SPIRIT OF THE PRESS. fcDWOBtAI. 0FIM10K8 OF THS LBADIWO JOCESAM CK OTBBIM TOPICS COMPII.KD EVKRT DAT JOB TBI KVFMNO TBLBOBAFH. "Ana Aft.rl" t the South. From the N. Y. Xation. In spite of the hostility of Mr. Johnson and Unsolemn warnings of the Terry school of politicians, the work of registration- in the Bontherfl Btatea is nearly completed, and un ions a revolution or a suction of earth uakes or a terrible pestilence should ocour within the next two months, the election of delegates to the Constitutional Conventions Will take place, and the Conventions will be lield before the end of the year. If held, the admission of the States to the Union before the close of the next Bession of Congress la almost certain. In some districts, perhaps two or three, the negro voters will be in a majority. It is not improbable that several negroes will sit in the conventions, and it is not impossible that some may be Bent to Con gress nnder the new constitutions. Under the new constitutions the great majority of male adults of all colors will vote at elections. Many whites will be excluded for participa tion in the Rebellion, but most of them have sons who have reached manhood since the Rebellion, and who cannot be disfranchised, and who will certainly represent their fathers' sentiments at the polls. In other respeots the South will be very much such as the war left It s Ur -Tnlmsnn'a "nnliftv" would have Ab V .. v g j .. made it. Acts oi congress cannot, cuuuge vuo nature of man or the face of the country or the climate. The forces by which human so ciety is held together and impelled on its course the fear of God, the love of money, love of home and of family and of country, pride, ambition, and patriotism will remain just as active as ever. The sun will shine and the rain fall, and the rivers will flow and the cotton and tobacco will grow, just as they did before the war. The negroes will continue to hoe corn and pick cotton and groom horses and cut wood after they get votes, for preoisely the same motives which drove them to thesd acts before they got votes the desire of gain or fear ot starvation. It was feared before emancipation that if they were emancipated they would pass the entire day lying on their backs in the sun. That this fear was groundless a little reflection would have shown, inasmuch as no provision Is made in this climate either by nature or legislation for the support of persons passing their time in that way, and the pangs of hun ger are fully as unendurable forauy length of time by a man in a recumbent posture as by a man moving about on his feet. But it has now been proved to be groundless by actual experi ment, just as the fear that vast crowds of negroes would take up their abode in Wash ington, regardless of the difficulty of support ing themselves, for the mere pleasure of voting ' annually for the mayor, has been proved to be groundless. The tegro has not devoted him self to lying on the grund. lie works for his . livelihood on the same economical principles as the members of the great Anglo-Saxon race that is, be gives as little labor as possible for the largest attainable amount of money, ' and is found to be, as men go, faithful and in dustrious. To be sure, he chooses his occu- . pation, and his women refuse to work out of doors whenever they can find the means of sup port indoors; but these inconveniences are in separable from all free society. They are - found nnder every system of government, and r would be found under this Government even I me J uA J . 1 J 1 n.n Xl negroes never vmeu. du 11 nuum im diujt ; to complain of them; but nobody at the South, If we are rightly informed, does complain of them. If Knnt1ialYiala vara in tTia Vinlilf rtf raoann. - ing much, the mistake they oonfess they have lil. . J il l 1 1 1 negro would make of his freedom would teach them caution in drawing their conclusions as to' the use he will make of the ballot. A priori, It la easy to show that he will abuse it; but a priori, it was easy to show that he would lie on his back in the sun sooner than work. From the total break-down of this process with regard to his industrial energy, is it not fair to infer that it is unsafe to trust it with regard to his political sagacity f We will grant all that is said as to the mortifica tion it will be to many Southern gentlemen to . Bee negroes sharing in the government