0
SPIRIT OF THE PRESS.
BDiTor.iAti orfrtoss or thk tr.Anrjro jocrkalb
CWW C0JiuHT TOriCtt COVriLBD kVKRT
PAT i'OU BVKNIN" TKkEOKAPn.
The Prlrl itriuy of M i j l mid.
JTVom ie TV. J'. Tril'Hne.
The apprehension of tin) country bpgiu
to
take form and to solidify int panijul rs. The
President is deolured to Iw caslm an amorous
eye upon the Mar laud militU, a Imdv of Una-
Bonable antecedents an-i tacu- us proou vinos.
This force, we are told, ha been reoently re
organized, and of the lO.OuO men of which it
ia composed there are said to be 4C00 in tho
city of Baltimore. There are other facta which,
are not rea&surinp. We printed yesterday a
telecram that Oen. Grant having properly re
fused to grant the requisition upon the Ueneral
Government for artillery, Governor Bwann lias
purchased 12-pounders in Baltimore, and
placed them in the charge of companies com
manded by Rebel Boldiers. This is startling
enough, but we must add to it the expenditure,
ly a State already impoverished, of nearly
$3l'0,0(0 for uniforms and muskets. Why
6hould Maryland prepare for war? Why
should Governor Swanu organize a militia
which is little better than a Rebel army? It is
argued that if the President were disposed to
subject Congress to a "Bride's Purge," or to
drive it altogether from the constitutional
doinicil, this Maryland militia would be found
a ready and convenient auxiliary. Tire worst
of these rumors is that they should be current
at all. The burning Bhame of the whole mat
ter is that anybody of unclouded reason should
think such usurpation possible. The dishonor
to the republio of a Chief Magistrate to whom
Buch intentions may he seriously imputed, is
greater than the danger of their practical ful
lilment. It affords only another illustration of
what we have again and agaia declared that
the puhlio mind is in a condition of chronio
alarm, and watches with nervous suscepti
bility for the slightest indioation of Executive
violence. Never before has the country been
in a predicament so humiliating. It is a dis
grace to he credulous, and it may be ruin to
disbelieve.
After a dozen vetoes, and after persistent
evasion of the laws enacted in spite of Execu
tive prohibition, it certainly becomes all loyal
citizens to be upon the alert. That prediction
may be important now which ten years ago
would have been simply ludicrous. The
mouthpieces of the President threaten war,
and, if there is to he war, we prefer to com
mence the campaign without an hour's delay.
We propose to encounter the Rebel army of
Maryland with bloodless weapons, and, by
givieg them a taste of the people's quality, to
decrease their passion for practical combat,
The" President may not care for the popular
will, when it does not keep time and tune to his
own, but we suspect that the warridrs who are
to be summoned by the White House reveille to
take Congress into custody may prove to be of a
less uncompromising nature. They may have
an apprehension of predestinate ropes and of
the Dry Tortugas. If the coming State elec
tions condemn as unmistakably and as em
phatically as they should tin President and
hii "policy," the sonorous language of the
great result will not be wasted upon the Balti
more banditti. We have tried the stuff of
which they are made, and if they so quickly
apprehended General Butler's unoompro
miBing intentions, they will hardly prove more
obtuse in the face of groat Republican majori
ties. His Excellency may call them, bat as
there is no law which, at the risk of their lives,
can compel them to parade in Washington
to gratify his love of military spec
tacles, they may take time for re
flection before they obey the summons;
and, if thoy reflect at all, it is probable that
they will prefer the comfort and safety of
their own firesides to the chances of grapeshot
in the capital. They are, no doubt, a phalanx
of uncommon closeness and compactness a
legion rivalling the regiments of Rome; but
Mr. Johnson is not Philip of Macedon, and
would have cut but a sorry figure in crossing
the Rubicon. He may, for aught we know, be
reading up in French history, and preparing
himself for the crisis by a careful study of
Napoleon's management of the Council of Five
Hundred; but he is no more Bonaparte than
Washington is the Paris of 1799, or the Mary
land militia the veterans of Lodi and Areola.
Up to this moment we believe that Mr. John
son has been dreaming of a popular support
and cooperation; and it is time that such
reveries should be rudely interrupted, for his
own good and for that of the country. Let us
have a noble Republican victory in New York,
.showing upon which side the State ranges
itself unmistakably, and not one mercenary
trooper will march from any quarter at the
call of a self-created dictator.
