could, and he would
keep aloof from it altogether if he were not a
candidate for President. It is the cant of the
so-called Conservative Republicans that drives
him to dip the tip of his judicial fingers in
this farcical business. He is understood to
belong, like hia admirer? Mr. Greeley, to the
"universal amnesty, universal suffrage" wing
of the party. Their opponents pelt them with
cant about the awful crime of treason which
they are unwilling to have punished; aud
either from moral cowardice or political ex
pediency, Mr. Chase permits himself to be
canted into participation in a judicial farce.
The chorus of howls raised against Mr. Greeley
when he signed the bail bond, warns the Chief
Justice that he must not seem slack; and
he consents to preside at Richmond from,
the same motives that led him to make stump
speeches to the Southern negroes two years
ago. But ho is planning to shirk the trial
while professing a williuguess to conduot it.
He contents to be present at its opening, but
declines to remain till its close. The offer to
be present on the 13ih of November is a de
ceitful dodge, for he knows that tho trial can
not be brief. Many days, perhaps many weeks,
will be spent in getting a jury. Much time
will be consumed in examining and cross
examining witnesses. Before the trial is con
cluded, the Supreme Court will sit at Washing
ton, and the Chief Justice declares that he
cannot be absent. The consequence will be
that the charge to the jury, the chief
thing for which he is wanted, will
devolve on Judge Underwood, and Chief
Justice Chase will escape the responsibility
of giving any opinion . except on matters
merely preliminary or incidental. The pre
tense that he cannot be absent from the open
ing of the Supremo Court is a subterfuge. A
majority of the judges would suffice to hold the
Supreme Court, which has more than once
opened and advanced far into its term without
the presence of a Chief Justice. Not only is
the proposed trial itself a humbug and a faroe,
bul the management of the Chief Justice to
evince a simulated willingness to preside at
it, and to slip out on a feigned necessity at the
critical stage of submitting the case to the
jury, is a more pitiful because a smaller and
more tricky humbug than the rest.
RROVN'S
PATENT
rAIlPET-STnETtlllBB AND
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caU on or address ' j
WIUJAM ". KIUEIUIBi ; I
Ho, 4 8, THIRD Btreet,
atfC XhUadulpUln.
'ilJi: L-Al'GKJST AND 15EM' STOCK- OF;
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I THE LAND IS KOW rOiHbSllI) BY
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and 220 EOTJTF. FHOKX
TICAIK IK
TKBJIK.
Vbelr Vlotk. or Kye W l Isalt-a, IN BOHU, riste all the favorlt braa
UnDl,sd run tliiouRli tl. a various luoutki ot thf.a.'OB, aid of tbta year, sip t
Ivtkcni date.
I.llirrnl - n 1 1 ts n.arie lor lots to arrive at l'ts tj Iranla Ilallroad lepat
ferrlraeo I.tue Vtl.arf.or at U on tied Warchoaeer, ae -nrtlce l ay elect.
L O O IUr.C-CLAtGSal
OF TUB
. EKST FKEXCII PLATK,
In Every Stylo of Frames,
ON HAND OR MADE TO ORDER.
NEW ART GALLERY,
F. BOLAND & CO.,
10 2 lm-wfm2p No. 614 -A.It.ClI Htreet.
MILLINERY, TRIMMINGS, ETC,
DONNET OPENING.
VVOOd & GARY,
No. 725 CHESN'JT STREET
IV 1X1. OPEN
FALL D O N N E T S,
THURSDAY CTOBEH . 80 2mrp
MRS. R. D I L L O N,
KOS. 383 AND 331 SOUTH STREET
Has all the novelties In FALL MILLINERY, fox
Ladles, Mlssee, and Children.
Also, Crapes, Bilks, itlbbons, Velvets, Flowers,
Feathers, Frames, etc. Milliners supplied. 8 16J
BONNET OPENING,
WEDNESDAY, October 2.
E. P. GILL & CO.,
NO. 70 ARCH STREET.
HOOP SKIRTS. "
10 2 2U
628. WM. T. HOPKINS, 628.
MANTJFACTTJItEB OF FIRST QUALITY
HOOP' SKIRTS,
FOR THE TRADE AND AT RETAIL.
NO. 62S ARCH STREET, BELOW SE.
TENTH, PHILADELPHIA.
Also dealer In fall lines of low-priced New York
and Kaalern made feklrla.
All tbe new and deelrable styles and sluos ol Ltdles',
Misses', and-Children's Hoop-skirts constantly on
hand and made to order, embracing the largtwt and
moat varied assortment lu tula market, at very mode,
rate prices.
Kvery lady shonld try "Our Own Make' of Hoop
Skirta, as they bave no eqnal.
feouibern, Weeteru. ana near Trade buyers Will find
It to tbelr Interest to examine our goods.
Catalogues of styles, elmes, aud prices sent to any
addreas. 17 8m
BOOTS AND
SHOES.
REDUCTION IN PRICES.
FRBNC1I CALF DOUBLE tSOLE BOOTS, Firs
Quality, 112-00.
FBENCH CALF B1N6LE SOLE BOOTS, Firs
Quality, IIU'JO.
FRENCH CALF DOUBLE SOLE BOOTS, Second
Quality. 110 00.
FRENCH CALF (SINGLE SOLE BOOTS, Second
Quality, 9tQ,
UYN' FINE BOOTS AND SUOEM
At very low prices.