cf the ' State; it will be mortifyinar, no doubt, but then that a olass can hardly expect its pride to b Shielded against all shock in a great social and , political revolution; and the mortification con ceded, what else is it that Southern conserva lives fear f They cannot fear amalgamation a3 a conse quence of negro suifrage, for two reasons sup plied by themselves, one of which wo think sufficient; but We observe that Demooratio politicians do not seem to rely on it alone. The first Is, that God has forbidden the mingling of the races; and the second is, that any natural repugnance to intermarriage, on the part of the white race, which exists now, will not be removed by the negro's possession of the suffrage. When every man votes, a vote does no more to render a man attractive from a matrimonial point of view than his wearing a pair of pantaloons. It would be contrary to all our experience of human nature if the instincts which lead to marriage were materially affected by the distribution of political power. A negro emperor might prove attractive to a white woman of distinction, but it would be because he could offer her power. A colored man in possession of the two millionth part of . the national sovereignty . juok as miracwve us & coiorea m without any' share in it no more 88,' Dr- DrPer, in a passage of more asserted tt tiiAH i 1 &s t work, has -7 . . -r-" ""u VUB WLIttt and lilnnlr rsaal tne races mingle, one IS adulterator oa ""..r'v" -truing to all the l)mn. -v iU uiuuu crauo jmyuiuiogurtB we have lir T nity of consulting, the prSdS SuWV teration-that is, the mulatto iand,w Ul' Unationa of white and bliSTffiCS v.no vital force, and are sure to die off. This bein the case, they are sure not to torLVmml cent element in society, and when they disao pear they leave the black and white racew pure as ever. ... Which: of them isjikely to gain the a'cen- aanoyin tne new oouiuern society f uHre again, boumern politicians supply Ua with the key to the future. The whites, of course: first, because they are the race possessed of most energy, of most education, of most transmitted moral and mental power. If the blacks gain and keep the asoendanoy, it will, show thai the blacks are the superior race, and, therefore, on the Southern theory of the proper constitution of political aooiety, they will be entitled to the ascendancy, beconaiy, because they do not multiply as fast as the THE PAHA EVENING TELECTArH PHILADELPHIA, SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 28, 1867. whites, or, at least, no faster, while the whitnS are incessantly recrnited by immigration. To the blacks no reinforcements come from without, so that If they even ware a matoh for the whites lu the political art, they would have, in a very few years, to succumb to mere numbers. All the whites have to do is to faci litate immigration from the North and from Europe. Other things beiug equal, people would far sooner settle in Virginia or North Carolina than in Minnesota or Iowa. They would be in a more genial climate, nearer the markets and the seaboard, and within easier reach of the great centres of civilization. . Why, then, does not white immigration flow into 4he South ? Why is there the least danger that the negroes will be able to out vote their white neighbors in any district for more than a single year? If Southern men would only answer this question candidly, the v would have solved the problem which at this moment most troubles them. Strangers do not want to settle in Virginia, not because they are afraid of the blacks, for they avoided it before anybody ever dreamed of seeing emancipation in our day, but because they are afraid of the whites; because they iear they could not get justice from white juries and white judges; because they are afraid of mo lestation from their white neighbors; because they do not like duelling and street fights; be cause they like to be able to take what publi cations they please aud live as they please. Every now and then there reaches us from the South a solemn protest that life and property there are as secure as they are anywhere, and that a man has only to be discreet in his conversation in public places to enioy as much peace as in Massachusetts. But here lies the kernel of the whole difficulty. t Men do not like to, be discreet in their con- I versation in public places. The liberty of