Perhaps we are treating this matter too
seriously. If it be true that the President is
meditating the military experiments of which
rumor is speaking so plainly, the reception of
General Sheridan in Baltimore must have been
anything but encouraging. It is a question
now whether the loyal people of that city
would permit the militia o metamorphose
themselves into the Swiss Guard of Mr. An
drew Johnson. "It was expected," says the
report of General Sheridan's passage through
Baltimore, "that the Rebel inhabitants would
interfere, but they did not, the crowd was bo
. very enthusiastic, cheering Sheridan and
groaning Johnson and Swaun." It is to be
presumed that those who thus welcomed a
proscribed hero will keep a watch over the
movements of their militiamen; and if Gene
ral Sheridan is wanted in Baltimore or Wash
ington, we are sure that authority will some
where be found for calling him to the resoue
of law and of order.
Impeachment and the Rumors of Execu
tive lUtliUucti
FVoni the 2V. Y. Times.
We have attached no importance to the
rumors imputing to President Johnson the In
tention of forcibly resisting Congress in case
it should resolve upon his impeachment and
suspension from office. They aeetn to us
utterly preposterous and absurd. Yet they
obtain credenoe in many quarters, and are
widely used to excite and arouse the publio
mind in regard to the pending canvass. And
we see that Senators in Congress, who ought
to have some regard for the dignity and duties
of their position, are lending their authority to
these attempts.
It might be a great outrage for Conrnks to
impeach the President, and a still giai.-r one
to suspend him from office during trial. Pos
sibly, it would be an utterly unconstitutional
proceeding. We think it would. Bat that
fact does not authorize the President to plunge
the nation into civil war for the purpose of
defeating it. lie is by no luoaua the Protector
cf the realm but simply thu head of the
Executive Department of its Government.
The Coubtituiion delinea the extent to which
h may participate iu mailing lawJ. ft givuj
him a coitaiu weight and inlluence iu doci ling
A1! 5?.?--?E?Arr?I?rn. .WEDNESDAY,
what laws shall, and what lawa shall not, be
enacted. He can override aUolutely the ao
tion of Congress, provided he has the oneur
rence of one-third of its members; but a.;aiust
two-thirds lie is utterly powerless. -Two-thirds
can make a law in spite of him; and in
regard to all laws made in this way against hia
will, as well as all made in the usual way by
his assent, he ha the simple duty of seeing
that they are faithfully executed.' He ha
not the faintest shadow of authority or of
right to embarrass their execution still less '
to resist and defeat it. 1
President Johnson seems inclined to regard
himself as the special protector ami defender
of the Constitution, as against all othur depart
ments of the Government, and even against
the people themselves. But this is much too
broad a view of his jurisdiction. His sphere'of
duty is clearly defined in the fundamental
law. He is unquestionably right in withhold
ing his aid from the enactment of a law which
he deems to be unconstitutional. He may
return it with his objections and. there his
right and his duty end. If Congress chooses
to pass it over his head, it will lwcome a law
nevertheless; and he has not the shadow of .
right to interfere with its execution, lie is
not responsible for the laws which Congress
may enact against his objections; nor on the
other hand is Congress in the least degree
responsible to him. Its power to make laws j
is far more absolute than his power to prevent
them from being made; but when made, his
duty to execute them Is simple and imperative. 1
And this applies to all laws alike. The ;
Democrats are encouraging the President to
believe that he has the right to defeat and
protect his department of the Government
against Congress to rssist any attempt that
may be made to curtail its jurisdiction or
weaken its authority, even though thjse at
tempts should be made in due form of law.
This is a great mistake, and if the President
should be weak enough to act upon it, trie
Democrats would be the first to desert him.
He can do nothing to maintain the authority
of the Executive department which he cannot
do to maintain that of Congress or the Judi
ciary. All departments stand on the same
basis and exist by the same authority. . And
Congress, as the law-making pawer, has the
same right to enlarge, regulate, or restrict the
powers of the Executive, within the limita
tions of the Constitution, as it has to regulate
those of the judicial department of the Govern
ment. And if in either case it transcends the
provisions of the Constitution, the remedy
must be sought in the same quarter by
appeal to courts of law and to the people at
the ballot-box not to force in any form.
We deprecate any attempt at impeachment.
