sriniT OF THE ritESS.
DITOBlAt orWIOFB OF THB IiEADHKJ JOnRHALS
prO CDMIDT IOPICB COMPILED BV8BT
PAT FOB TH aVKNIHO TKLBOBAPH.
Suffrage for the Blacki.
Jmned Borce time since, that negro, iu the
eoutbern Statea hould be recogmzed as cjti
xens, and admitted to the suffrage. He be
Ueres that such a course would contribute
larirel to the peace and prosperity of the
KhoIe community. He thinks, however, that
this should be done by the State and not by
Congress, and that suffrage for both whites
and blacks should be made to depend upou
Character and intelligence.
We do not doubt that the thinking man of
the South generally concur in Una opinion.
There is much less of mere prejudice against
Ihe negro in the South than among certain
classes in the North. Even before the aboli
tion of slavery, nngroes were sure of better
Jiersonal treatment from Southern people than
rom Northern. The South very naturally
bjects to universal negro suffrage, because
they know very well that the great holy of
the negroes are utterly unqualified for it;
that they know nothing whatever of the ques
tions which their votes may determine; and that
they will inevitably become tools in the hamlg
Of demagogues. But there can be very little
doubt that if Mr. Lincoln had lived, or if the
polioy of reconstruction which he devised and
favored had been carried out; negroe3 would
have been allowed to vote in nearly, if not
quite all the Southern States, just as fast as
they might have become qualified so to do.
He himself recommended it, as did also Mr.
Johnson when he succeeded to the office; aud
the general sentiment of the intelligent poli
tical leaders of the South was decidedly in
favor of it. The shallow pretense that this is
the "white man's government," and that none
but white men should ever have any share in
making the laws and choosing the rulers
which all are required to obey, died with
Slavery among all sensible and reflecting men,
South as well as North; and it has been re
served for the Democratic Bourbons of the
present day to revive it and make it the basis
of their political creed.
It ought to be remembered, moreover, that
the adoption of universal negro suffrage, both
in the District of Columbia and throughout
the South, is due directly to the Democratic
representatives in the last Congress. A large
. majority of the Republican party decided in
caucus against it; and when it was proposed in
Congress to establish intelligence as a qualifi
cation for negro suffrage in the District of
Columbia, the Democrats voted with the
extreme radicals against it, and thus secured
. its defeat.
Universal negro suffrage, with a disfran
Chisement of the great body of the whites,
forced upon the Southern States by military
power, and leading in nearly all those states
to the absolute supremacy of the negroes in
the Government, must of necessity be odious
and intolerable to the white inhabitants. Even
If forced to consent to it, such a step must
implant in their minds the most bitter resent
ment towards those by whom the blow ha
been inflicted. Its direct tendency, moreover,
is to array the blacks and whites against each
Other to make each feel that the other is his
enemy, and thus to sow the seeds of future
collisions and hatreds between the two races.
If the work had been done by the people of
those States themselves, the result would have
been very different. That it must have been
done Sooner or later is certain. The negroes
in all the Southern States are so numerous,
the capital and industry of the South are so
dependent upon them, that their admission to
the suffrage would very soon become abso
lutely indispensable to the safety of Southern
Bociety; and the Southern whites would have
consulted their own interests quite as much as
those of the blacks, by bringing them in as
rapidly as possible to the exercise of political
power.
The violent and arbitrary manner in which
Congress has seen fit to settle this question, is
unquestionably one very powerful element in
the recent reverses which the Republican
party has sustained in the Northern States.
23ut we are glad to see that Wade Hampton
and other Southern men of position aud inllu-
ence have not changed their views on this
subject. If the Southern States can be led to
take wise and generous action on this matter,
they will contribute very largely to the har-
mony of sentiment between the two sections
which is so important to the welfare of both.
The Indian Peace Commlmlou,
From the JV. Y. Timet.
The Indian Peace Commission, of which
Generals Sherman and Harney are members,
if it does not eventually succeed in satisfacto
rily arranging a permanent peace with the
b-OBtile Indian tribes, has accomplished some
good already. The Commission had an advan
tage over all others which have preceded them
of late, in the fact that they were authorized
to offer to the various tribes some definite
terms, and to bind the Government to the
faithful fulfilment of them. Other Commis-
oirna 1 ,11 u ti aunt nnf "tn ftivoatltt'ita " n n 1
while Indians were induced to come to their
councils by the offer of presents, consisting
mainly of guns and ammunition, finding that
the Commissioners in reality had no autho
rity to do anything, they listened to the mes
sages fron their "great father," and then re
turned to the plains to test their new guns
upon the first passing stage coach or emigrant
train.
