THE DAHA EVENING TELEGIUril PHILADELPHIA, TUESDAY, OCTOBER 22, 18G7.
PAST PRESIDENTIAL MOMIIMTIONS.
TAKT IV. CONCLCUKD.
The Republicans met in convention at Chi
cago in May, 1SC0, to nominate their candi
dates. No Fremont was wanted on thia oc
casion, for it was Mt that the candidates
noniinatea here would assuredly be sworn into
Office on the 4th of March, lt-til. It was only
the old heads of the party that were taken into
consideration, such as Wiillaui II. Seward,
Abraham Lincoln, Siuiou Cameron, Salmon P.
Chase, Edward Bates, William L. Dayton,
John McLean, Jacob Collamer, and one or two
others, all of whom had strength enough to
make their nomination possible, and to give
them claims upon the party in case of victory.
Of all these candidates, Mr. Seward was in reality
the strongest; and the general expectation
was that he would be the candidate chosen.
Having assisted at the birth of the Republican
party, he had done more than any other
publio man to give its priuciples'dignity, cur
rency, and popularity, and his claims were
Seconded by some of the most expert political
managers we have ever had. Indeed, we may
gay that he was expected to walk over the
course and win the cup without an effort.
Several causes conspired to disappoint the
Lopes of Li3 frieudd and give the nomination
to Mr. Lincoln. One of these was the natural
inclination of all political parties to select as
their standard-bearer a man who represents
its principles, without having incurred the
odium of originating them. Another was Mr.
Lincoln's merits as a man, and as a Repub
lican, which had been conspicuously dis
played in the recent and vividly remembered
contest with Mr. Douglas. Next to this iu
importance, the convention met at Chicago, in
Illinois, where the preference for Abraham
Lincoln was a wild and passionate desire.
Chicago swarmed with the devoted adherents
of the Springfield lawyer, and deafened the
delegates with cheers for their favorite when
ever his name was mentioned. There was
"something in the air," as we say, which
seemed to impel the wavering irresistibly to
gratify a wish which beamed iu every counte
nance and was thundered from ten thousand
tongues.
But, perhaps, neither the merit3 of Abra
ham Lincoln, great as they were, nor the en
thusiasm of his friends, would have sufficed,
if there had not been on the spot a man of un
equalled iniluence over the minds of Western
Republicans, who had come all the way from
New York to Chicago for the purpose of advis
ing Repnblicans not to nominate Mr. Seward.
This was Horace Greeley, the man who had
done more than any other to commend and
sustain the person to whose selection he was
now opposed. Some years before, there had
teen a movement in New York to nominate
Mr. Greeley to the Governorship of the State;
and surely, if ever services to a party can give
a claim to the honors of party, he was entitled
to any office in the power of his party to be
stow. We might go further, and say that,
if substantial and long-continued services to
the country, if giving to its civilization an
impulse, and to its industry development
and information, can ever constitute a claim
(which, however, we deny) to the suffrages
of the people for high office, then
Horace Greeley ia entitled to any which the
people have to give. The occasional errors of
the editor of the Tribune, chief among which
Tve regard his devotion to the protective sys
tem, should not blind our eyes to his great
merits as a publio teacher. There has never
been in the United States a writer more influ
ential to change votes than he, and his ser
vices to his party have never been confined to
the labors of his pen. During every imp ort
ant political campaign, he- has been accus
tomed, besides doing two men's work upon
Lis paper, to address four or five audiences a
week. There are more eloquent speakers
than he; but there is, perhaps, no man
Whose public addresses, moderate, digni
fied, and skilful, decide more votes than his.
Such had been some of this able man's ser
vices to his party for twenty years. But
when, at length, some of his friends proposed
to recognize these eervices by placing him in
Domination for the Governorship of his State,
the project was opposed by the more imme
diate and intimate adherents of Mr. Seward,
and it was certainly not favored by Mr. Sew
ard himself. Then it was that the editor of
the Tribune, in a celebrated letter, gave notice
that the political "partnership" which had
long existed between " Seward. Weed &
Greeley" was dissolved by the "withdrawal of
the junior partner," and that thenceforth he
Should consider himself at liberty either to
oppose or support the head of that firm, on
public grounds alone. Since Horace Greeley
is a human being, it is reasonable to suppose
that his course at Chicago, in opposing Mr.