We do not believe it to be demanded by any
acts of the President nor by any interest of
the public. It would throw publio affairs
into fresh confusion, excite the publio mind,
exasperate political passion, damage the busi
ness of the country, and do inliuite harm iu
every direction without the slightest benefit in
any. Still more should we deplore any attempt
to expel or remove the President from office
pending his trial on impeachment. Such a
step would in our judgment be one of vio
lence without' warrant in law or in precedent,
and certain to plunge the couutry into the
most deplorable and disastrous complications.
But if the President should attempt to meet
any such movement by force by dispersing
Congress, arresting its members or disputing
its authority otherwise than through the
operation of the courts of law, he would bring
himself within the definition of treason, aud
become liable to all its pains and penalties.
No department of the Government has any
right to look to civil war for its own defense,
nor can the public force ever be used to defeat
or resist the law, but ouly for the purpose of
securing its execution. General Grant, as
head of the army, would have no right to obey
an order issued for any such object. And the
whole country, without distinction of party,
would rise to suppress any such rebellion
against the law and the law-making power, as
it did to suppress that which arose in 18G1.
We do not suspect President Johnson of any
such wickedness and folly. Those who im
pute to him such designs, or prompt him to
entertain them, are his worst and most fatal
enemies. He oau avoid impeachment and
suspension by avoiding acts which serve as
provocations to them; but if Jie invites or
incurs them, he cannot resist or avert the due
course of proceedings under the law. What
ever lie may do by force in that direction will
only excuse and j ustify the proceedings them
selves. The October Klectlona,
From the N. Y. UYibune.
The States of Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Iowa
hold their annual elections on Tuesday, Octo
ber 8; while California holds a Judicial elec
tion about the same time. Ohio and Iowa
elect Governors; a single Representative in
Congress is to be chosen from Pennsylvania,
in place of Mr. Dennison, deceased, and one
from Ohio, vice General Rutherford B. Hayes,
who, having accepted the nomination for
Governor, has resigned his seat. The Demo
crats tried to nominate a candidate, but quar
relled part of them insisting on an out-and-out
Copperhead, whilo the rest wanted to ruu
a soldier; so they gave it up, and are support
ing General Samuel F. Gary (Repub lean),
who is the independent candidate, against
Richard Smith, the regular Republican candi
date. The simple fact betrays their weak
ness. In Pennsylvania, ex-Judge Woodward
is running aa the Democratic, against ex--cenator
W. W. Ketchum, Republican. The
district (Luzerne and Susquehanna counties)
is close, though carried heavily against us
last year by fraudulent votes in the coal
mining precincts of Luzerne. With a fair vote,
Mr.
Kttchum stands a good chance of election.
lhe Democrats have no hone of carrvinz
Iowa, though tLey expect to gain on a light
vote by attracting to their standard liquor
Selling and liquor-loving Republicans, on some
pretext of local dissatisfaction. In Ohio, they
virtually concede the election of General Hayes
as Governor, but cling to the hope of seouring
a majority in the Legislature by fomenting
jealousies between the friends of rival candi
dates for United States Senator. Their main
eil'ort, however, will be to defeat the Constitu
tional amendment, which extends the right of
sull'rage to blacks, and that they confidently
hope to achieve. We entreat every Republi
can to consider that the defeat of impartial
manhood sull'rage will be everywhere hailed
as a Democratic triumph, and will thrill with
ecstacy the soul of every unreoonstruoted
Rebel in the land. Nothing that has ooourred
siuco the taking of Fort Pillow unless it be
the Memphis and New Orleans massacres
has rejoiced the heart of rebeldom as it will
be enraptured by the tidings that Ohio has de
elded that blacks have no rights that
7, Ik a!Se Loun to respect. It will be a
nni T , Bc?U decision, and exulted over
ToTat y,' prar y 0lii Republican
for tl,J 8 him8Blf a glance committee,
Cof Jir, ?08", f 8ecurIu every possible
canvass and our adversaries will plausibly
inst,t, if manhood Bull' h i
that they triumph ou th rifoaSin,.! .