General Sherman's Commission offers them
tennanent homes, the means of securing a
ivelihood, and an immediate prospect of im
proving their condition. The Indians with
whom they have consulted have taken the
matter under consideration, and are to return
their answer at the council in November.
. Thv promised that meantime no depreda
tions snuld be committed, and thus far they
Lave kept ileir word. Since that council we
Lave heard of no outrages on either stage
COaohes, emigrants, railroads, or road stations.
Eettlera have been undisturbed, and horses
and mules have been safe from "stampedes."
The Indians require but an ordinary amount
Of civil treatment to make them behave rea
sonably, and we doubt not that, if their
authority is sufficient, the Commission will
make friends of those tribes who have recently
been such an annoyance on the line of the
Pacific Railroad.
Having put matters in trim for seouring
peace with the Northern Indians, the Com
mission is now hastening further south to
hold a grand council with the Arapahoe,
Cheyennes, Apaches, Kiowas, and Coman
cb.es, who are there assembled, and anxiously
awaiting the Commissioners. These tribes
have been brought in after much trouble and
any promises, and are reported to be de
99U V? ieourg peace, iiey jiiftkt tfwi$
TDE DAILY EVEK'mG TELEGRAFII PHILADELPHIA, THURSDAjQOTOBER 17, 18G7.
complaints of bad treatment and broken trea-
ties, ana now reiy C
to rieht their wrongs. iu;uiw
homes and support, the same as tbe oiner
tribes were, ana win aouune uo
enough to exchange their roving, irregular
life for comfortable houses and Government
rations. Should they refuse this, however,
the Peace Commission will have done some
good in withdrawing, for a few weeks at least,
so many hostile savages ironi the great lines
of travel.
The Presidential (ineatlon Uprising of
Ilia People for Ueniral Urant.
From the iV. 3'. Herald.
Like a dazzling castle in the clouds, the
gorgeous and imposing Presidential structure
of Mr. Chase and his followers has suddenly
melted away aud vanished. From its turrets
to its foundations it has disappeared. The late
emphatic verdict of the people of Ohio against
immediate and universal negro suffrage has,
in a word, set aside Mr. Chase as a Presiden
tial candidate for 18(8, and brought the great
soldier and champion of the Union cause con-
Bpicously in the foreground as the central
ligure on the canvass, around whom all other
Presidential avauables or aspirants are secon
dary and subordinate characters.
As it was with Ciesar, so it may now be said
of Mr. Chase "Yesterday he might have
stood against the world ;" but now, looking
to the succession among practical matter-ot-fact
men, "there are none so poor as to do him
reverence." Yesterday he had, apparently,
the game in his hands against all competitors.
Standing on the platform of universal negro
suffrage, and strengthened on every side by
his financial system, including his national
banks, holding within his grasp the control
ling machinery of the Republican party,
believing his ruling idea on suffrage a foregone
conclusion, and having, as he supposed, neu
tralized the claims of Grant, Sheridan, Stautou,
and other heroes of the military department,
by jostling their heads together with that of
"Andy Johnson," the rank and lile of tin
Republican pai ty were silenced. They said
nothing, because they saw not clearly any
way of escape. Mr. Chase, to all appearances,
was the coming man. This was his attitude
on the morning of the 8th of Octeber ; but
the next rising of the sun found him iu the
position of General Lee at Appomattox Court
House, and Grant the master of the situation
What do we now see f A general uprising
of the conservative masses of the great Union
party of the war in the name of General Grant
From Maryland to Missouri, from Massachu
setts to Montana, from the Delaware to the
Sacramento, public meetings and resolutions
proclaiming General Grant for the succession
are the order of the day. At one of these
meetings at Philadelphia the other day a
Republican speaker, touching upon the popu
lar sense of gratitude for preeminent publio
services in the held of war, said that Grant,
like Washington and Jackson and Harrison
and Taylor, was sure of his reward. But it
might have been added that, while the people
ot the loyal states remember that the armies
of the Union, scattered about over eight hun
dred thousand square miles of territory.
eclipsed, under Grant, the grandest combina
tions, battles, and victories of the great Napo
leon, it will be folly to talk of other candi
dates for the Presidency if Grant is in the
field.
