THE DAILY EVEN ING TKLKCnAril rillLADET.rillA, THURSDAY, OCTOBER ?Af 18G7.
SPIRIT OF TUB PllE&S.
KDiTOBiAt ornrioHB or ihi lsadiwo joubnami
VTOW CPBBBNT TOPICS COMPILED BVBRT
PAT FOB TBI BVBNUJO TKLEOBAPH.
of tb PollUclauB d the 1 ople.
jFVom the iV. Y. Herald.
TuUio meetings endorsing General Grant
for the Presidency were held in half a dozen
different wards in Philadelphia the other even
ing. They were all of a very enthusiastic)
haracter, indicating the powerful hold which
the name of General Grant ha3 taken upon the
popular mind. At the Twenty-fourth Ward
meeting Hon. W. D. Kelley raade a lengthy
Speech in support of this nomination. lie ad
vocated General Grant, not ou account of his
availability (we had had enough of that), nor
pa account of his glorious military service,
Jbut because of his fidelity to the Congres
sional plan of Southern reconstruction, and of
his perfect accord with Bchofleld, Sickles, Popo,
and Sheridan, and "the great War Minister
Whose courage and integrity Andrew Johnson
Could no longer abide." "Yes," said Mr.
Kelley, "Stanton knows and confides in Grant,
In the same unstinted measure accorded to the
honored District Commanders. Let us, then,
Inscribe the illustrious name of U. S. Grant
tipon our standard, and emblazon around it, in
lroad letters of gold, our precious principles,
not doubting that when the National Conven
tion assembles it will approve and confirm our
action by acclamation."
Buch are the beginnings, on the part of the
Independent masses of the great Union party
Of the war, in favor of General Grant. They
remind us of the similar movements of the
people which brought into the foreground,
each in his turn, General Jaokson, General
Barrison, and General Taylor, in epite of all
the opposition movements, calculations, and
Schemes of the politicians and party managers
concerned. It is the same everywhere else as
In Philadelphia when the name of Grant is
mentioned at a gathering of the Republican
xank and file. It revives the old popular en
thusiasm which carried "Old Hickory" "Old
Tippecanoe and Tyler too," and "Old Rough
and Ready" into the White House. United
States Grant is the people's ticket for 18(58.
' Meantime, the politicians, this man and that
man, on both sides, are trotting out their
favorite horses for the grand four-mile swecp
fctakes for the succession. On the Democratic
Bide, in view of possible contingencies, General
McClellan, it is said, has been sent for and will
soon return from Europe. In New York, how
ever,. Horatio Seymour is looming up again
above the horizon, while in Ohio and Kentucky
George H. Pendleton is proclaimed the coining
man. A Cincinnati paper says that "w ith hiiu
as our candidate, standing on the platform
of the Constitution, equal justice to all sec
tions of our common country, with equality to
all (a bold bid), special privileges to none, the
Same currency for the bondholder that the
people are compelled to receive," etc., "we
shall sweep Ohio with fifty thousand majority,
and also the country, as we did with Franklin
fierce in 1S52," against General Scott, the
conqueror of Mexico. A Connecticut paper
nominates Governor English, but this is pro
bably as far as he will go.
' On the Republican side (in addition to the
Erevailing movements for General Grant) they
ave an earnest Chase organ in Philadelphia,
Which is of the opinion that the Grant meet
ings in that city have "more influence abroad
than at home;" that In this Grant movement
"principles have been kept in the back
ground," and that it will not do to make a
Quaker meeting of the coming campaign. An
Indiana paper runs up the name of Scliuyler
Colfax for President; a New Hampshire paper
runs up the name of Sheridan; a paper 01 tne
interior of Pennsylvania has hoisted the ticket
Of Grant and ex-Governor Curtin; another
paper of the same State proposes Grant and
Stanton; and lastly a Massachusetts rural paper
(doubtless an old line Whig) thinks that
Charles Francis Adams, our present Minister
at London, is the ablest and best man for
President that the United Ssates can produce,
but that he has been bo misrepresented that
Le has hardly a better chance than Charles
Sumner. It is the same Adams who run on
the Buffalo free soil Van Buren tioket of 1843.
All these newspaper side nominations, how,
ever, amount to nothing. The fight in the
Republican convention will be between Grant
and Chase for President, while for the Vice
President the field of choice will be sufficiently
widened to embrace almost any one of the
Seoondary characters named anywhere for the
first office. As Grant and Chase are both
Western men, however, if either is nominated
for President, the associate candidate for Vice-
President will doubless be taken from the
East, i In this view, Stanton, Curtiu and
Cameron, of Pennsylvania, Fenton and Mor-
pan of New York, and Fesseuden of Maine,
may be named among the probabilities for
Vloe-Pre6ident. If the Republicans carry
New York this fall, we dare Bay they will get
the Vice-President, but with the signal defeat
of Mr. Chase on the negro suffrage test in Ohio
they have a heavy load to carry, and we guess
wui DreaK them down.