though ifeated on tutu
In Pennsylvania, the Democrats 1iav tlia
advantage in that their ln,vling candidate,
Judgf) Sharswood, has lolig boon on the bench,
and, being a jurist of undoubted ability as well
as experience, will win some Republican votes
from Mr. Williams, his Republican opponent,
who -is comparatively a new man. True,
Judge Woodward was beaten under like cir
cumstances in'lSO.'S; I ut Governor Ourtin'a
name then bended the Republican ticket;
while Woodward's recent deck-ion (,iu which
we believe Jmlgn Sliatsood cnncuried), nul
lifying the Cousiiiiption act was reason
enough for his defeat. If ever a disloyal
opinion was rend fiom a bench, that was one;
for, if the people of Pennsylvania had not re
versed it, ousting Judge Woodward, the war
for the Union stood paralyzed, and the Rebel
lion must have become a successful revolu
tion. To elect Sharswood now is to uphold
Woodward, who Is runnivg for Congress, and
virtually decide that the Rebellion ought to
have succeeded. There are other local issues
that help the wrong side; so that we have
apprehended its success; but our later advices
are more cheering, and justify hope of a
Republican triumph if a full vote can ba
drawn out. To this end, we entreat every
Pennsylvanian who stands for justice and equal
rights to do his very utmost in the struggle of
next Tuesday.
The Issue tit fore tlte Couutry,
F. om the If. Y. Ih i aid.
Two years have passed since we closed the
war of the Rebellion. The people have waited
.with patience for the country to be restored to
something of its former glory. They have
anxiously watched every political movement
until hope has grown faint under the hands of
the wreckers, Johnson aud Congress. Have
they given us peace, restored confidence in
public enterprise, thrown vigor into our com
mercial development, made us respected
abroad ? Not one of all these; - but, as if to
make the picture still darker, they have given
us the reverse of what the nation has had a
light to expect.
When the first gun against Fort Sumter
threatened the disintegration of our territory,
we as a people sprang to arms, and, high above
all petty and partisan feeling, proclaimed the
preservation ot our nationality to be the gage
ef battle. Four terrible years, and victory
welded the States together. The cause was
won. We emerged from the contest still
vigorous. The mountain of debt we had
assumed the price in treasure paid for terri
torial unity we thought lightly ot- We had
not been fighting for the negro. The negro
was a side issue, and came iu like many other
secondary elements whose fortunes hung on
the results of the war. The men iu power
have, however, in their political madness, com
pletely lost sight of the primary object in '
pursuit of an inferior one. Their minds have j
been unable to grasp the great problem; and
it is in the negro alone that they find national
consolidation, national greatness, national de
velopment, and something which, of a kindred
nature, suits their calibre.
Is the nation to centre all its future hopes
ui on the ability of the black man to govern it ?
Are we expected, in the light of the intelli
gence of this century, to believe that any body
of men. be they the Congress of the United
States or a body of mythological gods, can, by
a simple legislative fiat, lift the negro from
barbarism to the summit of civilization f And
yet this is what the radical party is trying to
make us believe. Not only this, but in the
face of every acknowledged truth, they would
persuade us that we have had the madness to
light for such an idea. A revolution must be
judged by its results. An equation is solved
when we all agree that the result is correct.
Now, if we, as the people of the United States,
peimit the fanatical sections of North or
South to bury the great golden principle of
our battle under the secondary idea of negro
elevation, then we sadly reduce ourselves iu
our own estimation, and admit that this was
the maximum bonum of all our hopes that this
virtually is the solution of the revolutionary
equation. But how many of the people of the
United States are willing to admit that this is
the solution that this all they fought for ?
The people are beginning to think of these
things; and we tell Andrew Johnson and our
Congress that they must not be blind to the
fact that for the people to think in the United
States is for them to act. To act now as they
think is to make a clean sweep of officials,
from the President down to the lowest leech
that sucks at the national life. The country is
disgusted is fairly reeling under the blows
given to it by these political wreckers who
have raised the black Hag against our progress.
The people now cry, "Dow n with them 1" And
down they must go down to the level of the
intelligence of that element which they would
use to prep up their falling foi tunes. Let the
President and Congress leave the work which
their brains cannot comprehend. From first to
last their policy, on both sides, has been ruin.
Not alone the loyal North, but every true
lover ot his country, has looked on from day to
day, for the past two years, only to see the seeds
of new revolution planted and fostered. We
have seen the President reduced so low that
even in a graveyard, with five thousand
dead heroes lying around him, he has de
scended to party splewn in speech and act.