j being indiscreet is the charm of Northern souieiy. It forms one of the great attractions of the Northern btates to people from all parts of the world. Teople crowd here from Ger many and Ireland in immense numbers, mainly, no ddubt, in search of cheap land and high wages and freedom from proscription, but also in search of a place in which they can read and talk any nonsense they please; in which they can say "dreadful things," and make "incendiary speeches," revile dignities and titles, preach "dangerous doctrines," try odious social experiments, without auy man's making them afraid. It is a pity, no'doubt, that human nature should be animated by so insensate a deMre, that it should not love the ancient ways and ancient codes; but we have to deal with it as it is. and not as it ought to be. Whenever the time comes in which a man may maintain against all comers on a Virginia crossroads the thesis that a negro is better than a white man, that the Rebellion was set on foot by Antichrist, or that no ball is complete unless half the guests are colored, without exciting either horror or Indignation, the bugbear of negro ascendancy will be for ever gone, because the whites from all parts of the world will pour into the State. Two-thirds, at least, of the Southern troubles just now are due to the people's lack of humor. If Governor l'erry had ever so little of it he could not have written his recent letters; and if the mass of the people had it, most cf the peculiarities which render them such disagreeable neighbors 1o strangers settling amongst them would at once disappear. There is, for instance, a horrible want of wer- ception of the ridiculous revealed by the "de spair" into which large numbers of very sensible Southeners now confess they have fallen, inasmuch as it is tantamount to an ac knowledgment that they are sure to be beaten in the political arena by a race whose powers they hold in utter contempt, and which they far surpass in numbers to whom they deny all capacity for organization or sustained effort or power of calculation. Side Issues. From the N. Y. Tribune. The main question which now divides the American people concerns primarily the future political status of that portion of our country men who have just been redeemed from chattel slavery. Shall our four millions of Americans, who are wholly or partially of African lineage, be regarded and treated by our constitutions as men or as brutes 1 Shall we count them among the "all men" whom our Declaration of Independence has proclaimed "created tqual V or shall they be dealt with as an in ferior race or caste, with no rights which others need respect, born to obey laws whioh they have had and shall have no voice in making or modifying ? This question must inevitably dominate until it shall have in some way been settled. Eut our people are also divided and at va riance on many other questions, aud conspicu ously on that of Free Trade vs. Protection, and that of License vs. Prohibition for the traffio in intoxicating beverages. Men who think alike with regard to one of these issues disagree pointedly as to another; and it is utterly useless to try to ooerce them into uni loimity. Notoriously, most of the protectioi ists and ef the prohibitionists are also Repub licans, while most of the Democrats are free traders and for license; but you may find Democrats who are protectionists and prohibi tionists, and Republicans who are- neither, with individuals of either party who favor protection but not prohibition, while others support prohibition and oppose protection. YV iiat is jusi, uur, nun prauiicauie iu iuo premises is siuiply this leave every one free to act in accordance with his own convictions. Let each Republican aud each Democrat be a protectionist or free trader, for license or for Prohibition, as his own judgment shall dictate. 