Nor. in practical statesmanship, has any one
of tlie leading politicians ot tue day proved
himself the superior or the equal of General
Grant in the management, for instance, of this
difficult business ot southern reconstruction
In this view, then, as a ttatesman, on his first
appearance as a Presidential candidate before
the country, he will stand in comparison not
only far above Taylor or Harrison, but much
higher than Jackson himself; for in the outset
General Jackson was known in the East only
as the hero of New Orleans, and of some
Indian fights in Alabama, and of the hanging
of six militia men, and of that fatal duel with
Dickson, and of a bloody rough-and-tumble
light, pistols and bowie-knives, with Colonel
Benton aud other parties, on both sides, in
Nashville. Thi3 was so; yet, when put to the
test, "Old Hickory" proved himself more than
a match in statesmanship lor Clay, Calhoun,
Webster, and ck Biddle, separately or com
bined. Grant presents none of these attri
butes of the ferocious backwoodsman. He is
a quiet, amiable, modest little man. He is a
puzzle to experts in character and to the
keenest politicians, and yet he stands, like
King Saul, a head and shoulders above all the
host ol mighty men ot Israel.
The Republican party has been carrying too
much baggage. Grant is the man to cast it
off' and to bring his army into the field in clean
fighting trim. The heavy caravan of camels
and donkeys, with all the traps and trumpery
of Chase, Stevens, bumner, liutler, rhillips,
Greeley, and their set, will have to be left be
hind. The result will probably be a separate
camp ol the intractable "manhood suffrage, "
Sunday prohibition liquor law, and women's
rights people, and other moral reformers, after
the manner of the old abolition faction in their
day. Let them go. The people who carried
the country right side up through the late
terrible war have their own notions of recon
struction, and Grant is their man. The domi
nant party in Congress, -and the Republican
leaders outside, must fall into line or clear the
track. Otherwise they will be run down and
destroyed. The Democrats will probably con
centrate again upon General McClellan, and, if
relieved ol vaiiandigham, he will serve as
well as any other man to hold the party in
position in view of the campaign of 187-. The
preliminary skirmishes for 18GB have swept
out the radical Jacobins and their revolution
ary schemes. They must now drop into the
rear or join the guerillas. The vote of New
l ork, in November, will only give a new im
pulse to these popular movements for Grant,
so that, with the reassembling of Congress,
the fact, we expect, will be recognized in both
Houses that the reign of the radical Jaoobins
is ended, that the reign of common sense is at
hand, and that General Grant is the coming
man.
Italy.
From the N. Y. Tribune.
The obstacles thrown in the way of the
revolutionary party in Italy seem to swell the
volume and ultimately accelerate the momen
tum of the current. The Italian people are a
sort of child-race among the nations, not only
in their immaturity in all that pertains to Gov
ernment, but in those causes out of which
their immaturity arises, viz, their superstition,
their love of ease and amusement, their lack
of business capacity, masouline energy, per
sistence, and will. Hence Italian revolutions
are a succession of happy or unhappy aooi
denta. The resistance to be overcome is 80
Blight as only to seem respectable when com
pared with the feebleness in all but a leader
of the Party of Action. It is into the midst
of such weak elements that Garibaldi ia thrown
as almost the only soul and energy and vita
lizing power in the movement. Garibaldi at
Jilerty isYelutlQa, Garibaldi utliwil
is counter revolution. But the Imprisoned
Garibaldi is again at liberty, if his words are
free. The proclamations oi the prisoner
are the decrees of the inchoate State that is
still in the womb, but may be born to
morrow. As with his revolutions of Sicily
and Naples, so it may be with this
of Xiome. lo-day the new state is
but a thought in one hero's breast
To-morrow .it is an emotion that trembles in
the hearts of thousands. Then It is an en
thusiasm a riot a triumph and. at last, a
state, the brightest gem in the diadem ol
Italy. It is dilhcult to believe that the lt:than
Government can be otherwise thau secretly
desirous of the success of the revolution.