We have Been conduct on tho part of the
radical leaders no less disgusting. The natieu
now, drugged to surfeit with such things,
demands a change. Change must come, for iu
it lies national preservation. We fought four
years against one party that we might preserve
our national unity. We won the baitle. The
party in power now make it f sseutial that by
the ballot we shall again do battle for national
safety. Every act of Congress indicates the
necessity ef this; for within our Congressional
halls are enacted laws that would disgrace the
legislation of the Common Council of New
York. The people aud their generals put down
the Rebellion and then turned the political
elements into the hands of the politicians.
These have gone ou from bad to worse with
their work until there is no longer any hope
for the country, unless the people assume the
power that belongs to them and again come
to the rescue. This must be done. In all
future elections let the strong, clear heads
of the country be placed in responsibility.
Let the demagogues sink to the level from
which they arose to curse us with what
they call legislation. Their last hope now is
a lease of power through n gro supremacy.
Are the people willing to graut this, and
force to the surface a new revolution ? Let
everv man understand that herein lies lust as
much of the future welfare of the United
States as ever hung upon the bayonets of
our armies during the Rebellion. The new
war is to save intelligence from the flood of
ignorance that the radicals have loosened to
the attack. These are the true issues before
the people, and tho ones which must soon be
decided. ,
A ScilouIit View of llcoonitructlou.
from the iV. Y. World.
i So far as the Reconstruction laws are not a
mere wanton exercise of arbitrary power, so
far as they do not depend on the ancient aud
execrable principle that might makes right,
their justification lies in the doutriue of sooeu-
flicn. If tbo secession ordinances wern valid,
ami tbo S nti pretendini; to nei:ed did
thereby becMiiK ii dependent foreign (iovern
lnn.ts, then the contest was not a civil but a
foreign war, htmI the success of our arms gave
us all those rights of conquest which appertain
to a victorious nation by the body of uxages
I nown as international law. If tho secession
i ctriue was sound, and the independence ac
quired in pursuance of it was real, it logically
enough follows that Congress tan prescribe
rules for the government of the foreign terri
loiy which became ours by the right of con
quest, and that the time and manner of the
i enrlinission of .the seceded States to the Union
are tubjeet to Congressional discretion. The
lion, lverson L. Harris, one of the Judges of
the Supreme Court of Georgia, has written a
letter favoring submission to the prescribed
condition?, and making the validity of the or
dinances of secession tho corner-stone of his
argument. We copy enough to exhibit the
line of reasoning:
Now, 1 tnlte it lo bo an undeniable fuot, that
(U orglH, by lhe ordinance of her tJonvenllon lu
1MS1, old dissolve lit r connection with ttie Kede
ml Union, and renounce tho Federal Constitu
tion. This act put Georgia out. of the Federal Union.
I take It to be also an undeniable fact, that
i oiuia, us n State, baa not been restored to her
1- rmer position In the Federal Union.
This being m, she IhsMUoih of the Federal
I tilou. Wliut Interest or property as a State, If
my premises are right, she bus In a CounUui
l on wbtch she solemnly renounced, and which
hr.B not been re extended over her as a Stale In
he Federal Union, nnd as it existed before her
m-ci sslon, I am at a loss to discover, llavim?
.one nsaHtale how can she, In reference lo
polli icnl rigbtB and prlvlleacs, rightfully claim
Ita lx ntlliH and protection ?
Upon this view you will perceive that I
utterly deny that there was n civil war in Its
legitimate sense that we wero rebels, traitors
A "necessary consequence from this position la
that, upon the termination ot hostilities, there
can be no confiscation or amenability to the
municipal laws of the conqueror.
The claim that the Constituilon Is ours, and
that we have never parted with It, contains
within it the fatal admission of our guilt as
traitors.
"The status of Georgia, then, at this time,"
is that of a conquered Btate out of the Federal
Union.
If this is so, it is in the light only of the
laws of nations that our situation cuu be pro
perly considered.
It must, 1 think, be conceded by every Jurist,
Whose reading has extended beyond lilacusione
rnu the Constitution of the United States, that
it is a settled and unquestionable doctrine of
the laws of naiions that the oonqueror, accord
ing to the customs of Christian civilized nations,
muy rule the State conquered at his will, H8 by
moulding its political Institutions to that will,
with no other restrictions on his power than
lh customary usages of such nations.
The Congress of the United States from this
sour e, and this alone, derived their po er lo
pass the Kk construction aots; they do not spring
noiu the exercise of enumerated and delegated
powers to Congress, but from the power outside
of the Constituilon Inherent In the victor.