Seward, was in some degree influenced by the
events just related. He may not have been
conscious of the fact; but men are often un
conscious of the motives which really control
their conduct. He had, moreover, fully per
Bnaded himself that Mr. Seward was not the
strongest candidate of the Republican party in
some of the States necessary to be carried,
and he was also of opinion that it was desira
ble to introduce into the city of Washington
the tactics which had long prevailed at
Albany. He was aware, too, that the election
of Mr. Seward to the Presidency would place
Mr. TEurlow Weed in a position of command
ing influence, and give a rival newspaper
advantages of inestimable value.
In the Tribune, for months before the con
vention met, and at Chicago during its session,
he threw the whole weight of his iniluence and
Ins talents against Mr. Seward, and his opposi
tion was decisive. Upon the first ballot,
beward received one hundred and seventy
three votes; Lincoln, one hundred and two;
Cameron fifty; Chase, forty-nine; Bates,
foity-eight; Dayton, fourteen; McLean, twelve
Collamer, ten; scattering, six. Neither
candidate therefore, came near having a
majority of the whole number; hut every time
the vote was taken, Mr. Lincoln gained and
Mr. Seward lost. Cameron and Collamer
were withdrawn, which raided the vote of Mr
Lincoln to within three of a majority. On the
fourth ballot the requisite majority was ob
tained, and the nomination was immediately
made unanimous. The youngest boy who
was present will not live long enough to
forget the wild enthusiasm with which the
tidings of this result, shouted from a wiHdow
of the "wigwam," were greeted in the streets
f Chicago.
Having accomplished his main object in
Sreventiug the selection of Mr. Seward,
Horace Greeley, on all occasions, advisud
that the defeated chief of the Republican party
' should be invited to take the first place in
Mr. Lincoln's Cabinet. Tor himself he asked
nothing, and was offered nothing.
He had never recommended the nomination
f Abraham Lincoln, but had exerted all his
influence in favor of Mr. Bates, of Missouri.
When some of his friends urged his appoint
ment to the office of Postmaster-General, ne
peremptorily declined aocepting any office
uider the new Administration.
Thrre is a general Impression that Abraham
Lincoln was n kind of iunocent lamb, who was
elected and reelected without any agency of
his own. But no Minn can escape the law of
bin position except by abandoning his position.
We say ngniu, that so long as the Presi
dent of the United States possessed
an unlimited power of removal from
office, the interior politics of party tircexxarily
consisttd of these two things: First, to re
deem the pledges made during the last Presi
dential campaign; secondly, to form combina
tions for the next. We have had one Presi
dent to whom this remark does not apply
Geoige Washington and it was because he
alone, of all our Presidents, never incurred a
political obligation to an individual. It is not
in human nature, and it is folly to expect it,
that a President, in the distribution of honors
and offices, shall not recognize the claims of
men who have aided his elevation, and whose
aid he needs for a continuance of the public
favor. Abraham Lincoln was not only a poli
tician, but he was a keen, ab'e, and closely
calculating politician. Were not the leading
members of his cabinet Seward, Chase,
Cameron, Bates (ujhI Dayton, his Minister
to Piance), tho chief competitors in the Con
vention of IMiO? And was it not the
timely withdrawal of some of them, and the
partial withdrawal of others, which secured
his own nomination ? Doe3 the reader sup
pose that there was no connection between
those appointments and the change of votes in
the Convention? If the reader does sup
pose this, it is himself who is the innocent
lamb.
Nor was Mr. Lincoln passive in the events
which led to his renotoination in 1(51. Bvery
individual who was likely to be a formidable
candidate was either shelvnd or provided for.