The Democratic chances for the nomiuation
against Grant or Chase lie, we think, and in
the order named, between Horatio Seymour
of New York, Pendleton of Ohio, and General
McClellan. As to General Sherman, he has
too many peculiar crotchets of his own to
Serve the political purposes of either party,
and so he may be counted out. He was no
minated by a little conventicle of lobbymun
at Washington not long ago in this shape:
or l'reaiaent, Anarew Johnson, or Tennessee;
for Vice-President, Lieutenant-General W. T.
Sherman, of Missouri; but we are inclined
to think that in this movement this aforesaid
conventicle had other fish to fry, and have,
Eerhaps, fried them. President Johnson will
e a looker-on in this coming national contest,
and the whole shaping, character, and issues
f the battle will depend upon the Republican
nomination. If Giant, the thing is settled
and the coast is clear; if Chase, wise men will
take in sail and look out for squalls. To say
nothing of the negro question, on his financial
System alone Mr. Chase, as the Republican
candidate, will be apt to throw the country
into inextricable contusion.
i - ""
Hf Postmaster Pralaea My Policy,
Prom Vie N. Y. Tribune.
1 The letter of Postmaster-General Randall to
a friend in Wisconsin will bear comparison for
troth and veracity with the official despatches
of the Rebel Ueneral Beauregard, or of oun or
two of our own always brave but not always
trustworthy commanders. Mr. Randall affirms
that the Republican party has repudiated
every principle on which the Government car
ried ou the war; that Mr. Johnson has pur
sued the policy inaugurated by Mr. Linooln,
and then approved by the party, and has en
(Joat'orei to eBtore the Union on Just terms;
that bad his policy been CBrMed out, '"Repre
sentativea loyal all through the War" would
now fill the vacant Keats in the House; that
"it is time the work of tbe.dominant party
outside the Constitution was stopped," and
that no Republican should vote for any man
who favors the Impeachment of the President.
We reverse the order of his statements, so as
to answer them in the order of ocourreuce of
the events on which they bear. Moreover, we
allow Mr. Randall to entertain as many erro
neous judgments as he pleases, provided he
does not misstate the facts.
The statement that the Republican party
has abandoned every or any principle on
which the Onvernment carried on the war, is
very good "Johnsonese." It has formed the
burden of all Mr. Johnson's speeches, drunk
or sober, and belongs to the class of statements
which Mr. Johnson has the capacity to believe,
but which Mr. Randall could never have seen
any sense in without the aid of the extraordi
nary light shed upon the subject by hi3 posi
tion as Postmaster-General. This fiction ha
just enough foundation in fact to make a
passable lie.
"For a lie that la nil a lie we may meet and
conquer ontrljht;
But a lie t tint Is half truth is a harder matter
to flgut."
It is true that on the day after McDowell's
disgraceful defeat at Bull Run, Andrew John
son, then a Democratic Senator from Tennes
see, who had debated seriously whether to go
with the Rebels or the Union cause, and who
has since told us that he might have "gratified
his highest ambition" by becoming a Rebel,
introduced a resolution into the Senate, which
was passed three days after, on July 25, 101,
presenting a sort of conservative or pro-slavery
platform for the benefit of the weak-kneed
War Democrats of whom Mr. Johnsou was
chief. The resolution declared that
"In this national emergency, Congress,
bnnlNhlnp all feeling of mere phhsIou or resent
ment, will recollect only Its duty to the whole
country; that this war is not waged upon our
pRrt In euy spirit of oppression, or for uuy pur
pose of conquest or Riihjugutlon, or purpose of
overthrowing or interfering wit'j the rights or
established Institutions of those States, but to
defend and main tain the supremacy of the (Jon
stitution, and to preserye the Union with all
the dignity, equality, and rights of the several
States unimpaired, and that as soon as those
objects are accomplished, the war ought to
cease.",
I. In accordance with this resolution the
war was conducted until January 1, lso'3.
McClellan, Fitz John Porter, and Buell,
with some incidental aid from Lee, Stonewall
Jackson, and Albert S. Johnston, were engaged
in burying our armies, and causing them to
retreat vigorously from the presence of the
enemy. Many gloomy defeats were suffered,
and, except Fort Douelson, Roanoke, and the
capture of New Orleans, no decisive victories
had been gained. Copperheads and Rebels
were in high feather, and Unionists and radi
cals were enraged and dijgusted. The above
resolution, intended as an olive branch to the
Rebels, and a soothing syrup to the Copper
heads, had failed to conciliate either. Then,
in obedience to the overwhelming voice of the
loyal North, the policy of our Government was
reversed. The Emancipation Proclamation was
issued, pledging the Government to overturn
the very "institution" which the above resolu
tion promised to protect. Andrew Johnson, its
author, went into Tennessee as Military Gov
ernor, and aided in overthrowing its Rebel
State government, and in organizing a new
one, in the teeth of his own resolution prom
ising not to interfere with State institutions.