That, while it is a mere dmnile, it should aim
to keep up the appearance of preserve; iu
treaty stipulations is natural. That it should
arrest Garibaldi, mi l so keep him from launch
ing himself on the uncertain tide of popular
enthusiasm in the Papal States, without an
organization or an army, was probably neces
sary to prevent bis falling into the huuis ol
the Pope's executioners. To suppose that
Victor Emanuel has more regard for a
trpnty wilh his admitted enemies than for
achieving the addition of Rome and the Papal
States to his kingdom, is to suppose that he
is destitute not only of common sense, but of
ordinary selfishness. The unknown quanti
ties in the problem are, will the people or
Rome effect a formidable rising, so as to justify
the avowal of the movement by Victor Ema
nuel r v ill Napoleon recnact the rule ot pro
tector of the l'ope, as in 1840, and prevent the
consummation of Rome's deliverance f Will
Prussia intervene to prevent Napoleon's inter
vention 1
The success of the Italian revolution would
be so vast a step forward that the hearts of
all the Protestant, and halt the Catholic world,
beat quicker at every symptom of hope for its
hero. The friends of liberty in England have
sent him words of cheer and comtort which
will have their weight. For words in England
are stronger than men in Italy. The Pope,
who alone of all powers recognized the Cou-
lederacy, and mpoleon, author ol the Mexican
empire, are his only enemie3. is our uov-
ernmeut giving its moral support to freedom
in Italy or to despotism; to those who were
with us in our struggle or against us; to Gari
baldi, whose residence in our midst would
have made him a citizen of our republio, if he
could have ceased to be a citizen ot the world;
or to Napoleon, whose suppression of the re
publio in Italy, in 184'.), was only equalled in
perfidy by his attempted suppression ol tue
republic in Mexico t Is it not time lor the
American people to speak f
The One Thing That Can't Possibly Be
UOIXC
From the JV. Y. Tribune.
There is a venerable gentleman who hails
from "The Leeches," Ohio, and conoocts a
large quantity of sapience for the New York
Times. His last effort is an attempt to account
for the result of the late election in his State.
Here is his first aud principal reason why
many thousands ol nepuuiicans i,ue says;
were dissatisfied, and refused to go to the
polls:
"The Stale ticket and Legislature ia gome of
the large counties were borne down by tlie
Question ol neiiro suflraee. unwisely and un-
luercliuuy ;orcuU upon wiem, anu put iu me
worst possible form. It was coupled with a
cltHtraucniMt uieui oi ueseriers, many oi wnoiu
were euliii'ly limooent, having left the army
wetf. none can toll: but 1 tliluk a ureal ninuy.
tsui, entirely aside irnra mis, me people oi vjiuo
will nol vole lor negro nun rani) uu mey cuari:;e
their niiiiuH. The fuel that it was. practically.
of little or no importance, only showed that the
mirtv leaders wanletl to iorco n upon tuoiu
uonlnut. tlii'ir convictions. li oil can lo..id
iiiii.K.' hays the moverb. Puler the Urent uu-
lit.rse IO WUltr. out. yim unuuui iiiao uiiu
dorlook to shave the lone hair of his soldiers.
Hi-.'' cuiild not do it. I'nrty leailers cannot uo
hk much ns lie could. It Is Derfect nonsense to
tfilk about 'loKienl sequences' and the 'right of
Huii'rnee to neonlo who don't know what a logi
cal sequence is, uuucaieuoiumg suoui sunraau
for others; Deslues, the uociriue useii is non
sense. A mnn who nns not now a vote uus no
more rieht to vote than those who nave, ine
single women of this county (nuin boring many
n.onmuHiR. tuxeu lor ineir nroneriyi huyo m
right to vote, in every precinct of Ohio, thoState
i ickt-t lout voles fon arcountof the amendment)
of Republicans who either aid not vote at iu,
or vlrtnnllv vntpil acalnst the whole ticket. In
one word, you cannot force men to vote against
bum their convictions anu ineir pre. uuiuca. j-k
is wt-ll that the atlemnt is made In a year when
the lesson will be useful, and not do a great
ileal nf TniMchlrit T regard this lesson as the
stepping-stone for success In 1868. The Repub
lican paity, If H wishts to retain power, must
at once throw aside all the wild, revolutionary
theories which ultra men, by working on the
war fever, have endeavored to engraft on the
policy of the country. In other words, the side
issues, the moral aud social questions, must be
lelt where tbey belong, to the reason and con
science of the people. It Is not tne Christian
Lion m ipi'lulnta tnpn into unvthlntr. On tne
contrary, the appeal is from human tribunals
in lh hlchnr tribunal of the conscience. The
(ierman must be allowed to drink his lager
beer unmolested; the young men to chew to-
Ducco; ine negro to do euueatea (.as u win "v
to a high condition. In one word, a national
nrt.v miiHt Im national. riAallncr nnlv with the
general policy. We lost one of the largest
counties of Ohio for something about laser
beer, and the city of Philadelphia was lost from
Ihe same cause, ine itepuDiioan party must
at once return to lis proper business or proviu
lug national measures lor the restoration aud
prosperity oi tne country."
Comments by the Trbiune.