Viewing those nets, then, iu the light of
itrms imposed ny ir e eonqueror on tho con
quered and I am driven by a stern logic to look
at them lu that light, ami lu no other so regard
ing them, I am called ou to determine wnat
line of conduct, it Is most expedient to pursue.
I Sm compelled, also, to remember at the samo
time that there is no earthly tribunal to whioh
t he conquered can appeal for remedy or redress.
Are we not, then, by an inexorable necessity,
compelled to choose between acquiescing In
i hose act , or resistance? Would not the last
be downrli'ht maduess? The other alternative
is the only thing leit us.
If we could but concede the premises, we
should be obliged to admit that this is soundly
and ably reasoned. But it would be the most
stupendous example of self-stultification in the
history of the world for the Northern people
to admit the premises. True it is, that the
Reconstruction acts can be justified on no
other principle; but the North has expended
ioo mucu blood ana treasure in contesting
uitt uocirme oi secession 10 concede its vali
dity now. If the South had a right to
secede, and by secession became a foreigu
nation, we waged against it a most cruel
and unjustifiable war, and conducted the
war on false pretenses from beginning to
end. In entering upon the war, and dur
ing the whole course of its proseoution, we
maintained that the ordinances of secession
were nullities, of no more force than if they
had never been passed. Our Government
was never weary of declaring, both to our
own people and to foreign nations, that we
were dealing merely with revolted citizens;
and we carried this doctrine to such a length
as to make it a ground of vehement accusa
tion against Great Britain that she conceded to
the South enough of a belligerent character to
assume the position of a neutral. The whole
tenor of the despatches sent from our State
Department, and the whole tone of our publio
press, was in angry inculpation of the foreign
powers for regarding the Confederates in any
other light than that of citizens in insurrec
tion against their lawful Government. We
refused, for a long while, to allow that the
South had even the rights which appertain to
the insurgent party in a civil war; refused for
a loi'g while even to exchange prisoners; and
now, in bra.en contradiction to our wh de
reocrd, we insist on a method of restoration
which involves a full indorsement of the right
of secession, and is utterly indefensible on any
other principle.
Wanted, aa Owner.
From the iv". Y, 7Hbun.
The way in which the Democratic newspa
pers, and the Satanio press generally, are
trying to shuflle oil" the load of Mr. Johnson's
indecency and stupidity, reminds us of the
story in the Arabian Nights which tells us how
the poor tailor and his wife tried to get rid of
the lody of the little Hunchback who was
choked at their table with a lish-bone. Mr.
Johnson, to be sure, was choked with some
thing stronger than any fish-bone, but he is
quite as dead as ever the llunchbaok was,
and in a condition that makes it quite
as desirable to get rid of him. Accord
ingly, ever since his '2,'Jd of February speeoh,
in which he swallowed a very large fish
bone indeed, and was carried off insensible,
the leaders of the Democratic party, who felt
instinctively that he was their peculiar charge,
have been lugging this unfortunate body from
house to house, depositing it with chuckling
laughter on innocent door-steps, giving it a
vigorous punch or two to make it stand up
straight, and fall in handsomely as soon as
the bell was answered, and then running
around the nearest corner as if the devil were
after them. The World, in whose house he
was being entertained at the time he died, set
the body up against the Herald ollioe, but the
editor, coming in from early morning prayers,
immediately took the soent, and sent the thing
by its night porter to the Journal of Commerce,
who was as much shocked to find it there as if
it had been a telegram with news of a Republi
can victory. Without more ado he dragged it,
as quickly as his age aud infirmities would
permit, to the door of the Express, the editors
of which, after a good many snivelling tears,
and a few feeble maundering efforts at em
balming it, quietly thrust it up the chimney,
where, if there were any wit in the party, it
would be suffered to remain forever. But there
are those who foolishly thiuk it will get so
thoroughly cured in the chimney that it may
1 pulled down in time to serve for another
election. We think no better of their brains
than to believe they inay try it, but we think
a good dtal better of the brains of our people
than to think any suooess can atteml the
efforts of a dead party to set up a dead can
didate. . .
OCTOBER 2, 18G7.
r 1 1 : i
i ft t
1 A jGEtT AND
OLD RYE V," H I r, K I f?
I Til I,iM IS NOW rOSSESSI.il BY
1 K JN K Y S. II ANN IS & CO..
No. 21fc and 220 SOUTH F30KT STREET,
HH lllli SAJII, TO THF. TBADB IH LOTS U tl KI lVASTAEl;
TERM.