Of course, every honest man would see in this
change of policy a repeal of the above resolu
tion. No Huuh resolution wag ever passed a ft or
the emancipation policy wa3 adopted. That
act rendered the preservation of Rebel State
institutions impossible, and the resolur
tion quoted was thenceforth null. If the
above resolution were still in force, then Mr.
Johnson's career in Tennessee would constitute
its most signal violation; for there, without a
law of Congress to justify him, he abolished
both slavery and the State government. It is
false that after January I, IM1, the war was
carried on upon any principle of non-interfe
rence with State institutions. And hence Air.
Randall's statement that, in reconstruct;ng
the Southern State governments, Congress has
abandoned any principle on vtlnch the war
was conducted after the Emancipation Procla
mation was issued, or Tennessee and Louisiana
were reconstructed, is false, as Mr. Randall
well knows. But even had it been true that
Mr. Johnson's pro-slavery resolution remained
in force to the end of the war, President John
son himself so conspicuously broke it in
pieces by his own ten proclamations declaring
the Southern State governments destroyed,
and providing for their reconstruction, and
requiring them adopt ordinances abolishing
slavery, that there was not enough left of his
resolution for Congress to violate if it would.
The President himself had trampled in the
dust every part and feature of it. He had not
only decreed the destruction of State govern
ments and slavery, but had himself docreed
who should vote in the proposed new govern
ments. '
II. Mr. Randall asserts that Mr. Johnson has
pursued the reconstruction policy inaugurated
by Mr. Lincoln. Here again the truth is a
mere cover for the untruth. It is true that
the mere form of Johnson's reconstruction
proclamations for the nine States did not ma
terially differ from the mode of Mr. Liucola for
Tennessee, Arkansas, and Louisiana. Both
based the suffrage on that portion of the wllite
vote which was willing to promise to be loyal
thereafter, without regard to what they had
been theretofore. But owing to the close of
the war intervening, the elleot of the two ex
periments was vastly different. In Mr. Lin
coln's State Governments, none but loyal men
took part. The Rebels scorned aud stood aloof
from ihem. But into air. Johnson's the Robels
rushed, oiawled, and spawned, like the frogs
and lizards of Egypt into the palaces of
i haraoh. 1 hey were Hebel to the core. That
Mr. Lincoln had not designed to pursue the
same mode of reconstruction after the
Rebel should surrender, as was adequate be
fore, we may infer from the flexibility which
at all times marked his policies, and from his
expre.ss declarations. During the last yeir of
tne war rresmeni Lincoln s convictions were
maturing, and had taken firm form, that the
.colored race must be allowed to vote. This
truth inspired his note to Governor Ilahu, and
was clearly stated as an element of recoustruo
tion in his letter to General Wadsworth. He
therein promised not to allow Rebels to return
to power, or loyal black men to bo deprived of
the suffrage. Hut above all, lu his last speech
at Richmond, he stated that the questions of
reconstruction and suffrage were for Congress,
not the Executive, to decide. These facts
show that Mr. Lincoln's policy would have
been: 1. So to reorganize the Rebel States as
to stcure their power to loyal mei. 2. To
leave the mode of reconstruction aud the right
o suffrage wholly to Congress. 3. To use his
influence in behalf of tho extension of the right
of suUVuge to the colored race as part of the
work of reconstruction. In all these respects
Mr. Johneon has reversed Mr. Lincoln's
policy In the aim pursued, though he followed
u iu me intra reu lape. jie placed the power
of every State he recoiis'ructedln Rnhl i,.in,iu
lie opposed all legislation thereon by Con
gress, and he specially fought against the ex
tension of Buffi age to the colored race, Henoe
It Is a bald untruth in Mr. Randall to utitn I
that the two policies are alike in the objects
sought.
III. It is a well-known fact that under Mr.
Johnson's policy not a single " representative,
loyal all through the war, was ever elected to
Congress." In affirming that had his policy
been let alone such representatives would
have been elected, Mr. Randall is predicting
against the facts after they have happened
Mr. Johnson's policy was let alone until every
Southern State had had opportunity to elect
representatives, and not one loyal one was
elected. Alexander H. Stephens of Georgia,
Vice-President of the Confederacy, was the ouo
UjO.4 nearly loyal out of the whole litter.