1 bus we have supported Republican candi dates whom we kutw to cherish convictions antagonistic to ours touching the tariff and liquor questions, and shall do so hereafter; claiming from Republicans no couformity to out views ou these siue issues, ana only asK- ing that they allow us the libeity we freely concede them. This does not satisfy the free traders nor the liquor men. They insist that the Kepublican party shall adopt and be guided by their pecu liar tenets, though this should compel three- fourths of its members to stifle their own con victions.. They cannot be gratified. At the Republican State Convention of lb&D, when the Republican party presented its first distinctive State ticket, a Strenuous effort was made to insert a prohibition plank in tha party platform. We opposed it as strenu ously, and were denounced therefor as subor dinating temperance to politius. The party was threatened with the defeat which it soou afterwards eucounteied if it did not make pro hibition a Republican principle still, the Convention stood firm. It left every Repub lican free to be or tot to be a prohibitionist, and to act upon bis own conviction.- And in tins it did exactly right. , '.i J tlje.r'arty is menaced and assailed from Z'" not content with being allowed to S ,1 i , , 1UU MW8 n this queb Ion, if pot we shall turn against anl UPbut the Repub ican mrt. . ? .7 - j -- . . u . vinuiUIU1, ttttA vr.f ..i A! 1 to do in Maine. 1 hey tried it and failed in onr State last year Yet one of them crowded' a resolv embodying his own viewa through the late Republican State Convention at Syra cuse, in the confusion of its dying moments. Such a resolve is not worth the paper on which it was written. It will bind nobody, eatisly nobody. When the German citizens of California see fit to vote solidly the Demo cratic ticket because of their love of liquor, we need not try to secure tblr votes. The better portion of them will vote with us any how, and the worst against us, no matter by what efforts dnd professions we may seek to conci liate the latter. Their instincts and daily as sociations will override our protestations and professions. We have in this State a very liberal lioense law. The liquor men bnght to be satisfied with and help uphold it. They may lawfully keep their bars open more hours than are deemed sufficient by the followers o' almost any other calling. It is a more thrifty as well as far more decent business to sell liquor In this city to day than it would be if suoh sale were as free as that of bread. Rut this does not satisfy the liquor men, and nothing we can do will satisfy them. It is unwise, therefore, to try. letter keep straight on in our proper path, and let men come and go as they will. Maine has a stringent act of prohibition; so the liquor men vote the Democratic ticket California lias nothing of the kind; yet her liquor men rally to. the Democratic standard. Thus we lose some votes ia the dull off-years; but a Presidential contest brings every one to his bearings. Let us each' firmly assert bis right to act on every side issne precisely as his own judgment shall dictate,' conceding a like liberty to others; then, if any choose to leave us, we may confidently await their re turn, graver and wiser than when they left us. Parties and tit Debt. From the JV. Y. Times. The national credit is a subject of too mo mentous importance to be made subservient to mere partisan necessities. The country ia more concerned in the knowledge that no party, as such, contemplates an attack upon the financial obligations of the Government, than in the attempt of one set of politicians to fasten upon another set the odium of bod faith. Mr. Pendleton is balanced by General Butler. We think we discover in the Anti- Slavery Standard a readiness to sanction the result at whick the Chicago Times aims. But no party organization no regular party gathering of any sort has pronounced in favor of measures calculated to impair the sanctity of national promises to pay. The Democracy even of Ohio have in no manner made them selves responbible for Mr. Pendleton's plan of repudiation by inflation, and no journal has been more decided in its condemnation than our contemporary, the World. On the other band, the entire Republican press has taken ground against the proposal of General Butler to pay oil' the bonds with paper instead of gold. Of his argumeut, that the promise of the Government is to pay with greenbacks, not gold, we have seen but a solitary sup porter, and be a writer in the oracle of Mr. Wesdell Phillips. The entire Republican party, rad cal and moderate, holds the view to whicu tne Syracuse convention nas given em phatic utterance "That uuder no circum stance shall the CTedit of the nation or State be injured by the wrongful tampering with public obligations, and that the name of the republic shall never be dishonored by the slightest de viation