No one can have forgotten that, when the
nomination Convention of 104 assembled at
Baltimore, Abraham Lincoln was not the
choice of the Republican party. Far from
it. It was a poiiod of the deepest gloom:
disaster upon disaster in the field had
shaken the publio confidence in the ability of
the administration to save the country. The
desire for a change of leaders was general and
decided. Banks had failed in Louisiana,
(rant had not succeeded in Virginia. The
Mississippi was still threatened, and to many
minds tho issue of the war still appeared
doubtful. In war time the strength of an
administration increases with victory and
diminishes with defeat. But, as we have
before remarked, a President who can gratify
or disappoint the personal ambition of thou
sands of his fellow-citizens, who can appoint
and promote military and naval officers at his
pleasure, who can award contracts that enrich i
the holders of them in a single season,
and who is himself a mato of force
and ambition, can control absolutely j
the proceedings of a convention composed
almost entirely of men who have received or
exptct benefits from him. Mr. Lincoln used
his power without hesitation or reserve, and,
as loDg as man is man, every able man in a
fcimilar situation will do the same.
He desired, both for public and personal
reasons, to be renominated for the first office.
The Convention complied with his known
desire. He wished Andrew Johnson, for
public and personal reasons, to be selected for
the second office, and this desire also was grati
fied. When the convention came to a vote,
the delegates from every State and Territory
in the Union indicated a decided preference
for Abraham Lincoln, excepting those from
Missouri, who preferred General Grant. The
nomination of Andrew Johnson was accom
plished with almost equal ease. Upon the
first ballot, Mr. Johnson received two hundred
votes; Hannibal Hamlin, one hundred and fifty;
Daniel S. Dickinson, one hundred and eight;
and all others, fifty -nine. Upon the second
ballot the delegates took the hint, and Mr.
Johnson was nominated almost unanimously.
Conventions, however, can only nominate.
If the campaign of 18(54 had presented as
gloomy a view in October as it had in June,
not even the insanity of the Democratic plat
form could have Eaved the Republican party
from defeat. It was General Sherman's timely
capture of Atlanta which turned the tide of
public feeling, and caused the people to recoil
with horror and disdain from a platform which
proposed, in effect, to give up the contest and
the country.
Thus we have briefly reviewed the Presi
dential nominations of the past eighty years,
during which five Presidents have been
nominated by caucuses of members of Con
gress; two by legislative caucuses, public
meetings, and the press; seven by national
conventions. By each of these methods the
people have succeeded in electing men of re
spectable private character, of patriotic inten
tions, and of sufficient ability. Except in one
instance, which need not be specified, the
domestic life of the White House has been
creditable to the civilization of tho country,
and the routine duties of the Presidency have
almost always been performed with dignity
and promptness. No President has ever been
so much as suspected of personal corruption.
rrom 1757 to the spring ot low, tue people
could regard their Chief Magistrate as a
gentleman, and boast of his natural
equality with the best rulers of the most
advanced nations. It is true that some of
our later Presidents were too subservient to a
dominating and exacting interest. But we do
not believe that any of them were basely so;
and we must confess, with shame and contri
tion, that they erred in common with a ma
jority of their fellow-citizens. Some of them,
we know, were lea astray lar more uy ineir
love of the Union and their anxiety for its
continuance than by personal ambition. lite
existence of slavery in this republic wa3 an
anomaly which perplexed and corrupted
nearly every individual. Instead of bitterly
censuriEg the politicians of the last twenty
years, we should consider that, up to the
moment when we were prepared to Iigni ine
Southern oligarchy, nothing was possible to
us but compromise. How many of us were
prepared to submit the controversy to the
arbitrament of the sword before it was forced
upon us ? One man 1 John Brown wa3 his
name.
At eveiv Presidential election the issue
before the people has been distinct and vital
enough to justify the zeal with which it has
been conducted; and, however great the
public excitement may have been, no serious
disturbance of the peace has ever occurred;
and, except oir one memorable occasion, the
acquiescence of the whole people in the result
has been immediate and complete. The ambi
tion of individuals has always enlivened and
sometimes embittered the strife; but, upon the
whole, the people have had their will, and tho
Government has rellec ed, with considerable
accuracy, the intelligence and the moral sense
of the nation.
On Kevn-ul occasions the result of a Presi
dential election has astonished and grieved
a large majority of the educated class.