IV. If the reconstruction laws passed by
Congress were "outside the Constitution," m
Mr. Randall affirms, we would be glad to learn
where ' iuhide the Constitution" the Presi
dent's reconstruction proclamations can be
found. Congress is clothed by the Constitu
tion with power to "make all laws needful for
carrying into effect" any of the powers of the
Government. If the Government, in any of
its blanches, military or civil, executive, legis
lative, or judicial, had any power to rcoa
struct the Southern States, Congress was in
vested by the Constitution with power, as the
law-making body, to declare how it should be
done. If the Government had no such power,
what becomes of the President's proclamations
of reconstruction ? The signal error committei
by the President was in having too much am
bition to allow Congress or even his Cabinet
to divide the responsibility and share the glory
of reconstruction, and yet too little ability to
devise a plan of reconstruction which was
either statesmanlike, safe, or possible. The
error committed by Mr. Randall in defending
his master lies in forgetting that the people to
whom he addresses his statements do not hold
the office which to him is a sufficient compen
sation for making them. Uecne they cannot
be expected to see their force.
Kcpubltcaii Statesman ah 1 1 A Illut to
Party Orators.
trmn the N. Y. Times.
Were we to estimate the facts of the situa
tion on data culled from the campaign oratory
of the day, we should perhaps conclude that
the problem of reconstruction still awaits solu
tion at the hands of Congre?s. On no other
conjecture should we be able to comprehend
the earnestness and persistency with which
Republican speakers, of all shades of opinion,
discuss the policy pursued towards the South.
Every man who rises to enlighten assemble!
itizens seems to consider it his duty to bejrin
at the beginning of the war, to fight its battles
over again, to determine according to his par
ticular views the standing of the Southern
States, to expound and vindicate every point of
Longresssional action, and to denounce with
microscopic minuteness the successive sins
and follies of 1 'resilient Johnson. Each speaker
appears to hold himsalt bound to cover the
whole ground of the war and its political re
sults. The Presbyterian preachers of a bygone
feneration were expected to incorporate the
entire body of divinity in every Sabbath-day's
discourse; and a somewhat analogous staii'turd
of orthodoxy regulates the platform efforts of
tliose who are relied upon to do the talking
of tho autumn contests. With very few ex
ceptions, they proceed ou the assumption that
as the suppression of the Rebellion constitutes
the achieved glory of the party tuy phsad for,
so the reconstruction of the offending States
forms the beginning and the end of its uu-liuit-hed
statesmanship. . ,
Now. we have no inclination to aouiit, tue
magnitude of the task which has devolved
nnon the party in power, or to impusu the
judgment which treats it as the greatest of all
issues at present neiore ine wuu";.
the restoration or reconstruction of the Union,
with the least possible delay, is the question
which in importance transcends all others,
none ventures to deny. And that its adjust
ment is controlled by the republican party,
and will be consummated by them iu one way
or another, is, we believe, a matter ot sincere
rejoicing. Nor is it surprising that the orators
of the party find it expedient to state the case
of .Congress again and again, and to direct
attention to the principles on which it has
acted and the terms n nas prescrioea.
The error committed consists in the adop
tion of the idea that a necessity exists for
making the war and its consequence? the sole
topio of discussion. Little or notning eise
enters into the speeches of the most distin
guished orators. They travel over the same
ground, however often they speak, and do
their utmost to produce the impression that
Republicans have no policy outside of the sub
ject of reconstruction. Analyze the majority
- - ... . 1 3 x
of their ellorts, ana iney win ue jouhu to re
solve themselves into a we 11-worn version of
facts known to everybody, spiced with vitupe
ration more or less violent. Of new and useful
information there is scarcely a particle: Of
calm, instructive reasoning there is much less
than there ought to be. For the most part,
the orations are made up of appeals that are
heard for the thousandth time, mingled with
threats and denunciations" of which all but
slavish partisans are ashamed. Novelty in
the form of statement, if not in the state
ments themselves, might possess interest; but
when the whole thing is stale, people grow
wearied, and turn away inditlerent it not dis
gusted. Moreover, it is a blunder to assume that the
principles or details ef reconstruction are auy
longer open to discussion in the sense that
attaches to an unsettled question. It is not a
question on which action remains to be taken
by Congress or its constituents. The policy
has been determined. Congress has decided
the status of the South, aud has affirmed its
absolute authority over Southern affairs. The
time, manner, and conditions of reconstruc
tion have been arranged according to its own
c onceptions of duty and interest. It is to all
intents and purposes master of the position.
The President can neither curtail its power
nor prevent the filial success of its plans.
What more is needed, except that Congress
thf 11 demonstrate its capacity to complete the
work it has begun ?
What Congress has already done of course
constitutes a proper subject of party debate.