I. It ia a blessed consolation that the uni
verse is so governed that men are not at liberty
to evince in their conduct all the baseness that
lurks in their hearts. Were it otherwise, we
apprehend that what the Observer stupidly
miscalls a "side issue" would be given the
go-by; the party managers ignoring all "moral
and social questions," devoting all attention
to the grand problem: "How shall we retain
our present ollices, or be enabled to exchange
them for better 1" Thus, emancipation was a
-siae issue" till it pleased God to mate it Pi-
bably indispensable to the salvation of the
union; necro soldiershin was a "side issue
till it became impossible to fill the ranks of
the national armies fast enou eh with whites
alone. And now the Republican party will
enfranchise the blacks or die in the etfort, not
mainly because three-fourths of its members
ardently desire to do it, but because the more
cunning minority, who would otherwise out-
manage or betray the great majority, will soon
discover that they cannot help themselves
1 ..... f . 1 -
ma mey uave exactly liobson's choice in me
premises "10 be or not to !..'
II. The Southern States timst be restored to
neir normal position in the Union. This is
tnot only right but urgent. Every hour of
needless delay is a national inlurv. and of
course a damage to the Remihlinan party.
An attempt to postpone it on party grounds
till after the next Presidential election will
certainly injure and probably defeat the party
uiai wanes it.
III. And, since reconstruction cannot be
postponed, the negro question cannot be
dodged. The blacks of the South must be
guaranteed the right of suffrage when their
States are reconstructed, or they will never
get it never I All adverse talk of "side
issues," "moral questions." "national mea
sures," "general policy," etc. etc. ia, in view of
mis iacv, a simpie aenance of common sense.
IV. For the Republicans are bound to go
under (thank God I) if they don't enfranchise
Ue Lktkj. AliUlllOfKl SU&aga.i B9
Issue" for them, but one of life and death. If
the blacks are not enfranchised, Vaiiandigham
couiu neat uenerai urani tor 1'resideut. If the
Southern States wore reconstructed on a white
basis, he could and would carry all but one of
me nueen late slave Mates bv overwhelming
majorities, as the late elections in Marylaud
ana AentucKy conclusively attest. The Demo
cratic party, reinforced by the late Rebels,
would rule us with a rod of Iron from the hour
that reconstruction without neero suH'race was
consummated. We defy any one who can
count twenty to shut his eyes to the fact that
the lourteen boutheru Mates (Tennessee
standing out) will unanimously choose Demo
cratic Electors of President, and send twenty-
eigut i;eniocrais to the Reuate, with nearly a
nunuied to me House, lrom the hour in winch
they are "rehabilitated" with their blacks
under the feet of their whites.
V. Of course, our devotion to manhood, as
contradistinguished from white, suffrage is not
governed by the above considerations. We
worked as heartily for it in 184h,when slavery
ruled the land, aud there was but the faintest
hope of its ultimate overthrow, as we do now.
We are simply showing why even the other
sort of Republicans can't "go back" on the
negro if they would. Unless they intend to
make lilairs of themselves, by going over to
the sham Democracy, they will have to face
the music, no matter though they have no
car. Jony Lumpkin, urged by his mother to
disappoint his friends who are expecting him
at tlie tavern, naively answers, "Though I
could easily consent to disappoint my friends,
1 can t allord to disappoint myselt." And
every professed Republican who turns against
manhood suilrage should bespeak and secure
beforehand a place iu the Democratic caravan.
Tbere is no other going his way; and, if bis
policy w ins, the other won't go at all much
longer.
Presidential Candidates Gen. Grant.
From the JV. Y. World.
The current of Republican journalism at
least, if not the drift of party sentiment, is,
since the late elections, setting so strongly in
favor of General Grant, that the leading
radical organ attempts to breast it in a double-
leaded leader, which sets out by turning pre
tensions like Grant's into ridicule, and winds
up with predicting that if any man of his type
of politics is elected, it will be by the Demo
crats. The Tribune thus advertises that, in
addition to other causes of disintegration and
embarrassment, the Republican party will be
at loggerheads in the selection of its standard-
bearer.
The party stands between the horns of this
sharp dilemma: with a radical candidate on a
negro suffrage platform they are certain to be
whipped while if the party makes a pre
tense of moderation and runs General Grant;
the radicals will bring out a separate candi
date. It concerns General Grant more, perhaps.
than it does anybody else, to form a correct
judgment of the probabilities of his success if
he should be made the candidate of the Re
publican party. The reasonable pride of
character which befits a man in his position
would naturally withhold him from running
the gauntlet of an acrimonious political can
vass, unless he supposed there was more than
an even chance of his election. Hut whatever
political syrens may sing in his ears, the
chances, if he allows himself to be made the
candidate of the Republicans, are ten to one
against him. We do not say this from an
overweening coniidence in the fortunes of the
Domouratio party; it is au opinion founded
upon irreconcilable diligences among the Re
publicans, and the strong vantage-ground pos-
Besseu iiy ww rauicais ior running a third
ticket. If they can get electoral votes enough
to prevent either of the other candidates from
receiving a majority, they are quite sure of
electing the President; since, in that case, the
House of Representatives, voting by States,
make the choice, and the House on which this
duty would devolve is already elected aud in
tensely radical. General Grant, as the candi
date of the more moderate Republicans, would
prevent desertions to the Democrats, and thus,
as the radicals hope, carry the election into
the House, where their victory would be as
sured in advance.