Lut we liiinly 1(JliVt) that laipartiai U.
tory will decide tUt, on every one of
those occasions .without a single exception, the
people were right, and the class wrong. They
were manifestly right in preferring Jefferson
to John Adams. - They were right in patting
the seal of their condemnation upon the ex
treme tory ism of John Quincy Adams. They
wereritfU in sustaining Andrew Jackson iu
bis war upon the United Rates Bunk, al
though the mmincr in which that 'war wat
conducted was violent and sometimes out
rageouo. . They were right in setting aside
the gallant and gifted Clay, identified as he
was with issues extinct as erroneons. They
were riht in voting to defer the final con
test for the supremacy of the Union until the
Union was t-tiong enough to endure it. They
were light in frustrating the inconsiderate
ambition of Douglas. They were right in
accepting the issue of battle when it could no
longer be postponed, and gloriously right in
persisting in the fight, under discouragements
and disasters without a parallel in the history
of the world.
The duty of electing a President is again
before us. Ihe task ought to be easier than
it ever was before since the days of John
Adams. That insolent and determined band
of men who represented the planting interest
will never again be the disturbing anil dis
tracting element which they once were. Their
power is broken, their wealth is consumed,
their preitiyc is gone. Those of them who are
not by nature unteachable will reflect upon
past events and become wise through suffer
ing ; the unteachable will be compelled
to submit to a state of things which no
power of man can reverse. Nor will the ex
cessive influence of the President interfere
with the choice of bis successor, because
a President severed from the party which
elected him t a thing of naught in the politics
of the United States. Like John Tyler, he
may pack a convention, establish newspapers,
and hire orators, but all his efforts cannot pro
duce one Presidential elector. Tue lineal heir,
tco, of the administration shares both the
odium and the impotence of his chief; and, iu
short, there appears nothing to prevent the
selection of candidates who will have a legiti
mate claim to the confidence and esteem of the
paities they will represent.
The South will again, as so often before,
provide the nation with an issue. The great
mass of the Northern people yearn for a coun
try once more united and satisfied the whole
of it. Not the less determined are they that
the abolition of slavery shall be real,
complete, and final, and that no other
"peculiar institution" shall arise to take
its place, and call into existence a class
whose interests will be opposed to the general
interest, and whose motive of action will more
resemble the sentiment of a clan than a patri
otic love of the whole. These are the real
desires of the people of the Northern States.
And hence, tue conduct of the South during
the next few months will exert a powerful
influence upon the nominating conventions of
isiiN II tne fcoutn is orderly and reasonable,
candidates of moderate and conservativ
opinions will be in request; while another
New Orleans massacre would give supremacy
to the most radical wing of the ruling party.
juiisr me nexi i resiaent ue a soiaier r
Tho desire to honor and reward the men
associated with the final triumph of the
nation over us enemies is natural. But
could the Presidency be a reward to
them 1 Iheir tame is now assured, and
their position eminently desirable. In
trenched, as they now are, in the love
and gratitude of all their fellow-citizens,
without distinction of party, would it be be
coming in any party to subject their lives and
good name to the relentless scrutiny of a
Presidential campaign? They take them from
a sphere which they adorn, and lure them into
one lor whmn their past lives and their set
tled habits may have unfitted them. Let our
gneralB rather enjoy the honors which the
country has awarded them, and go down to
their graves wearing the uniform which they
have assisted to make illustrious. Let us be
ware of subjecting them to a trial from which
scarcely any character issues without the
revelation ot some blemish before unseen.
We have had one professional soldier, and
only one, in the Presidential chair j for
Washington, Jaoksou, and Harrison were
citizens who only became soldiers when their
country needed defenders, and resumed the
arts of peace when their services in the field
were no longer required. General Taylor alone
was a protessional soldier, and the history of
his administration does not warrant a repeti
tion oi tne experiment.
l'eople sometimes complain that the choice
of President does not take a wider range, in
stead oi being confined to the little circle ot
men prominent at Washington. But this ap
pears to be a necessity of the case, and it is
perhaps a fortunate necessity, ino man would
be so likely to make injurious mistakes, or fall
into unwoithy hands, as a President unfamiliar
with the men and ways of the o.ty of Wash
ington. The best intentions might not pre
vent his being continually misled, and, like
liamson and lay lor, he would be likely to
fall a victim to the distracting excite
ments and intense anxieties of his place. The
captain of a ship should be an honest man ;
but he must also know the ropes. We want
for President a man and a patriot, but one
who is also enough of a politician to know
politicians and their ways. " The tools to lain
who can use them."