The Republicans are responsible for it, and
may well desire to have it ratified auey by
the country. But. after all. the test bv which
tho reeonstruetiou policy will really be judged
must ue lurnisued by Congress itself. ah
.depends upon failure or success. Tire
country calls for the immediate restoration
of the South to the Union, and if the mea
sures now being applied produce thi3 result,
they will be held lustiflable and ricrht. Ou
the other hand, no amount of vituperation
or partisan violence Mill palliate or hide
their failure to bring about the eud they are
designed to accomplish. The statesmanship
of the party in regard to reconstruction
therefore remains to be tried by another stan
dard than that to which campaign orators
usuully appeal. All is contingent upon its
proved ability to harmonize the sections, and
restore industrial activity and permanent
pence to both.
From this point of view, what becomes of
tuo rant ana pnssion which entered bo largely
into the Uepubiicau couduct of the Ohio cam
pnign t What value attaches to the threats of
Mr. Speaker Colfax on the subject of im
peachment, or the rancorous personalities
which formed the staple of Senator Wade's
harangues ? With reconstruction proper these
have nothing to do. They neither vindicate
the action of (.'ongreps nor inspire confidence
in the judgment of some of its most promi
nent members. In the same way, and for
similar reasons, the wild talk of campaign
speakers touching confiscation and other pen
alties at the South, and Congressional inter
ference with State authority iu the matter of
suffrage at the North, cannot operate otherwise
than detrimentally to the Republican cause.
It is evidence of a disposition to make all
things subordinate to partisanship to ignore
all questions, save those which may be made
tributary to agitation and strife. As to the
quarrel of Congress with the President, that is
a matter to be settled by Congress in the ex
ercise of a well-balanced judgment. Platform
eloquence or abuse cannot help either way.
Events will develop the issues on which Con
gress must act, and its moral strength is im
paired when campaign speakers undertake to
fix befoiehand its proceedings, and to govern
its verdict by the shouts of a crowd.
At the risk of bringing upon ourselves much
displeasure, then, we venture to suggest to
Republican managers aud speakers the pro
priety and expediency of introducing into cur
rent discussions other topics than those which
relate directly to the war. These are well
enough in their place. But there are a multi
tude of other questions which those who would
Influence the public mind and break down the
apathy which worked so disastrously in Ohio
and Pennsylvania, should present prominently
to the country. The people, just now, care
more about taxation than about threats of
impeachment. They are more interested in
Congressional efforts at retrenchment than in
Mr. Sumner's meddlesome theories as to re
publican government in States. They watch
more eagerly for the stoppage of the leaks and
frauds which drain the national Treasury than
for further legislation in behalf of special in
terests. They are more anxious to know
whether the inflationists shall dominate over
enterprise and industry, than whether pro-
scriptive legislation shall be attempted by the
extremists who aspire to rule the party. These
are Eome of the many practical questions which
engage the thoughts of intelligent people, and
must enter into the statesmanship of the Re
publican party if it would maintain its hold
upon the country.
The Treaty of September.
Fom the Washington Chronicle.
To understand the relative position of the
French Emperor, the Italian King, aud
the Pope of Rome, a few and very plain facts
have to be borne in mind. Gregory XVI died
in June, lt-40, and in the same month Cardinal
M. Mastai Ferretti, Archbishop of Imola, in
the Romagna, was elected to the Papacy,
taking the name of Pius the Ninth, lie had
been cardinal only six years before his election
to the tiara, and was only ntty-four years old
when he became Pope. His persoual char
acter stood very high, and much was ex
pected from his amiable disposition and
known liberality. He began his reign as a
reformer, striking strong blows at the nu
merous and flagrant abuses which had crept
into the temporal Government of Rome and
States of the Church under Leo XII aud
Gregory XVI, his immediate predecessors.
Nothing could exceed the enthusiasm of the
Romans the joy of the Italians. Not many
months elapsed before the French Revolution
01 i.f-i'i qulckenea the hopes and raUed the
spirits of the friends of liberty throughout
Europe, and there arose a general demand not
1'or mere administrative reforms, but for popu
lar systems of representative government.
The Pope, who was surrounded by the intole
rant higher clergy, hesitated to go as
far as the popular cry urged, paused
before he could make changes more
sweeping than those which he had
initiated, and his popularity at once
began to decline. Ou one side wa3 a loud
clamor for organic changes; on the other, an
increasing doubt of their propriety and policy.
As if to widen the breach between the Papal
Government and the people, the Pope took
for his chief minister Count Rossi, one of the
most aristocratic and unpopular men in Rome.
In November, lb-18, Rossi was assassinated, in
midday, and in the public streets of Rome;
and this catastrophe so alarmed Pope Pius
that a lew days after, disguising himself in
the costume of a liveried footman, he esoaped
from Rome and arrived at Gaeta, the nearest
town in the adjacent Neapolitan territory, es
tablishing his court there, the members of the
diplomatic body having followed him.