If, therefore, General Grant consents to re
ceive a Republican nomination, the very ut
most his friends can accomplish is the preven
tion of a choice by the people, and the election
of his radical competitor by the House of
Representatives. The aggregate Republican
vote will be greater if the party splits and
runs two candidates, than it would be by
attempting to concentrate its strength upon
one; since the moderate candidate of the
Conservatives would retain many Republican
voters who would otherwise desert to the
Democrats, while the radical candidate would
draw out the full vote of the extremists. This
is the most skilful game that could be played
for defeating the Democratio party: but if
General Grant lends himself to it, he will
merely beat the bush for his radical rival to
catch the bird.
The radicals, seeing that they hold a tramp
card in their strong ascendancy in the House,
cannot very well be coerced into the support of
Grant. To be beaten in the Republican Na
tional Convention would greatly improve their
chances, which accounts for the boldness with
which the Tribune flaunts the radical banner
and shouts or an advance since the recent
defeats. It is a calculated audacity. The
Tribune itself does not pretend that the party
can succeed by occupying its extreme ground.
It artfully afl'ects to undervalue success in
comparison with a resolute adhereuoe to
principle; it bestows preposterous praue on
the Ohio radicals for perilling the late elec
tion by their fidelity to the negro; it takes no
pains to have it believed that a radical plat
form and candidate would lead to success.
The weak-kneed Republicans and expe
diency men will be confirmed by the protesta
tions of the Tribune in their opinion of the
necessity of more moderate courses, and the
knowing radicals will secretly rejoice at the
growing strength of Grant which they pretend
to deprecate. They know well enough that
with the Republican party united on a radical
candidate the Democrats would easily win.
They hope that a division will strengthen bath
wings; the Grant wing by preventing deser
tions, the radical wing by calling out voters
who would otherwise stay at home in disgust.
If the two wings together shall outnumber the
Democrats, the radical object will be accom
plished by carrying the election into the
House, where they are safe.
Judging from preBent appearances, there is
little doubt that General Grant can have the
regular Republican nomination, if he will
take it. It will be given against a noisy, simu
lated opposition meant for no other purpose
than to lay the foundation for a radical bolt.
We have mistaken the charaoter of General
Grant if he is not too shrewd aud wary to be
drawn into such a trap, and to allow himself
to be made a stalking-horse to aid the election
of a radical President. The ways of politi
cians
are crooked and slippery, a
i Lim to la wU oa hU guard.
nd it be-
OU Bye Miislcics.
THE LARGEST AND BEST STOCK OF
E OLD RYE 7 H I 8 K I EZ G
IN THE LAND IS NOW POSSESSED BY
HENRY S. HANNIS.& Q0
Kce. 218 aud 220 SOUTH FEOKT STREET,
wni emu iiik same to hie tbadb ih lots oh tkbi invANTieEoci
TEB9U,
Vhelr rtotk or Br Wrilihlee, IX BOIID, unprlin all th ftrorlto braall
extant, a rune through the rlo moatbi of 1868,'6fl, and of this year, wp tej
r"ft date.
Ltlieral rontmrti made for lot to arrive at FenneyWaula, Hellroad Uepotf
fc-rrloio T.ln Vriarf, or at llosded YY arehoaaae, as parties may elect.
CARPETINGS,
OIL CLOTHS AND DRUGGETS,
EEEVE L.
12thtu2m
Fresldent Jolimnn and the Tenure of
fifllee Bill,
From the N. Y. World.
A statement was made in Washington on
Tuesday, purporting to have been authorized
by the President, that he was determined to
disregard the Tenure of Office act and treat it
as a nullity. Instead of communicating to the
Senate, as that act requires, his reasons for
suspending Secretary Stanton, and awaiting
its action thereon before appointing a regular
successor, he will merely send in a nomination
to fill the vacancy precisely as if no such act
had been passed. If the Senate should refuse
to act on the nomination and attempt to rein
state Stanton, the President will forbid the
delivery to him of the keys and papers of the
office. Stanton, in that case, will apply to the
Supreme Court for a mandamus to put him in
possession. It will not be granted without
argument, and the President expects that the
Court will pronounce the Tenure of Office act
unconstitutional, and thus restore to him the
powers of removal and appointment which
have betn exercised by his predecessors since
the beginning of the Government.