from the path of financial integrity." The fact is clear, then, that no party, nor any considerable section of a party iu the country, directly or indirectly favors the policy of repudiation. Among both Republi cans and Democrats there are many who deem impolitio the exemption of Federal bonds from taxation, and iu any scheme of consolidation we presume that provision will be made for removing the anomaly in this respect that now exists. On neither Bide, howeyer, is there any other feeling than. that which should inspire unbounded confidence In the good faith of the Republic towards ita creditors. The foreign holders of our bonds may rest assured that the few repudiatora for whom Mr. Pendleton and General Butler speak are themselves repudiated by the American people. Cobbett's demand for an "equitable adjustment" of England's debts had more sup port among Englishmen than similar demands are likely to Lave among Americans. Politics have no place in the question this side of the Atlantic. Pel Laps, indeed, the question would not have been beard of controversially, but for the inconsiderate policy which calls for op pressive taxation as a means of paying off the debt with the greatest possible baste. Messrs. Pendleton and Butler alike find their excuse iu the blunder whick regards the rapid reduc tion of our bonded liabilities as a cardinal merit in Treasury management. To remove the question altogether from the arena of de bate, all that is necessary is to allow the re demption of the debt to await its maturity. The privilege of redeeming certain of the bonds at the end of five years entails no obi gation to do po; that will not come until the expiration of twenty years; and in the interval the ability of the country to discharge this class of liabili ties will increase in a ratio that should relieve us from present anxiety. Ex-Governor Mor ton's argument on this point best covers the difficulty. Let us go on meeting every obliga tion as it arises with the most perteot faith, but anticipating nothing, whether in the shape of trouble or debt. The real object to be attained is the simplification aud reduction of taxes which inow oppress industry .and trade. If this be attended to promptly and well, we may safely dismiss all care as to the ability of the country to sustain its debt, aud to discbarge it honorably whenever it be comes due. Senator Conkllmg's ti'miry SkctvU i f th Ilcpubllcau Pnrty. VromtheN. Y. llciuld. Senator . Conkling, as President and poet laureate of the late Syracuse Convention, pre sented to it abighly colored fancy sketch of the wonderful achievements of the immaculate Republican party. He says: "It oanie into existence instinct with progress, humanity, and liberty;" that "it was a party of ideas, not of privilege for a.fnw, but of human rights for all;" that when it came into power iu 1SG1 almost extinct, the Treasury was bankrupt, the army was surrendered, the navv was scattered in distant seas, the Union - . . at 1 1 . a . 4n la was in lorm aissoiveu, wmmio d mo Cabinet and in Congress, a traitor presided in the Senate, a dupe of traitors held the Presi dential chair, dissatisfaction was everywhere, and half a continent was in revolt. Such a predicament had never been known in the txpeiience of nations. Was restoration pos sible T The klDgs and the Cabinets of Christen dom said no. Our political opponents said no. The foes cf liberty and Its' timid friends said no. The Republican paity B&ld yes, and moved calmly forward." ' ' Now, while the condition of the country in 18C1 is here fairly stated, the glory which Mr. Conkling awards the Republican party, in in trampling down impossibilities, in recreating the Government, in conducting the greatest war oi me century, and in liberating four mil lions of slaves, and so forth. hlnmr t loyal masses of the people of the loyal States. In 1861 there was hardly a show of opposition in the North to Mr. Lincoln's ad ministration; the rank and file of tha Dm. emtio party, with the RetmhlWna merged into the great Union war party. Our leading union generals, regulars and volun teers, were drawn from the old Demooratio. nariy; and Tammany Hall was as active as any UdIoh league club in mustering regiments of volunteers for the war. From the terrible dis asters of the Union armies in 1802. the Demo cratic rarty, In New York, for example, took 1,1.1 1 I, ' im.iu