From Gaeta he sent a manifesto to Rome de
claring all the acts of the Government during
his absence to be null and void. The Roman
Chambers treated this ordinance with con
tempt, established a republic, and placed
Mazzini, Garibaldi. Armellini, Salli, and Roez
zana at its head. This was in B'ebruary, 1849,
but the republio wa3 short-lived. Louis Na
poleon, who had not long before been elected
President of the French Republic, contrived to
make the National Assembly sanction an ex
pedition to Italy, nominally in favor of order,
but actually to restore the Pope to Rome.
General Oudinot, with a French army, landed
at Civita Vecchia (the port of Rome)
towards the end of April, 184'J, was repulse d
before the Eternal City, temporized, resumed
hostilities, received the capitulation of Rome
on June iiO, and remained in occupation. The
Pope continued nearly a year aud a half at
Gaeta and Portici, but bis safety being secured
by the protection of the French troops, re
turned to Rome in April, 1850, and has re
mained there ever since; his temporal Govern
ment until very lately having been main
tained by the aid of French troops, and its
head being the notorious Caidiual Antonelli,
who is to Rome what Prince Metternich was to
Austria for very many years.
The Pope's subjects have generally shown
a strong desire to be relieved from obedience
to his temporal sway, and nothing but being
overawed by the French garrison has kept
them from ' revolt, particularly in Rome.
Duriug the war of 18j!, the Romagna de
tached itself from the Papal territory, aud the
Marches aud Umbria followed in l8o'0, and
also form part of the kingdom of Italy. The
result is that whereas the Papal territory
consisted, in 1859, of over 17,000 square miles
and over 3,000,000 inhabitants, it is now re
duced to an area of tinder 5000 square miles
and less than 700,000 inhabitants. The desire
of Italy is that Rome, with which are linked
so many aud such iuspiring memories of
foimer glory and greatness, should once again
be its capital.
Motives of policy, mingled with a natural
desire to get rid of the vast expense of main
taining a French army in Rome, induced the
Emptror Napoleon to make a treaty with the
King of Italy, signed September 15, 18(34,
whereby it was agreed that the French garri
son should be withdrawn from Rome before
the close of the year lbOb', on certain condi
tions. In November, 18ii5, this withdrawal of
the French troops from Rome was begun, and
at the close of 180'G not a French soidier re
mained upou Italian soil. The Papal army
uow consists of 8000 infantry (including 2700
u.:aMye musics ..
MM I AUG! ST AND BEST STOCK. Ol
I i' OLD RYE W H I 5 K I E C
!' Till.' LA ND IS Is'OW FOSfcESSED BY
IIEMIY S. II ANN IS & CO,;
Hce 213 aud 220 SOUTH KIOKI STHEI.T,
who nrrr.r the kasi- to ihk ti:ak in lot. vk wht advantageous
TF.UVN,
fc'faoli t. of ! liiKklrtilR BOBD, com j iirvm all the fxvorfta braaja
'""i, mu lui) tl.rutt t wriowa liiOBtba of j!-ffc,'t0, ! of tills year, vn tZ
lre(nl olr. !!
I'll.ernl mdIikIi ior Cfita to arrlv at Fl llflvaula Railroad lpf
w'T-rtrten l.tnr Vliarf.civ I ooricrt arihoiiM, rartla may aloci.
CAIiPETINGS,
CLOTHS AND DltUOGETS,
HEEVE L. KNIGHT & SON,
HO. 80T t lirfcMT NTBEETi
OIL
12tb8tu2ru
gendarmes), 550 cavalry, and 10118 artillery,
engineers, and stall'; total of all arms, 95SS.
This is a force evidently insufficient to resist
Italy or any other power.
The treaty of Heptember, as it is called, con
sists of only four articles, to the following
ellect:
1. Italy undertakes not to attack the
present territory of the Pope, and even to
prevent by force any attack proceeding from
the exterior.
2. The French troops to be soon withdrawn,
at latest within three years.
3. The Italian Government to make no
protest against the organization of a Papal
army, even composed of foreign Catholio
volunteers (it now includes 7f0 French
and Belgian, 050 Swiss, and 600 Irish),
sufficient for protection and defense, pro
vided that this force did not degenerate
into a means of attack against the Italian Gov
ernment. 4. Italy to assume a proportionate part
of the debt of the former States of the
Church.