The Republicans will, of course, make this
determination the topio of another great out
cry against President Johnson, whom they
will accuse of defiant disobedience to the laws
of the land. But his course admits of the
most solid justification. If the Tenure of
Office act be really, as he deems it, repugnant
to the Constitution, it is no law at all, and
ought not to be obeyed. The President does
not assume to decide this question for himself,
but proposes to refer it for decision to the tri
bunal ordained for interpreting the laws arid
judging of their consistency with the Constitu
tion, if the Supreme Court, after lull argu
ment, should decide to Issue the mandamus,
the President will obey it.
Nothing could be more absurd than to dis
pute the right of the President to bring laws
which he believes unconstitutional to a judi
cial teat. It is a right possessed by every citi
zen. This right, which all aggrieved citizens
possess, of refusing obedience to unconstitu
tional laws, is the indispensable means of
maintaining the supremacy of the Constitu
tion, and keeping the legislative branch of the
Government within its prescribed bounds.
The courts can take no cognizance of such
questions until they are brought before them
by regular suits, which none but aggrieved
parties have any motive to bring. The mean
est citizen equally with the highest officer has
a right to resist any law which he considers
unconstitutional, provided he resists by legal
methods; provided he resists not to make
himself the final judge in his own cause,
but to bring it before a competent tribunal.
The question raised by Mr. Johnson was
ably argued on constitutional grounds in the
first Congress, and brought to a legislative de
cision which was respected for nearly seventy
years. Leading Republicans like Madison,
and leading Federalists like Fisher Ames,
concurred in the opinion that the President
possesses the power of removal by the Consti
tution. The authority of the first Congress ia
of at least as much weight on such a question
as that of the thirty-ninth; the former having
consisted of framers of the Constitution and
their contemporaries, and the latter of heated,
Intemperate partisans. The deliberate deci
sipn of the first Congress, after full debate, and
the uniform usage of the Government, create a
presumption against the constitutionality of
the Tenure of Office act strong enough to
amply justify the President in referring the
question to the judiciary.
STEAM engine: packing.
The modern and extremely populur packing, called
MIL! Klt'N tlBKICATlVE,
80AP-&T0IKE IMCIilNli,
Has blrc&dy been adopted Dyover20,0flo Locomotive
and stationary Kngloes, anil Is beyond quest Ion tbe
eahient applied, (lie mom durable, tlie cheapest, aud
wears tbo machinery iho leant of any steam engine
piicking yet introduced. It Is not liable to bum or
cut, Uoea not require oil, and there is uo waste iu the
use, as it is iuucIh ol all sizes to suit Die boxes, from 4
to 2 inches in dlieueter. All persons interested in
the u -te ot tbe steam engine are particularly requested
to give this packing a lilal, A liberal diucouut wij
be made to (leaiers,
NO, 039 A Ht II NTUUKT, fllll.A.
Bole Agent for Pennsylvania aud Delaware.
Pee certllicutc below.
OFl'K'K OF Tilt KlI'KKINTKNnFNTOF MOTIVB
.POWUU AMI 111 AlllISKHV. KlllK UtlLWlY
Kuw Youk. bent. 79. lMiifi.
866. )
Mv Dkar Sjk: In reply to your Inquiries in rela
tion to the comparative economy of Hemp Packing,
us compared wlh Lubricating Packing, I will say
that Hemp Packing, at an uveragr cost of. 3a cents per
round, costs ii h 2 3 10 mills per mile run, while the
rubricating Packing coils, at an averuge cost of
bl 2 8 cents pe- pound, 1 1-10 mill per mllu ruu. We
propose to une it exclusively for all fcteam btufliug
boxes. Very truly yours,
li. ti. llitUOKS. bupt. U. P. A M.
P. S.-Tlie popular
IlYMtAl'LIC PAtKIIKW,
Adapted to' cold-water pumps, and madeslmllar to
tlie Lubrlcallve Packing, but ol dlllerent material,
will be furnlhbed promptly any li" 'row, to 2
inches, and w ill be found a superior article tor pumps.
It 21 stuth 2iVtp M.
TJt GARDNER & FLEMING,
OOAOII MAKERS.
mo. si voiiTii rirrii tbket.