The public is little aware of the aotivity
with which the business of rresideut-makiug
is carried on at present. A public man, who
is within the circle of possible candidates,
scarcely performs a publio act which is not
either prompted or influenced by his Presi
dential aspirations ; and there is scarcely a
vote given in Congress upon an important
question which is not given with a view to its
supposed effects upon the prospects of the
voters' favorite candidate. Does a prominent
person write a letter favoring the device for
swindling servant-girls which goes by the name
of l'enianism ? It is a sure sign that he hopes to
be voted for in November, 1S(J8. Is a publio
man of great eminence and popularity silent
on public topics, and is he never mentioned in
connection with the Presidency by leading
newspapers known to be devoted to his in
terests ' It is an indication that he is moving
heaven and earth for a nomination. Is a man
of real merit assailed by slander, and are his
public services systematically uudervalued or
denied It is a proof that some candidate for
the Presidency has an interest in removing
him from the field of competition. Is a Secre
tary of State insoh-ut to a foreigu power not
loved by portions of the people? or does he
extend the area ( f freedom a little in the nick
of time, and when freedom had neither expec
tation nor desire of additional area ? It is a
sign that age has not withered nor custom
staled his infinite and irrepressible desire to
chaDge his quarters to the Presidential man
sion. Would you know what candidate the
incumbent of the Presidential chair is favor
ing If Ask the Collector of the New York Cus
tom House what candidate he prefers.
Persons who have had experience in the art
of getting men in condition to run the Presi
dential race, inform us ;that the following is
the way in which the thing is done. It is
necessary that the candidate should have a
certain amount of political capital to start with
either a great reputation, or some high office,
or a commanding position in the politics of his
own State. The candidate who possesses one
or more of these varieties of capital must
look about him, and ascertain what other
men are in training for the contest, in what
consists their strength, what are their com
parative cLauccB) ml what means Uiey we
m ploying to effect tbeir object. The nexi
thing is to form a combination with one or
more of these competitors. A says to B,
through an obliging friend : "My chances are
better than yours ; what will you sell out for r
Will you be Vice-President, Secretary of State,
or Minister to England T" If an arrangement
is made, the nucleus of a combination exists,
and nothing remains but to add to it other
members in a similar manner, all of whom, in
their several States and localities, use their
utmoht exertions, both in public and in private,
to exalt the name and promote the interests of
their chief. A very important point is to
secure the cooperation of a great newspaper,
and, when that is done, a candidate is pretty
sure to appear in the list of names voted
for on the first ballot in the nomina
ting convention, and to have votes
enough to give him a claim upon the honors
within the gift of an administration. And this
is all that the most adroit and ramified wire
pulling can effect. Other influences are en
countered in open convention, and the result
of its declarations is likely to be iu accord
ance with the desires of a majority of tho
party.
How fortunate we are in being able to amuse
and appease the ambition of powerful men
without the slightest danger to the public
safety, or even to the public tranquillity 1
How much bctteY it is for our CVsars and
Pompeys to be rival candidates at Baltimore
conventions than to plunge their country into
civil war ! How much nobler, as well as safer,
is the mass meeting than the battle-field ! How
much better for rival ambitions, while assail
ing each other from the stump, to afford
amusement and instruction to the people, than
to array the people against one another in
bloody light, and desolate their land with fire
and sword ! Northern Monthly.