The important portion of this treaty evi
dently is its iirst article. When it was exe
cuted, Ratazzi, who has all along acted rather
as Napoleon's agent and tool than as Victor
Emanuel's true councillor, was Prime Minister
of Italy, even as he is now. lie is the deter
mined enemy of Garibaldi; therefore, when he
learned (what Victor Emanuel probably knew
and approved a long time before) that an
Italian march upon Rome was about to be
made, he played into Napoleon's hand by
arresting Garibaldi. The doubt is whether
Napoleon really is willing to run some risk in
order to maintain the Pope as a temporal
prince or whether he will allow the Italians
to annex Rome and the remaining States of
the Church. He can either throw a French
army into the Papal territory without acting
in: concert with Victor Emanuel, or he can
call upon Victor Emanuel to act up to the first
article of the treaty of September, lSb'4, and
prevent by force of Arms every hostile move
ment in the direction of Rome. All the
time, too, it is believed that Victor Emanuel is
as desirous as Garibaldi himself to have Rome
and the remaining States of the Church an
nexed to Italy. There is a whisper that should
Victor Emanuel resolve not to act up to the
treaty of September, he will bff backed up by
Count Bismark with the military force and
moral power ol Protestant Prussia.
gTEAIVi ENGINE PACKIF4C.
The modern anil extieruely popular packlug, called
Dlll.l KJV M I-t ltKICATlVK,
NOAP-MOSIE PAtUIMU,
llaR already hi en adopted by over 20,001) Locomotive
and tsintluuary jMiglncs, and Is beyond question th
eiuiiest bpilied, the iuohl durabltt, Ibe cheapest, and
wears Uiu machinery ihe leant of any Hleain engine
piicklng yet Unreduced. Ii is not liable to burn or
cut, docs uot reijnlre oil, and there Is no waste In the
use, as It is mad'' nl all sizes to suit the boxes, from
lo 2 Inches In diameter. All persons Interested lu
the use ol Ibe ateuji engine are pal tlcularly requested
to Rive this packing a tilal. A liberal discount will
be made lo ueaiers.
M. '. SAD LER,
mo. eao Alien fcTittir, iiiila.
Bole A cent fur Pennsylvania and Delaware,
bee certltlcate below.
CHUCK OFT1IK Sl l'KIlINTBNDKNTOF IfOTIVB
tOWKH AND MaL'HINKHY. KlllH KaIJ.WAV
Wkw Vuuk. beut. 2U. IKtifl
JI Y Ijkah Hik: In renlv io vour Inquiries In rein.
tion tn the comparative economy of Hemp Packing,
as compared with .Lubricating Packing, I will say
Hint Iliuip l'ackict', man avei", cost olM cents per
PuiiimI, 0"i" us ! 3 10 mills ner mile run. while fiie
j.ubrlcailno; Packing cc.tB, at an avernge cost of
si i a cents per pi. una, i l-io mm per mile run, we
propose to use II exclusively for nil fcteaw tjmfling
Loxes. Very truly your?,
II. U. LKOOKS. Supt M. P. & M.
P. 6. The popular
JIY1.KAIMC FAC'KINU,
UJHAIUi liuw.
:c. fc-j. r:nEDLES & co.,
KUvBt a Cheinut StreU.
HO lil-Fl-WNSHIRC CRY GOODS,
Bought at (he Jtecrnt Depressed Prices.
MUrllriK, Pillow, hietlng, and Table Linens.
Table l lotl.j and Napkins, lo m Uoh.
WineC'lini s. Jaiylies, Towels aad to.velllug.
Marseille Quills and Toilet (Juvcrs.
BlauktU.
Hcucicon.h, Lancaster. Allendale, Jacquard,
aud other t-p i m'.u.
DOMKdTIfi SITJSLINH AND bllKKTlNUS,
In all qualitit t aud widths, at the lowest rates.
B
ROWft'S PATENT
(OIIIIINKI) C.4 K PET-IT B Ett'll KB AMD
tack punxu.
With this machine a lady can alone stretch and
tack down at the same time bor carpeW as easily as
to Bweepthem, saving back -aches, bruised fingers,
temper, time, and money. It wlllstretcu all kinds of
carpets without the le-Bt damage, better, quicker,
and easier than any other Stretcher made, and drive
from 2 to 20-ot tacks wllb or without leather headt
la simple, easily worked, and wiU last a lifetime.
Agenta wanted. Liberal terms glvou. It U a uloe
machine for ladlea to sell, for Machines or Agencies
call ou or addr?
mixim r. ki:ibi.r,
No.4 8, TUIKD Hlreot,
9 27trr Philadelphia,
Adapted to cold-water pumps, and made similar to
Ihe Lubiicalive lacking, hut ol dltlerent material,
will be luinlhhiu promptly any size tioui to 2
inches, and v 111 lie found a superior article tor pumps.
Will si uth giiap M.C.H.
WATCHES, JEWELRY, ETC.
LEWIS LADOIYIUS & CO.,
DlftWOltD DEALERS AND JEWELLERS,
JSo. 803 CIIEHNUT HXI1KKX,
Would Invite the attention of purchasers to tUelc
large stock of
CENTS.' ASD LADIES' WATCIIE,
Just received, of the finest European makers. ,
Independent quarter, econd, and Belt-winding. In
gold ana silver cases. iu,iui
Also, A M lilt 1 CAN W A TCI! ES of all sizes.