New and BeoonJ-band Carriage for sale. Par
t Jf-nlar attention paid to repairing 80 6m
OXKBI BOXESI BOXPSII
Franklin Planing Kill, all klnus of Boxes. Bos
bhonks and 1P Boards made to order. Also, Lum.
ber lor sale, worked to suit customers. Also, While
a.ud Hard Pine Flooring. V. M. Will TIKO. N. K. cor
KNICtfIT & SQN,
NO. 80 OII.ISM'T NTBEET.
WATCrlfcS, JEWELRY, ETC.
C B. KITCHEN,
JEWELER,
S.E. Corr.er TENTH and CIIESNIIT
GREAT SEDUCTION IK PBICEJS.
DIAMOKDM, WATCIIEH,
JEWELBT, SILVER. WARE,
BRONZES,
AU. GOODS MARKED IN PLAIN FIQXJKEB,
WATCHES AND JEWELRY REFTJLLY RH
PAXJUOJ.
Particular attention paid to Manufacturing all aatt,
Olea In oor line. rilltham
FINE WATCHES.
We keep always on hand an assortment ot
INDIES' AND CENTS' "FINE WATCIIES'
Of the best American and Foreign Makers, all Wat
ranted, to give complete satisfaction, and at
GREATLY REDUCED PRICES.
FARR A BROTHER,
Importers of Watches, Jewelry, Musical Boxes, etc,
11 Usmtbirp No. 824 CHESCTOT St., below Fourth,
Especial attention given to repairing Watches and
Musical Boxes by FlKBT-CLAHt8 workmen.
LEWIS LADOMUS & CO.,
DIAMOND DEALERS AND JEWELLERS,
JVo. 80S CHE8NUT 6TIIEUT,
Would Invito the attention of purchasers to their
large stock of
CENTS' AND LADIES' WATCHES, '
Just received, of tbe finest European makers.
Independent quarter, "ecoud, ana self-winding. In
gold and silver cases
Also, AMK1UCAN WATCHES of all sizes.
lamond Sets, Pins, Studs, Kings, etc.
Coral, Malachite, Garnet, and Etruscan Seti, la
great variety. 16 IMd
SOLID SILVERWARE of all kinds, Including ft
large assortment suitable tor Bridal Presents.'
WATCIIES, JEWELKY.
W. W. OASSIDY,
NO. 1 KOIITU SECOND STREET,
Offers an entirely new and most carefully selected
stock of
AMERICAN AND GENEVA WATCHES,
JEWELRY,
SILVER-WARE, AND FANCY ARTICLES QV
EVERY DESCRIPTION. suitable
FOR BRIDAL OR IIOL.IDAT PRESENTS,
An examination will show my stock to be nnsoi
passed In quality and cheapness.
Particular attention paid to repairing. ' IMf
C. RUSSELL & CO.,
Ko. 22 NORTH SIXTH STREET,
OFFER ONE OF TUE LARGEST STOCKS
or
FINE FRENCH CLOCKS,
OF IDEIROWN IMPORTATION, IN TUB
CITY. 6 2j
AMERICAN WATCHES,
Tbe best in flie world, sold at Factory Prices,
BY
C. & A. PEQUICNOT,
MANUFACTURERS OF WATCH CASES,
No. 13 Kouth SIXTH Street.
Manufactory, Ko. 22. 8. JHFTH Street,
8 8
gTERLIKQ SILVERWARE MANUFACTORY '
NO. Ill LOCIKT STREET.
GEOltGE S II AJZ I,
Patentee of tbe Ball and Cube patterns, manufactures
every description or fine STERLING SILVER.
WARE, and offers for sale, wholesale and retail, a
choice assortment of rich and beautiful goods of new
styles at low prices. 9 26 3m
J. M.BJIARP. A. ROBERTS.
cloths, cassimeres, etc.
1867. fall. 1867
JUST RECEIVED, NEW STYLES'
FANCY CASSIMERES
AND COATINGS,
In addition to pur unusually large line of good
adapted to
MEN'S AND BOYS' WEAR.
M01IBIS, CLOTIIIER & LEWIS,
CLOTH JOBBERS,
824m WOW. IB AND 81 8. FOURTH T
C L O A K I N C S.
We call particular attention to a large assortmea
ol very desirable styles
LADIES', CLOAKINOS,
J nut received from New York anction sales, In add
lion to tbe BILVER FOX, DIAMOND, I1XDM
PARK, and many other leading makes.
. MQRltlS, CLOTIIIER & LEWIS,
CLOTH HOUPE,
sum flWtiFstsoMiirwBxwsit
a"-1 um