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2.'),iiO0 We tern l'einisy ivanla Kailroart
Six l'er Cent, boi (Is (Pennsyl
vania Rmlrond (iiiBrmit. ). ....., 20 "'m'iH
80,c(io biate nl Tennessee Five Per CeuL
Loan.... ISVWuv
7,(io0 Statu of Teuiiesaee Six l'er Cent,
I-oun HO-ori
15,0(10 ciki shares stuck of Uern.nntown
Ouh Ci.nipnny (principal and in
terest Kiiarantetd by ibecliy of
Philadelphia) lA.nnO'O
7,150,1-13 Hmres Stock of Pennsylvania
fia'li'oad Compnnr 8,2."3-i"
l5,too,H-t Shares Hock cf Norih Peuimvlva-
nla Railroad Company 3.K.n
20 Mti 8(i Share- Mock of l'mladeiphia and
Southern Mull Stfamnhiu Com-
Panys iti.ouu'Wi
1S5,!)(0 l.owt-s on lii.niH and MortuiiKJ,
first Ileus on City Property. l'.Ui.!K)'(Ki
l,(i4!),n&() par. Market value...',OVO,2N0"5
Cost. l,n30,552-U6.
Rcnl FJetnte iM.imn'eo
Bills r celVMhie (or insurances made 27,(i.i7 '20
Balance due at agencies Premiums on Ma
rine Policies, Accrued Interest, and Other.
debts due to the Company 88,!C3'9o
Scrip and Stock of Buuury Insurance and
other Companies, 15.1 73. Estimated value... S,!):iU'flO
CfPh lu Hank. sll.lu2-2ii.
Cash in Drawer, t-W'14, 41,5i0-oo
11,4(17,321 'ft
This being a new enterprise, the Par Is assumed
1 liomua C. Hand
Paiunel E. Btokea,
Henry Sloan,
William O. H.iulton,
Edward Darlington,
II. Jones Jirooktt,
Edward Lafourcade,
Jacob P. Jones.
James IS. McKarland.
John C. Davis,
Kumuiid A. Souder,
Thenphilus Paulding,
John R. Penrose,
James Traqrir,
Henry C. Lailett, Jr.,
James C. Hand,
William U Ludwlg
Joseph H. Seal,
George 0. Lelper,
Hugh Craig,
John I). Tuylor,
Joshua p. J-.yro,
Spencer ilclivalne,
J. J4. Semple, Piits'n
11.
A. B. Hcrner.
It. T. fit oman. "
Jacob itiegei,
(4,11, riro W lliimi.rdiin.
IHUJIAHO, HAND, Presii..;,i.
JllHN C. JM VIS, Vice-t Terttileiit.
Henry Lylbcbn, Secretary. i J
1829 CIIA11T1 ,11 l'EUPKTlT AL
FrftiiLlin rirc Insurance Co,
OF l,Illl.Al)EiaI!IA.
OFFICE:
nVH. 4)3!) AND 487 CUEMS iUX HTUEET.
ASSETS ON JANUARY 1, IHQ7, .
a,533,14Ulli.
Capital HOO.OOn-00
Accrued burp. us. ,.,. Wf;,71J-VH
Premiums ....1 2ihj,32'16
CN81TTLED CLAIMS, INCOitfE FOR 1866,
j),uoo.
JLOKNEM 1'A1I SINCE OVER
$3,800,000.
Perpetual aud Temporary Policies on Liberal Terms,
DIRECTORS.
Charles N. Bancker,
tieorge Fales,
looms w aguer,
Haniuel (Hunt,
tteorge W. Richards,
a 11 red i liter,
Francis W, Lewis, M. D
Peter McCali.
isaav j.ea,
1 horn as Sparks,
CHARLES N. BANCKER, Preslaeut.
GEOROE FALEM. Vlce.PrHSldm,r.
J, Wi McALLliSTER, Secretary pro tern, tltl2 31
PKOVIDKM LIJ) AND TKTJ8T COJIPASY
OF PHILADELPHIA,
No. Ill South FOURTH Street.
INCORPORATED 8d MONTH 22d. 186R
CAPITAL, 16o,0O0, PAID IN.
Insurance on Lives, by Yearly Premiumfl; or brB
10 or 20 year Premiums, Non-torlelture. '
Annuities granted on lavorable terms.
Term Policies, Children's Endowments.
This Company, while giving the insured the security
of a paid-up capital, will divide the entire protiuj of
the Lite business among Its policy holders.
Moneys received at interest, and paid on demand.