Diamond bets, Pins, hmds, Kings, etc.i
Coral, Malachite, darnel, and Etruscan Rets, fa
great variety. - SlHp
hOLID HlLVEItWAP.K of all kinds, lacluduaga
large assortment suitable lor Bridal Pre ents.
FEN E WATCHES.
We keep always on hand an assortment ot
LADIES' AND GI RTS' "FINK WATCHES'
Of the best American and Foreign Makers, all war
ranted to give complete satisfaction, and at
GEEATLY REDUCED PRICES.
FAR It & BROTHER,
Importers of Watches, Jewelry, Musical Boxes, etc
11 llsmthjrp No. 824 CHE&XTJT St., below Fourth.
Especial attention given to repairing Watches and
Musical Boies by j-'IltBT-CLAMf workmen.
WATCHES. JliWELBY.
W. W. CASSIDY.
HO. 1 SOUTH SECOND STREET,
Offers an en tli ely new and most carefully selected
stock of
AMERICAN AND GENEVA WATCHES
JEWELRY,
SILVER-WARE, AND FANCY ARTICLES Of
EVERY DESCRIPTION, suitable
FOB BBIbAL OB II OLID AT FBKB)EJfT.
An examination will show my stock to be nnstu
passed In quality and cheapness.
Particular auoution paid lo repairing. gl8f .
C. RUSSELL & CO.,f
Ko. TZ A'CKTD SIITD STREET,
OFFER Oik E OF THE EAIICJE4T STOCHJS
OF
FINE FRENCH CLOCKS,
OF THEIR OWN IMPORTATION, IN TUB
CITY. B26
k AMERICAN WATCHES,
The best in the world, sold at factory Prices,
C. it A. PEQUICHOT,
MANUFACTURERS OF WATCH CASES,
Ko. 13 Soutn SIXTH Street.
81 Mamttartnry, No. 22. S. FIFTH Street.
gTERLINQ SILVERWARE MANUFACTORY
NO. 41 1 LOCVST STREET.
GEORGE S II AH I,
Patentee of the Eall and Cube patterns, manufactures
every description of fine STERLING SILVER
WARE, and offers for sale, wholesale and retail, a
choice assortment of rich aud beautiful goods of new
styles at low prices. 19 26 3m
J. M. SHARP. A. ROBERTS.
SADDLERY, HARNESS, Ac.
pHE UNPRECEDENTED SUCCESS OP TUB
HEW CUESNl'T STREET (NO, 1816),
MADDEE11I, UABAE&S, AND HOUSE'
IFVKNIMIINtt fVOODM HOUNB
OF
LACEY, MEEKER & CO.,
Is attributable to the following factt;-
Tbey are very attentive to the wants oflhefr cu.
tomers.
They are satisfied with a fair business profit,
Tbey fell goods only on their own merits.
They guarantee every strap In all harness they sell
over (40, the fault of the purchaser only who does not
get what lie Iu guaranteed and paid tor.
Their gooos are 26 per cent, cheaper than can b
bought elsew bete.
They have cheaper and finer goods than can be
benght In the city.
They have ike 1 rgestand most complete stock In
Philadelphia.
All Harness over fi6 are "hand-made."
H at ness from ti i to o4-
Gents' Saddles lrom 16 to ITS.
Ladles' Saddles from I 0 to 125.
They are the oldeBt and largest manufacturers In
the country.
LACEY, MEEKER & CO.,
Ham NO. 1)116 CHEWN1TT NT BE FT.
EXCURSIONS.
r AfHTLf' PALL ARRA.N0EMEXT
JrteKiiSiB-w- , C'HAMIK OW IluUll. On and after
Vv i.ijXl'.&ilAY, October 2.H, the steamer ELIZA
HANI OX villi leave her dock, second wharf above
Arch hlieel, I'liihult lphla, ai 10 A.' M. ands-30 P. M.
Returning, w in leave Wilmington, Dul., l 1 A. AC
and )2'45 P, AI.
10 22tf L. W. BURNS. Captain-
rfiZZ WILMINGTON STEAMBOAT
XiSfeC LINK-CHAN UK OF i'"""'
on uuu kiter TLl'.bliA V, October lue
B. hi. FKI1 1 N and AlilKL will run as (''Ho'
Leave C 11 r tN I'T hi reel wlmrf A. M. ami r. M
leave WlLMINUKiN at 7 A.M. ud"'
topping atrill-STKU ' "V v li'lAM
to VlluYluKU.n l&cenh. Excision Ickels, per l A..M.
boat, Junta, iate 10 thcaloc or IlH.k. , U
ceuU. '
3x
L3