... V.". . Kjr Wl tilH,IM
iir.nt, ,! mc, ihiui-fh tt various
""""i !) for lots to
Il Vl barf, or t Uouitcrt W
11 IriHi
BOOTS AND SHOES.
fOW READY,
Gentlemen's and Youths'
COOTS AND GAITERS
FOR FALL AM WIMKIt WI..VR.
IBF.yCH PATE NT LEATIIK11 1100 FS.
FINK JP11ENCH CALF BUOT.s fur Balls an I Par
tiis.
eiNGLK-SOLED BOOTS for Fall Wear.
MOOT DOCBLK-SOLEil MOOT or Fall Went.
FllENCU CURK SOLKD I!OUTs, vmy tasy for
tender fret.
QUILTED BOr.ED BOOTH rriule by haud.
GUM SO LED BOO 18, very durable, and guaranteed
to keep the inet dry.
IlaviDii littod the second utoi y of my store for nome
ol my workmen, I am ante to uiuke any sort of Boots
toorrler, at very short notice. Fair dealing and a
moderate price is my motto. A trial Is nil I desire.
VM. H. HELVEC,
HO. 035 AKt'II ftTRKUT,
9 28 sm w3m One door below Sixth.
piRST QUALITY
BGGTS, SK0E3,
AND GAITERS
TOR GfcNTS AND BOiS.
PRICES MODERATE.
DARTLETT,
NO. 83 SOUTH SIXTH STREET,
917Jrp ABOVB CHE9NTJT.
FURNISHING GOODS, SHIRTS.&C.
J. W. SCOTT & CO.,
SIIIRT MANUFACTURERS,
AND DEALERS IN
MEN'S FURNISHINCI OOOD1
NO. 814 CHESNVT STREET.
FOUR DOORS BELOW THUS "COJSTINENTAIi,
6 Z72rp PHTLADKLFHIA.
PATENT SHOULDER -SEAM
SHIRT MANUFACTORY,
AND GENTILES! E'S FURNISIIINO STORK
PKRFKCT FITTING BH1RT8 AND DRAWERS
made trom measurement at very short notice.
All other articles ot GENTLEMEN'S DRESd
GOOLb lu lull variety.
WINCHESTER A CO.,
1 li; No. 706 CHEbNUT feitreet.
OF THE
BEhT FREMM PLATE,
En Every Style of Frames,
ON HAND OR MADE TO ORDER.
NEW ART GALLERY,
F. BOLA UO & CO.,
10 2 lniwfmCp No. (114 AIICH Wtreet.
gROWN'S PATENT
COMBINED CARPET-STRETCHER AND
TAClt-DRIYEH.
With, this machine a lady can alone stretch and
tack di.wn at the same lime her carpets as easily as
to sweep them, avlug back -aches, bruise! Augers,
temper, time, aud money. It will stretch all kinds ot
carpets without the least damage, better, quicker,
and easier than any other Stretcher made, aud driva
from to 20-os. tacks with or without leather heads;
is simple, easily worked, and will last a lifetime.
Agents wanted. Liberal terms given. It Is a nice
machine for ladles to sell. For Machines or Agencies
call on or sdilrees
, - No. a Titmn mrcet,
tVlU ' Pbllu'Jt'lpUia,
V A AN if
II NORTH
l( ' Sixth. st&gjfc J
V
liitfcT STOCK OF
BOKD,eowriiii all tht hroriu b..'
inontb of I80,'60, and ofthU r tl
arrlT at Pnsylirania Railroad latdu
archoe, partlei may elect. '
FURNITURE, ETC.
Avis
IMPORTANT!
BEAUX MF.URLE.H,
pour Ba'ons et Cliarubrrs a Couclier,
Arranges pour Enposlilon dans AppartementHaarnis
et Couverta de Tapis
C1EOROE J. HCHHKM, IVACY A CO.,
EBENISTK8,
CHEHNtlT STREET, au Coin de lime.
SPECIAL
CARD.
FINE FURNITURE ON EXHIBITION m
SUITES OF ROOMS. CARPETED AND FUR.
NIB LIED AS CHAMBERS AND PARLORS.
UEORGE J. HEXKELS, LACY A CO.,
CABINET MAKERS,
THIRTEENTH AND CHE3NUT, Philadelphia.