Authorised by charter to execute Trusts, and to act
as Executor or AdmlulHtrator, Assignee orOuaniiau.
arid iu other fiduciary capacities, uuder appointment
ot any Court ot this Commonwealth, or any nernou 01
persons, or bodiea politic or corporate,
SAM UEL R. BHIPLKY.
i 1 UMTOKS,
HENRY HAINTCR,
T. W1STAR BROWN,
W. C. LONOSTKKTH,
WILLIAM HACKER.
RKJLAKD WOUD,
RICHARD CADBURY,
CHARLES
F COt FIN.
SAMUEL R. SHIPLEY,
ROW LAIN D PARKY,
WM. C. LONGBTRKTU. Vice President '
THOMAS WISTAR, M. D J. R. TOWN8ENTJ.
7 27 Medical Examiner. Legal Adviser.
INSURANCE COMPANY
NOllTJU AMEKIOA.
OFFICE, NO. 2a WALNUT H PHILADELPHIA,
INCORPORATED 17M. CHARTER, PERPETUAL.
CAPITAL, "500,000,
AKbETH JANUARY 8,1807 I,?3,ae780
INbl'RI N MARINE, INLAND TRANMPOR.
1 A J ION AN W EIRE Rl&li.,
DIKEClORSb
President. A,.ti,ara
Arthur G. Collin, Ueore L. Harrison,
Sumufl W. Jones,
John A. .brown,
Charlea 'i'aylur,
Ambrose While,
Richard IK Wood,
Wiiham Welsh,
H. Hiurris Wain,
-Tiiltn Hfuurm
Krni'lH II 1 !i,iu
Euwurd H. Trotlor.
Edward 6. L'larKe,
William Cumiuluiia,
T. Charlton Henry,
Allred D. Jessup,
lohu P. While,
Lime. r MUiiJ,.
AR I U Lil
O. COFFLN, President.
tf'u A 11 1 va TJ wai - i-ul 11 r u
WILLIAM RUEHLEU, Harrlsburg, Pa.. Central
Agent for the Stale 01 Pennsylvania. lauj
PHfKNIX INSURANCE COMPANY Ot
PHILADELPHIA.
INCORPORATED 14 CHARTER PERPETCAL
No. 'iA WALN UT Street, opposite the Exchange
In addition to MAiawit ud INLAND INSUR
ANCE, .this Company luuuree Irom loan or damage bt
i IRE tor liberal terms on buildings, merchandise
turniiure, elo., lor limited periods, and PermauenUv
on buildings, by do) osil ot premium.
The Company has boon lu active operation for mors
ban SIXTY YEARH. durtug wuicu ail loaaoaLaw.
een promptly adjuiilea and paid,
. DlkUajTOhLB.
jpn.n oflK. 1 Lawrence Lewis. J.
M. B. Mahony,
John T. Lew ia,
William a Grant,
Robert W. Learning,
p. Clark Wharton,
Benjamin ElVlnf.
Thomas H. Power.
A. R. McHenry,
Edmund CasUllOD.
TluvlH 1 ......
1 ......, T
tttuuuei rruuox,
JOHN WTtf ultsrii d.u.i.
jAtuis orris.
Samuel Wilcox. Secretary
FLUE INSURANCE EXCLUBIVBLY. THB
NNSYLVANIA FIRE INSURANCE COM
A&7tiV"al,.d "-Charter Perpetual-No.
611. v 1 wt""i opposite Independence equare.
This Company, lavorably kuowu to the comuiunliy
lor over forty years, oouiluues to Insure against loss
or damage by nre on public or Private Buildings,
either permanently or for a limited time. Also, on
Fnrnltiire, bus ks of tiouds, and Merohandlae gene
rally, on liberal terms.
Their I apital, together wlta a large Hnrpius Pnnd,
ilnve-ded In tho nmstcarelnl mamr. which enable
then' o offer to the Insured au undoubted security In
(Ue cast of lose.
TWnlal Kintth. Ir
Jnha Devr.i.
Alexander Reuion,
Isaac Haxlehurst,
ru. u..,.l,fi,H
Thomas Mm lib,
J. UllHughaiu Fell,
Daniel Haddock, Jr.