gruunu icr - a more vigorous prosecution of the war," and the result was the election of Horatio Seymour as Governor by ten thousand majority. Pennsylvania also turned right almut lare, end had the Democracy held fast to lhat war platform they would doubtless have lieen charged with the duties of carrying through the war and the work of restoration. Down to the fall elections of 1862, at all events, the Republican party, charged with the con duct of the war, had failed, in the judgment of the people, to give a satisfactory report of profit and loss. But from that point the "peace at any pi ice" follies and blunders of the Demooratio Copperhead leaders, and Abraham Lincoln's emancipation proclamation, and the victories of Grant, and the great triumph at Gettys burg, brought over the loyal masses of the Noilh into an active support of the Republican party against the Demooratio Copperhead ory that the war for the Union was a failure, and that we must have peace at any price. So it was that Mhe loyal masses of the Worth, with lavish offerings of men, money, means, and facilities of all kinds never before known in the history of any people, carried through the Administration, Congress, and the Repub lican party, to the subjugation of the Rebel btates and the abolition of slavery. And yet, under Republican management, the war was the most extravagant in its expenditures and the most wasteful in men, money, and mate rials of any war since the Florida war of Van Buren, in which forty millions of money were squandered in reducing less than a thousand Seminole warriors. The truth is that as the vital elements of the Republican party were drawn from the old Democratic party, so have the spoils and plunder proclivities of the one been transferred from the other. Unt what says Mr. Conkling f He paints the Republican party as an angel of light embarrassed in its path to the millen nium, chiefly by Andrew Johnson, an angel of darkness. All our present troubles are by Mr. Conkling strapped upon the back of this' convenient scapegoat, Andrew Johnson. There is, however, another side to this picture. The Republican party has been faithless to its pledges and to the will of the people. It pre sented to the people last year as its platform of reconstruction the pending Constitutional amendment, leaving it to the respective States to choose between suffrage and representation on the one hand, and a restricted suffrage. with a corresponding loss of representation, on the other. That platform, by overwhelming maionties, was approved from Maine to Call fornia. Why was it, thus endorsed by the people, abandoned by Congress r .because the party in power thought it had secured the power to do anything, and because it thought mat witn tne establishment oi negro sa premacy in the South, in addition to an over shadowing moneyed oligarchy in the North. its reign of power would be indefinitely extended. Upon these great and momentous Issues the people in these coming Northern elections will have to decide.. Mr. Conkling brings forward Andrew Johnson as his stalking horse; but these are the dangers which are behind him, negro supremacy in the South, in the place of the old slaveholding'oligarohy, and a despotic moneyed monopoly in the North, com pared with which the old United States Bank and Andrew Jackson and Van Buren's pet banks were mere bagatelles as agents of cor ruption, inflation, and revulsion. Mr. Conk ling's fancy sketch of the Republican party will not do. They will have to meet this test of their own delinquencies before the people, and hence Andrew Johnson aa a scapegoat will no longer avail them. Millcox & Gibbs' Gold Medal Family Sewing Machines. Obvious reasons why Willoox A Glbbs' Family Sewing Machines are becoming so uni versally popular. First. They aro the "Perfection of Mecha nism," and are so regarded by eminent engi neers, machinists, and soientltlo men every where, because of their superior finish and elegance of construction. 