BARTLETT,
MO. S3 SOUTH SIXTH STREET, '
817rp ABOVE CUKSNTJT.
f O W READY,
Gentlemen's and Youths'
OOTG AND GAITERS
FOR FAL.Ii AND WINTER WEAR.
FRENCH PATENT LEATHER BOOTS.
FINE FRENCH CALF ilOOTtt fur Bulls aud Tar.
ties. -
fclNGLE-BOLED BOOT? for Fall Wear. ' -
LIGHT DOTJBLE-SOCED BOOTS for Fall Wear .
FRENCH CORK-HOiKU ROOTS. Very easy fur
tender feet. . ' --.-
QUILTED SOLED :300TS made by hand.
GUM SOLED BOOl ti, very durable, and guaranteed
to keep the leet dry, !
Having Uttetl the second story of my store for some
olmy workmen. I am aole to make aDy sort of Buota
to order, at verv abort notice. Fair dealing aud a
moderate price Is my motto, A trial Is all I desire,
WW!-. H. HELWEC,
NO. OSS ARCH STREET,
9 28 smwsni One door below Sixth.
CO.,
STBELT,.'. ;
FURS.
18G7.
FALL AND WINTIiR.
1867
FUR HOUSE,
(Established In 1818.)
Tbe nnderflgued Invite the Bt'fctul attention of the
Ladles to tbeir large slock of FURS, couslullng of '
r.luffs, Tippets, Collars, Etc.,
IN RUSSIAN S A RLE,
UUDdON'sJ HAY SABLE,
MINE 8ABLB
ROYAL FRMlNE, CHINCHILLA, FtTOH, ETC
All Of tne LATEST STYLE, HUFKR1OR FINISH,
and at reasonable prices,
l adles In mourulug will Und handsome articles
PERHIANNEd and SIMIAS; the latter a moat bead-
tliullur.
CARRIAGE ROBES, SLEIGH ROBES, and FOOT
MUFFS. In great variety.
A. EC. & F. IC. WOMRATH,
llllm NO. 417 ARCH STREET.
p A N C Y FURS.
The snbsrrHxr having recently returned from
Europe with an entirely new stock of
runs
Ol his own selection, would offer the same to his cus
tomers, mntlo up in the latent styles, and at reduced
prices, at hia OLD ESTABLISHED STORE,
NO. IU9 XORTII THIRD STREET,
10 252mrp
) . ABOVE ARCH.
JAMES RKISKY.
FIRE AND BURGLAR PROOFSAFES
$94,500
SAVED FltOJl BURGLARS
IN ONE OF
MARVIN'S SAFES.
See New . York Papers of 17th September.
The Burglars were at work during
last Saturday Night, and till 3 P. M
Sunday, and failed to secure a dollar.
MARVIN'S PATENT
IRE AN!) BURGLAR
SAFES,
ALUM AUD LEY FLASTE&.
Are Always Dry.
Never Corrode the Iron.
Never lose their Tire-Proof Qualities.
MARVIN & CO.,
721 CHESTNUT St. MasonicHall
AND NO. 808 BROADWAY, W. T.
Bend for Illustrated Catalogue. t 19 mwsitm
C. L. MAISER.
MAN0I-ACTDBIB OW
FIRE AND BtBtlLAB-rBOOr
SAFES.
liOCKSniTII, BKLL-IUadBB, UB
DEAIJtIR IN BUILDINU HARD W ARB,
6 Of NO. 414 RACK STRKMT.
A LARGE ASSORTMENT OF FIRES
and fSnnrlar-Droof SAFES on hand, with (nalda
doors, Dwelling-house Bares, free from dampness.
rriueaiuw, v, uassEflivHiiKii.
It . No. i V1NK Btreet
WINDOW BLINDS AND SHADES
831. CHARLES L HALE, 83
(Late Baleeman and Superintendent for B. J. Williams)
. NO. 631 ARCH Ml BET, -MANUFACTURER
Of
VENETIAN BLINDS AND WINDOW MHADES.
Largest aid finest assortment
LOWEST flUt'EH,
In
tho city at the
9 23 2m8p
PPHOLBTERIKQ IN ALL IT8 BRANOHKft.
B.
j.
WILLIAMS & SONS.
NO.
16 NORTH SIXTH STREET,
MANCEACTUitEEa OF . '
VEMiTIAN BLINDS
AKD
WINDOW SHADES.
Largest and ncpst assortment In the city 'at the
LOWEST I'HJCKH.
Repairing- promptly attended to.
BTORB t-ITO DFa made and lettered. fl 2n 2m8p
DYEING, SCOURING, ETC.
FRENCH STEAM
BCOUKHSTG.
ALCCDYLL. MARX V CO.
NO. IS NttU 1A, llLfLAl slUELT
AND : ,' ',
, 1110 RACK TKI3l&10ml
T flYVRI
Soxk'ki BOX ESI
J ) Franklin I'laulji Will, all klmi. of Boies. Bo
Ll.nr.1.
br lor sal, worked lo suit l UHlomprM. AIho, VVtilH
nd j Jlcmrua iiiauc iu w.wm. aiuu, 1.11m-
'. H. K. our
bar oi ULUAaU Avenue ftwi YLbNNA bt tfviu