-k DANIEL SM ITU, Js,, fienldent,
William 0, Ckuyvjol, batvuyy,
i S 1 1 , A f ; 1 1 i ; ( ; m PA K i ES,
INSURE Y OUR lTf E
The ronn Mutual Lifo Insurance-
Company,
NO. 941 CliKNMJT ST II E ET.
CAKH ASSETS M,700,00.4)
Policies are Issued on various plans; Annual Life
Ten Payments.
Endowment payable at specified age, all with par
tlclpallon In division ot surplus
Net Cash Plan may b a. so adopted, by which the
ctnap preseutcost Is Mtalned.
Premiums may be paid lu cash, annually, semi
annually, or quarterly; or hull lu cash and half In
note, adding Interest.
Loi-sts always promptly paid. The amount paid to
families and others exceeds one million of dollars,
JAMES TIlACfUAIR, President
SAM U EL E. HTOKESJ, Vice-President,.
JonN U . H OR NOR, A. V. P. and Actuary.
HORATIO 8. ST PH ! NS.Heoietary. I0lstuth3t
31;00KL.N LIFE INSURANCE
r NEW Y4.KM, 3BCTCAE.
POLICIES NCN-FORFEITAELE. Thirty daya
grace given In payment ot Premiums. No extra
charge for residence" or trevel In auy portion of the
world. Dividends declared annually, and paid In
cash, Dividend In 1(67, 4o j i-r cent.
E. B. COLTOIf,
GENERAL AGENT,
N. E. CORNER KEVJFNTM AN1 CHESNCT,
Agents and Solicitors wanted in all the cities and
towns In Pennsylvania and Eouthern New Jer
sey 2 23
p I R E INSURANCE.
llVIlil'OOI, ANI LONDON AND CnLOBEJ
INSURANCE COM PANT
AMSF.TN OVER 916,000,000
INVEsCED IN THE C. N O VER..l,8uO000
PHILADELPHIA BOARD.
Lemuel Coffin, Esq., Charles 8. Smith, Etq
Joseph W. Lewis, Esq., Henry A. Duhrlng, Esa,.
Edward Slier, Enq.
All losses promptly adjusted without reference to
England. .
PHILADELPHIA OFFICE,
Ko. 6 MERCHANTS' EXCHANGE,
. ATWOOD SMITH,
10 17 thslufim General Agent for Pennsylvania.
FINANCIAL.
BANKIJW HOUSE
OIF
JayCoo:ke&p.
U3 and U4 So. THIRD ST. PHILAP'A.
Dealers in all Government Securitier
OLD 6-SOi WANTED
IN EXCHANGE FOR NEW
A JLIJUEBAJL JDIFFEIIENCE ALLOWED,
Compound Interest Notes Wanted'
INTI BT.ST ALLOWED OK DEPOSITS,
Collection made. Blocks bought and sold 03
OommlfiBton.
Special bufilneea accommodations reserved foe
ftdlea. r 34 8m
N
ATION AL
ME OF THE RErilBLIC,
808 and 811 CHESNUT STBEET
PHILADELPHIA.
VAPITAIitHMIHtlllMIHtMMHtlltNIMHHlMMIMIINitllOOOlOO
DIRECTORS.
Joseph T. Bailey.
William Ervlen,
Osgood Welah,
Frederick A, Hoyt,
Will, II, Biiawn.
Nathan HUles,
Ben. Kowlaud, Jr.,
feaLuuel A. Blsphani,
Edward H. Orne,
vVM. H. RHAWN, President,
Jmu otaiiter of (A Central National Bank
JOS. P. MUMI'ORD Cashier,
6 li Lot of Ihi Philadelphia Rational Monk
7 S-lOs,
ALL SJHItUHS,
CONVERTED INTO
FIVE-TWE IN TI ES.
It ON 11 M DELIVERED IBOIEBIATELT,
DE HA YEN & BEOTKER
lOXrp WO. ! m. TI1IBD STREET.
(Ja ti. 8ECURITIEC
A SPECIALTY.
SMITH, RANDOLPH & GO
BANKERS AND BIIOKEE
MO.lVtJ TJUIJUD ttT.,KO. AA7
rHILADKLTHIA. j BMW TO
Order for Stock and Gold executed in Phila
ddfhia and New York. 11