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The most exalted representation Is never ex aggerated, . Salesrooms, No. 730 Chesuut Street. Willcox & Gibbs' Gold Medal Family Sewing Machines. Agents for the sale of Willcox & Glbbs' cele brated single-thread Sewing Machines are emi nently successful. Twelftbly. Bi cause every machine sold serves as a "telling advertisement." No dissallsfuollon is ever expressed, but hearty recommendations. Salesf ooms No. 730 Chcsnut Street. ( MILLINERY, TRIMMINGS, ETC. M E S. M. A. B I N D E B , Wo. loal CHKbNTJT STREET, Trimmed Paper Patterns, ol eutirely new designs, for Ladies' ami Children's breete: alno, Iu-ljoriur ol badiea' Dreas aud Cloak Trimmings. In every var ety and style ol .Fringes, new ballu TrLuv Qi inge. TaMtel, Ulnina, liruUU, ltitjbous, Velvet, tlul jiure and I'luny Laces. (Jrauo Trimming, French Cornels, and Fancy Jel Collars and Bella, Ureas and t'liak Making in all Its departments. Wedding and Travelling Outfit, made to order In ttie most elegant maimer, aud at such rales as uuaol li 11 to pleasH. -uits of Mourning at shoilest notice; sets of Pat terns lor UncliBulJ) aud Dretuiuiakers now ready. k utierns sent by mall or express to all parts or me Pnlon. saini T? MRS. R. DILLON, TP KOH. 823 AND 891 SOOTH STKEET ns all the noveltlee In FALL MILLJNEJIY, for Ladles, M insee, aud Children. . I AlbO, Crapes. Hllks, JtlbDons, Velvete, flowers, Feather, Franiee.eta Milliners supplied. 1 16 POURNINC MILLINERY. W . , j. . I l I I i HWiySON BANDaLABGlC ASHOKTMENTOJ MOU11MNG UONN liJTS, ' it no walnut tbi:et. S film. (wiAO'lLE KECCH. WJiisleiest AND BEST RYE 7 STOCK OF ... HI OK I EG NOW POSSESSED BY ANN IS & CO.. 220 COUTH FRONT STREET, LOTH OS VERT ADT1HT1HBOVI LOOKING- CLA88E0 OF TBI BEST FRENCH PLATE, In Every Style 'of Frames, ON HAND OR MADE TO ORDER. NEW ART GALLERY, -F. B O LA W D & CO., 8 2 lm2p IS'o. C14 AKCH Street. STEAM ENGINE PACKING. The modern and extremely popular packing, called IUUF.It'8 I1!BHICATIVE, ' , . SOAP-stosie rCHIxo, .--, - , h.?. .. 7 bee,u "'OP'1 by over 20.000 Locomotive . and Ijitatlenary Engines, and is beyond question the eueiest applied. Hie most durable, tbe cheapest, and wears the machinery the least of any steamenglne pack ng yet Introduced. It is not liable to burn or cut, does not require oil, and ttiere Is no waste In tha use, as It is made ol all sizes to suit tbe boxes, rrom to 2 Inches In diunieler. All persons Interested In the use ol the steam engine are partlculurly requested to give this packing a trial. A Uberul discount will be made to dealers. 1 ' '1W. C.SIDLER, NO. 639 AK II KTKEET, F1IILA. c Sole Agent for Pennsylvania and Delaware. tee certificate below. ,. Oitjice oriHi Hitkbintjcndbntof Motive Powkr akd Uacjiin jetty, Kkik Railway, J- Ksw York, isept. 2, ises J MY Deab Sik: In reply 10 your Inquiries In rela tion to the comparullve economy of Jieinp Packlnir as compared with- Lubricating Packing, I will Bav that Hemp Packing, at an averag. cost of.33 cents per pound, costs us it 3 10 mills per mile run, while the Lubricating Packing eots, at au average cost of HI 2 8 cents per pound. l-lo mill per mile run We repose to use it exclusively for all Steam btuOine oxes. Very truly youm. " U. (i. BKOOKS. Bupt. M. P. A M. P. fi. The popular ' ' ' 1IYIHAULIC PACKING, Adapted to cold-water pumps, and madeBlmllar to the Lubrlcatlve Packing, but ol different material will be furnished promptly any t.l,n from 'i to s MeiuU? 2Wtpblf '0UDd BUPerlor article lor pumps. C A 8 L, I G H T FOR TIIK. COUNTRY. FEBBIS A CO.'S AUTOMATIC MACHINES HAS FOB PRIVATE RESIPKNCJUS, MILLS, HOTELS, . .. . , CHTJBCHBS. Km, , , . , - FURNISHING FROM ONES TO BIX HUNDRED LIGHTS, AA MAY BB REQUIRED, This machine Is guaranteed; does not get oat ot order, and the time to manage It Is about Are minutee a week.. . , The simplicity of this apparatus, Ita entire freedom from danger, the cheapness and quality of the light over all othere.have tamed tor it the favorable opinion ot those acquainted with Iu merits. The names of those haying used them for the last three yean will be given by calling at oar OFFICE, t MO. 108 SOUTH roUKTII STBEET, ' Where the machines can be seen la operation. Movisin a CO,, Uox 491 p. o. Bend for a Pamphlet. ' ' ' ' ' BtnthsKm R ALT M pR E ; , IMPROVED BASE BURNING X IlvE-PL AOE , JIElTjEUt - '! ' r - WITH , HenaslBe aud IlluntlBatlusT - ' - Uaarm. rJSS! 1 f;hfT Perfect Heater In TTse. To be had Wholesale and Ketall ot j7(S. 1L1HH, 'm2p .No. urns MARK KT Street, Pull. PAPER HANGINGS;-ETC . PAPER' H ANG INCS. . Y . . ;. HEW KMTAUMSillMEBIT. .. V; (OBNI U OF TEHT1I Al WAV MITT. : J. Ca?INN A SONS lave opened v lHj.au extensive assortment of IKOO RATI VE and PLAIN WALL I'A PKlfj every quality to suit all tutt.