)IE FEIN&TEN AlEUIiEL ARAN-
OIERT IN DER GANZEN STAGE FERTI9 ZUR
AN81CHT, TEl'PlCH UNO QARTIENEN EIN
BEGRIFFEN. OEOB4JE J. IIEHKEU,
MEUBEL FABRICS ANT,
THIRTEENTH AND CHESNUT Philadelphia.
A v is o.
FIN O
KN
EXHIBICION.
in Bene de Cuartos,
COLOCADO
COMO
Balas de reclblmlento
CUA KTOS DK CAMARA.
9 26 tin
FURNITURE! FURNITURE
MOUEBS ANTIQUE!
PARLOR, HALL AND CHAMRER SUITS,
AT REDUCED PRICES.
Our facilities are such that we are enabled to offer,
at very moderate prices, a large and well assorted
stock of every description ot HOUSEHOLD FURNI
TURE AND BEDDING.
Goods packed to carry Bafely to all parts ot the
country.
RICHMOND A FOREPAUU,
NO. 40 N. SECOND STREET.
9 21 tf
FURNITURE.
JOHN A. BAITER & SON
Have now on hand a large assortment of
ELEtJANT AND W ELL. MADE
FURNITURE,
Which they will sell at greatly reduced prices.
NO. 255 SOUTH NLCOND STREET,
9 83mws67i8t Above Bpruroe.
fam & M. LEJAMBRE
HAVE MOVED THEIB
FURNITURE JUD UFHCLSTER1NG WfiREfiOCillS
TO NO. llCa CHFSNUT STREET,
(UP BTAIRS.)
7 3m
JO HOUSEKEEPERS. .
I have a large stock or every variety of
JKUltNlTUltlV' f
Which I will toil at reduced piicee, consisting of
PLAIN AND M Allbf.E lOPCOTiAUE BUiiS.
WALMi'C: AAlKJiJt BU1T8.
PARI OR bUI IS JN VELVET PLUSH.
PARLOR BVl JO IN HAIR CLOTH.
PARLOR bVi l'H IN REPS. ' ;
Sideboards, Lxteimlou 'ladles, Wardrobes, Book- .
cases, Muuiesata, Lounges, etc. etc
P. P. CIUSTINE,
8 lj N. E. corner SECOND ami RAPE BtreeM.
ESTABLISHED" 1795. ,
A. 6. nOCiNSON,
French Flat Looking-Qlassea,
INORAVINGfe, PAINTINH, DRAWINGS, ETC
Hanuiacturer of sill Mnda of
LOOHIN-I.AbS, PORTRAIT, AMD PIC.
Illfit t HA 31 US TO ORlER,
No. lO CHEBNUT STREET.
TH.JKK SOOH AHOVE THE CONTINENTAL, 1
PHII.AOKl.PHIA. 815JH .
MILLINERY, TRIMMINGS, ETC.
MBS. W. A. BINDER,
No. lost CH ESN UT STREET,
WILL OPEN THIS DAY,
- Trimmed Faixr pHiterus, ol entirely new.dealgB,
for Ladies' and Midreu'.-t LreRet; also.
Importer of iKdien' Lret and Cloak TrlruralnKS. la
every VHr;ety aud style ol fringes, new Ballu Trim
mings TttKii'ls, ulinps. Braids, Rilibons, Velvet, Gui
pure and (Jinny Luces. Crape Trimmings, French
Corsets, and Fancy Jet Collars aud Bella. Dress aud
Cl k Making in all lis department.
Wedding sDd Travelling Oullita mart") to order In
the niont elegant manner, and at such rateti us cannot
fall to pleaSH,
fruiia of lloni nliig at shortest notice: sets of Pat
terns lor MerebaiilH and DreB.miukers now ready.
Patterns sent oy mail or express to all parts of the
Union. 9 aim
MRS. R. DILLON.
NOS. B88 AND B21 KOtTll STREET '
t
Husall the novelties In FALL MILLINERY, ior
Ladles, Mlfses, and Children.
Also, Crapes, WJfce, Ribbons, Velv&ta, Flower,,
Feathero, Franits, etc. illllinera supplied. 8liJ ,
It A L T I M ORE
IJU'ROVKD BABE BURNINU
I IlllL'-PLACK HE ATEB,
wri'ir
ftaaz!ue aud IlJnuilttat!
The Diost Cheerful and Perect lixntT la Vv. T
be had Wholetitile und iteis.II el J. ' .fj